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The Role and Future of the Commonwealth
House of Commons Foreign Affairs Committee The role and future of the Commonwealth Fourth Report of Session 2012–13 Ordered by the House of Commons to be printed 1 November 2012 HC 114 [Incorporating HC 1810-i, -ii and -iii, Session 2010-12] Published on 15 November 2012 by authority of the House of Commons London: The Stationery Office Limited £23.00 The Foreign Affairs Committee The Foreign Affairs Committee is appointed by the House of Commons to examine the expenditure, administration, and policy of the Foreign and Commonwealth Office and its associated agencies. Current membership Richard Ottaway (Conservative, Croydon South) (Chair) Rt Hon Bob Ainsworth (Labour, Coventry North East) Mr John Baron (Conservative, Basildon and Billericay) Rt Hon Sir Menzies Campbell (Liberal Democrat, North East Fife) Rt Hon Ann Clwyd (Labour, Cynon Valley) Mike Gapes (Labour/Co-op, Ilford South) Mark Hendrick (Labour/Co-op, Preston) Andrew Rosindell (Conservative, Romford) Mr Frank Roy (Labour, Motherwell and Wishaw) Rt Hon Sir John Stanley (Conservative, Tonbridge and Malling) Rory Stewart (Conservative, Penrith and The Border) The following Members were also members of the Committee during the parliament: Emma Reynolds (Labour, Wolverhampton North East) Mr Dave Watts (Labour, St Helens North) Powers The Committee is one of the departmental select committees, the powers of which are set out in House of Commons Standing Orders, principally in SO No 152. These are available on the Internet via www.parliament.uk. Publication The Reports and evidence of the Committee are published by The Stationery Office by Order of the House. All publications of the Committee (including news items) are on the internet at www.parliament.uk/facom. -
Valletta Harare Cyber World Trade Ottawa Fancourt Okanagan
London Declaration CommonwealthValletta Principles Gleneagles Agreement Apartheid in Sport World Trade RespectLusaka and Racism and Racial Prejudice Okanagan UnderstandingMelbourne Goa Kuala Lumpur International Security New Delhi Economic Action Langkwai Nassau World Order Harare Southern Africa Ottawa Limassol Millbrook EconomicEdinburgh Action Cyber Commonwealth Fancourt Declarations Coolum Aso Rock Zimbabwe Vancouver Ce leb rat ing Commonwealth Declarations Commonwealth Secretariat Marlborough House Pall Mall London SW1Y 5HX United Kingdom © Commonwealth Secretariat 2019 All rights reserved. This publication may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic or mechanical, including photocopying, recording or otherwise provided it is used only for education purposes and is not for resale, and provided full acknowledgement is given to the Commonwealth Secretariat as the original publisher. Wherever possible, the Commonwealth Secretariat uses paper sourced from responsible forests or from sources that minimise a destructive impact on the environment. Copies of this publication may be obtained from Commonwealth Secretariat Marlborough House Pall Mall London SW1Y 5HX United Kingdom Email: [email protected] Tel: +44 (0)20 7747 6500 Contents / iii Contents Topics v Foreword ix Declaration Signed by the Five Prime Ministers 1 London Declaration 3 Declaration by Commonwealth Prime Ministers 5 The Declaration of Commonwealth Principles 8 The Lusaka Declaration of the Commonwealth on -
Getting Your Politics, Philosophy and Economics Wrong: an Institutional Understanding of Zimbabwe’S Collapse
University of Pennsylvania ScholarlyCommons Honors Theses (PPE) Philosophy, Politics and Economics 5-2008 Getting your Politics, Philosophy and Economics Wrong: An Institutional Understanding of Zimbabwe’s Collapse Rafael Burde University of Pennsylvania Follow this and additional works at: https://repository.upenn.edu/ppe_honors Part of the Comparative Politics Commons, Growth and Development Commons, and the Political Economy Commons Burde, Rafael, "Getting your Politics, Philosophy and Economics Wrong: An Institutional Understanding of Zimbabwe’s Collapse" (2008). Honors Theses (PPE). Paper 15. This paper is posted at ScholarlyCommons. https://repository.upenn.edu/ppe_honors/15 For more information, please contact [email protected]. Getting your Politics, Philosophy and Economics Wrong: An Institutional Understanding of Zimbabwe’s Collapse Abstract Once hailed as a triumph for black liberation movements in the region and a role model of peace and productivity, the Republic of Zimbabwe has since the turn of the millennium found itself spiraling into the depths of socio-economic and developmental decay. During such time, the Mugabe administration has tarnished Zimbabwe’s once admirable reputation as the ‘bread basket’ of Southern Africa, as well as the fortunes of the Zimbabwean people. Zimbabwe's current economic and food crises have been described by some observers as one of Africa’s worst humanitarian disasters and a sorrowing case of 21st century de-industrialization. These problems have been attributed, in varying degrees, to a drought affecting the entire region, the HIV/AIDS epidemic, and the government’s misguided policies and repressive use of the state apparatus, and disastrous land reforms. The objective of this investigation is to better understand the reasons and causes of Zimbabwe’s collapse, with particular reference to the institutional nature of the escalating crisis. -
