An Anthropology of Decolonization in Western Sahara
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City University of New York (CUNY) CUNY Academic Works All Dissertations, Theses, and Capstone Projects Dissertations, Theses, and Capstone Projects 9-2018 Disorderly Histories: An Anthropology of Decolonization in Western Sahara Mark Drury The Graduate Center, City University of New York How does access to this work benefit ou?y Let us know! More information about this work at: https://academicworks.cuny.edu/gc_etds/2792 Discover additional works at: https://academicworks.cuny.edu This work is made publicly available by the City University of New York (CUNY). Contact: [email protected] DISORDERLY HISTORIES: AN ANTHROPOLOGY OF DECOLONIZATION IN WESTERN SAHARA by MARK DRURY A dissertation submitted to the Graduate Faculty in Anthropology in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy, The City University of New York 2018 © 2018 MARK DRURY All Rights Reserved ii Disorderly Histories: An Anthropology of Decolonization in Western Sahara by Mark Drury This manuscript has been read and accepted for the Graduate Faculty in Anthropology in satisfaction of the dissertation requirement for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy. ______________________ __________________________________________ Date Gary Wilder Chair of Examining Committee ______________________ __________________________________________ Date Jeff Maskovsky Executive Officer Supervisory Committee: Mandana Limbert Jonathan Shannon Susan Buck-Morss THE CITY UNIVERSITY OF NEW YORK iii ABSTRACT Disorderly Histories: An Anthropology of Decolonization in Western Sahara by Mark Drury Advisor: Gary Wilder This dissertation situates the disputed geopolitical territory of Western Sahara in a broader, regional history of decolonization. Eschewing the conceptual framework of methodological nationalism, and pushing beyond the period of Moroccan-Sahrawi political conflict, it examines how decolonization has generated multiple, unresolved political projects in this region of the Sahara, dating back to the 1950s. These formations, encompassing southern Morocco, Moroccan-occupied Western Sahara, Sahrawi refugee camps in Algeria, and northern Mauritania, include a zone of militarized occupation, a movement for nation-state sovereignty based in refugee camps, and the borderlands in between. By considering the overlapping processes that emerge through these unresolved political projects, this study considers how the “disorderly histories” of decolonization have produced multiple forms of political space, time and subjectivity in the Sahara, from the late 1950s, through the 1970s, and to today. The ongoing effects of these projects in the Sahara bring several tensions underlying post-World War II political formations – between borders and belonging, dependence and autonomy, sovereignty and international law – into particularly sharp relief. iv A Note Regarding Transliteration In a context where different spellings of the same place name (“Laâyoune/El Aaiún”) reflect overlapping and competing political projects, trying to adhere to a single standard of transliteration may be, to a certain extent, futile. However, for ease of reading, this text follows a modified version of IJMES transliteration standards for formal Arabic terms, with minimal diacritical markings. Only those diacritical marks indicating the hamza (’) and the ‘ayn (‘) are used here. There are two, significant sets of exceptions to this standard. First, spelling of proper nouns foregoes even these minimal diacritical marks when they are not commonly included in conventional spelling (e.g.: Bucraa). The second exception involves terms from Hassaniya Arabic, or Moroccan Colloquial Arabic (darija). Because Hassaniya Arabic and darija differ from formal Arabic in certain, significant ways, transliteration of terms from these colloquial forms of Arabic reflects norms of pronunciation (e.g.: melga l-’ahkama), rather than IJMES standards. Regardless of formal or colloquial use, all Arabic words have been italicized save for those that have entered the English language, such as intifada, or shaykh, and proper nouns. All translations, unless otherwise noted, are my own. v Acknowledgments My gratitude toward those who made this dissertation project possible extends in many directions. One of these trajectories began in the fall of 2001 when, thanks to a study abroad program then run jointly between Vassar College Africana Studies Program and Mohammed V University in Rabat, I spent a semester in Morocco. For several months, I immersed myself in daily life in Rabat, in learning Arabic, and in making sense of the tectonic shifts of American empire in a post-September 11th world. It was during this time that I met two extraordinary people whose