The Millbrook Commonwealth Action Programme on the Harare Declaration / 35
The Millbrook Commonwealth Action Programme on the Harare Declaration / 35 The Millbrook Commonwealth Action Programme on the Harare Declaration New Zealand, 1995 1. At Harare in 1991, we pledged to work for the protection and promotion of the fundamental political values of the association, namely democracy, democratic processes and institutions which reflect national circumstances, fundamental human rights, the rule of law and the independence of the judiciary, and just and honest government. We agreed at the same time to work for the promotion of socio-economic development, recognising its high priority for most Commonwealth countries. During our Retreat at Millbrook, we decided to adopt a Commonwealth Action Programme to fulfil more effectively the commitments contained in the Harare Commonwealth Declaration. This Programme is in three parts: i. advancing Commonwealth fundamental political values; ii. promoting sustainable development; and iii. facilitating consensus building. I. Advancing Commonwealth Fundamental Political Values A . Measures in Support of Processes and Institutions for the Practice of the Harare Principles 2. The Secretariat should enhance its capacity to provide advice, training and other forms of technical assistance to governments in promoting the Commonwealth’s fundamental political values, including: • assistance in creating and building the capacity of requisite institutions; The Millbrook Commonwealth Action Programme on the Harare Declaration New Zealand, 1995 36 / Commonwealth Declarations • assistance -
Commonwealth Initiative for the Freedom of Religion Or Belief
Commonwealth Initiative for the Freedom of Religion or Belief Timeline of the Commonwealth The history of the Commonwealth goes back to the British Empire. However, the Commonwealth as an organisation was formed in 1949. 1884 – Empire described as a ‘Commonwealth of Nations’ 1926 – The United Kingdom (UK) and its dominions agree they are “equal in status” 1930 – The First Commonwealth Games held in Hamilton, Canada (then called the ‘British Empire Games’) 1931 – Statute of Westminster gives legal status to the independence of Australia, Canada, Irish Free State, Newfoundland, New Zealand and South Africa 1931 – Australia, Canada, New Zealand and South Africa join the Commonwealth 1947 – India and Pakistan join The Commonwealth 1948 – Sri Lanka joins The Commonwealth 1949 – Beginning of the modern Commonwealth: leaders of Commonwealth nations agree that members are “free and equal members of the Commonwealth of Nations, freely co-operating in the pursuit of peace, liberty and progress” 1957 – Ghana and Malaysia join The Commonwealth 1960 – Nigeria joins The Commonwealth 1960 – Commonwealth Scholarship and Fellowship Plan set up – helps graduates study in other member countries 1961 – South Africa withdraws from the Commonwealth 1961 – Republic of Cyprus, Sierra Leone, and the United Republic of Tanzania join The Commonwealth 1962 – Jamaica, Trinidad and Tobago, and Uganda join The Commonwealth 1963 – Kenya joins the Commonwealth 1964 – Malawi, Malta and Zambia join The Commonwealth 1965 – The Gambia and Singapore join The Commonwealth 1965 -
Getting Your Politics, Philosophy, and Economic Wrong: an Institutional Understanding of Zimbabwe’S Collapse Rafael Burde
Getting your Politics, Philosophy, and Economic Wrong: An Institutional Understanding of Zimbabwe’s Collapse Rafael Burde Background and Introduction 1.1 Colonization (1888–1965): Building Rhodes to Riches In the 1880s, the British colonialists arrived in modern-day Zimbabwe by means of Cecil Rhodes’ British South African Company. In 1888, British entrepreneur and infamous colonizer Cecil Rhodes extracted mining rights from King Lobengula of the Ndebele, which he used to persuade the British government to grant a royal charter to his British South African Company (BSAC), covering what is today both Zimbabwe and Zambia. Through such concessions and treaties, many of which were deceitful, he usurped the majority of the region’s tribally-held land and seized control of the region’s indigenous labor force and precious natural resources. In 1895 the BSAC adopted the name ‘Rhodesia’ for Zambesia, after Cecil Rhodes, and in 1898 ‘Southern Rhodesia’ was officially adopted as the name for the part south of the Zambezi, later to become Zimbabwe. The part to the north was administered separately by the BSAC and was later named Northern Rhodesia, now Zambia.1 Those most greatly affected by this upheaval were the indigenous tribes, who were aggressively displaced and discriminated by the colonial ‘Rhodes’ administration. The two main native tribes, the Shona and the Ndebele, staged unsuccessful revolts (Chimurenga2) against the encroachment on their lands in 1896 and 1897. As resistance efforts were repressed, the turn of the twentieth century marked the beginning of the accumulation of white power and wealth at the expense of the black people’s land and rights. -
Britain in the Commonwealth: the 1997 Edinburgh Summit Witness Seminar