generosity of spirit and intellect shaped everything from my ongoing curiosity about northwest Africa, to my pronunciation of the Arabic letter ‘ayn. Dr. Mohamed Ezroura, then Dean of the Faculty of Letters at Mohammed V, organized our studies with memorable energy and unmistakable care, becoming a mentor whose counsel and hospitality I have gratefully sought during subsequent trips to Morocco. Meanwhile, Hannan, whose name I have changed to protect her privacy, welcomed me into her household during my stay in Rabat in a manner that left me in awe of her authority, and with an enduring affinity for her and her family, who are always in my mind. Given the opportunity to return to Morocco in 2006-07, I took a course on Moroccan Foreign Policy at Al-Akhawayn University in Ifrane, Morocco, with Professor James Sater, which introduced me to Western Sahara as an object of study that moved beyond the propaganda that prevails in the Moroccan public sphere. It was not until beginning doctoral studies at The Graduate Center, CUNY, however, that I began to consider designing a research project around Western Sahara. For this, I have to thank Professor Gary Wilder, whose work on Aimé Césaire, Leopold Senghor and the Négritude movement exemplifies what a rigorous commitment to interdisciplinary thinking and social theory can produce. I consider myself remarkably fortunate vi to have learned from someone who pushed me to think capaciously and critically, while at the same time devoting tremendous intellectual labor to help me clarify many of the concepts that comprise this dissertation. If I ever supervise doctoral students, I hope to emulate that same level of commitment and support. I am similarly indebted to my committee members, Professors Susan Buck-Morss, Mandana Limbert and Jonathan Shannon, each of whom contributed to my intellectual formation in important ways while at The Graduate Center, and whose careful readings, suggestions and criticisms fostered this dissertation’s development from beginning to end. And, most recently, I wish to thank Dr. Alice Wilson for her incisive comments and detailed feedback while serving as the outside reader for my dissertation defense. I look forward to continuing the conversation. My dissertation research was supported by a National Science Foundation Grant and Fulbright-Hays Fellowship. Preliminary research was funded by a grant from the American Institute for Maghrib Studies. The archivists at SOAS Library in London were most helpful in facilitating access to the Western Sahara Campaign papers in their Special Collections. Beyond institutional support, the multisited aspect of my research depended upon the extraordinary generosity, kindness and patience of numerous Sahrawis, Mauritanians, Moroccans, and Algerians from across the region. While they are too many to name, I feel compelled to mention that many Sahrawis living in Moroccan-occupied Western Sahara, in particular, met with me, talked with me, and even welcomed me into their homes, despite the considerable repression and surveillance that they faced. This level of engagement left me aware of both their political commitments and their ethic of hospitality even under incredibly adverse conditions. I would like to specifically thank Dr. Mohamed Dahmi, researcher and anthropologist of Western Sahara, who taught me so very much. In addition, Mahmoud Ezzahi and Lamina Aailal, both intrepid vii graduate students at Moroccan university, made me feel like the research we were conducting was possible – and, even more impossibly – enjoyable, despite the severe political constraints. In Mauritania, I wish to thank Dr. Mohamed Mahjoub ould Mohamed Mokhtar ould Bih, whose erudition taught me a great deal about Mauritanian history, and whose kindness made me feel more at home there. From afar, and without in-person introduction, Professor Sébastian Boulay generously shared some of his vast knowledge of Mauritanian politics and society, which also aided greatly in my orientation. Ahmed Fall Ould Cheine and Yahya Elkantaoui both went out of their way to help me get settled in Nouakchott, where I arrived with very few contacts and even less of a sense of direction. Rachel Effantin Touyer and Rachid Touyer treated me to meals and conversation that enlivened my time in Nouadhibou. In visiting the Sahrawi refugee camps, I wish to thank Mohamed Yeslem Beisat, then SADR Ambassador to the US, whose patience made my visit to the camps possible, and whose interest in my research made for several interesting conversations. Bey ould Allal’s infectious spirit and energy guaranteed that my time there was well-spent. His stories and sense of humor continue to echo in my mind. The Committee on Globalization and Social Change (CGSC), the Center for Place Culture and Politics (CPCP), and the Ralph Bunche