Britain in the Commonwealth: the 1997 Edinburgh summit Witness Seminar Edited by Dr Sue Onslow, Deputy Director, Institute of Commonwealth Studies, School of Advanced Study and Dr Michael Kandiah, Director, Witness Seminar Programme, Department of Political Economy, King’s College London. President Nelson Mandela of South Africa with UK Prime Minister Tony Blair Tony Nelson Mandela Minister of South Africa with UK Prime President commonwealth.assetbank-server.com Source: Britain in the Commonwealth: The 1997 Edinburgh Commonwealth heads of Government meeting Monday, 19th March 2018 The Court Room First Floor Senate House Malet Street London WC1E 7HU Programme: Chair: Dr Sue Onslow, Deputy Director, Institute of Commonwealth Studies, School of Advanced Study, University of London Witnesses: Participants: Amitav Banerji, then Deputy Conference Secretary, Commonwealth Secretariat Sir Richard Dales, KCVO, CMG, then Director, Africa and the Commonwealth, FCO, [Written contribution] Martin Hatfull, then Head, Commonwealth Coordination Department, Foreign & Commonwealth Office (FCO) Sir John Holmes GCVO, KBE, CMG, then Principal Private Secretary (PPS) to the Prime Minister Anji Hunter, then Personal Assistant to the Prime Minister, the Rt Hon Tony Blair Stuart Mole CVO OBE, then Director and Head of the Office of the Commonwealth Secretary General, Chief Emeka Anyaoku Prunella Scarlett LVO, then Director, Commonwealth Affairs at the Royal Commonwealth Society (RCS) Introduction The meeting in Edinburgh in 1997 was the last occasion on which -
Commonwealth Human Rights Mechanism
COMMONWEALTH HUMAN RIGHTS INITIATIVE MECHANISMS OF THE COMMONWEALTH TO ADDRESS VIOLATIONS OF COMMONWEALTH VALUES – THREE PART SERIES PAPER THREE: THE COMMONWEALTH MINISTERIAL ACTION GROUP (CMAG) 1 ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS This three paper series - ‘Mechanisms of the Commonwealth to Address Violations of Commonwealth Values’ has been made possible through the support and contributions of numerous people. No one more so than Anna Hood and Monique Cormier whose, comprehensive research, skilled writing and professionalism allowed CHRI to produce its 2013 report to the Heads of Government Meeting at Colombo. Their yearlong efforts, reviews, editorial refinements and patient reiterations proved indispensable to bringing out the report. Our particular thanks goes to Alison Duxbury, our Advisory Commission member, for giving her time generously and providing constant guidance throughout the research. Thanks too to Richard Bourne, Daisy Cooper and Philip Murphy for always being on hand with their long term knowledge of the Commonwealth. Thank you to Stuart Mole, for enriching this series with an in-depth paper on ‘The Good-Offices of the Secretary General’. This series, which dedicates separate papers to each mechanism that can support human rights compliance in the Commonwealth, is based on the original document and supplements our 2013 report. Vrinda Choraria, Kirsty Welch, Sanyu Awori and Samane Hemmat - our Strategic Initiatives team, also deserve much appreciation for converting the original into the present format. CHRI is deeply appreciative of the ongoing support of, Ford Foundation and Open Society Foundations. As always we assume full responsibility for all the opinions expressed herein. Maja Daruwala, Director, Commonwealth Human Rights Initiative 2 PREFACE This paper is part of a three paper series which is dedicated to mechanisms in the Commonwealth that can support human rights compliance. -
Democratizing the Commonwealth
Democratizing the Commonwealth JAMES MAYALL ‘The Harare Declaration of was a turning point for the Commonwealth. It was nothing short of a bold programme to convert the Commonwealth in a post-Cold War world into a force for democracy and good governance, and a more effective instrument for the promotion of sustainable development.’With these words, the Commonwealth Secretary-General, Chief Emeka Anyaoku, opened his annual report on the activities of the organization. It was pub- lished prior to the biennial summit—the Commonwealth Heads of Government Meeting, or CHOGM—held in October in Edinburgh, the first time the meeting has been held in Britain for years. In Edinburgh the CHOGM agreed an economic declaration, the brainchild of the new British government, which is intended to stand beside the Harare declaration in set- ting the Commonwealth agenda for the twenty-first century.The prime min- ister explained the underlying rationale in his speech at the opening ceremony: ‘We should challenge the rest of the world to meet the dual objectives of democratic and economic freedom together—because we unite all the continents of the globe, we can set an example for others to follow.’ These are large claims for an organization which many, not least in Britain, have often viewed as an anachronism, a device—like the Anglo-American ‘special rela- tionship’ which was hurriedly fashioned after to help the British political class come to terms with the loss of empire, but which has long since outlived its usefulness.This line of criticism was popular throughout the Thatcher years, when Britain stood alone against the rest of the Commonwealth in resisting the imposition of serious economic sanctions against South Africa; but it survived beyond them, even in some of the press comment on the Edinburgh summit, although, overall the media, if not excited, were more receptive to the idea that the Commonwealth was useful, than at recent CHOGMs. -
Rights Must Come First………………………………………………………………
TO FULFIL THE PROMISE OF HARARE RIGHTS MUST COME FIRST The Commonwealth Human Rights Unit: A Chequered History A report by the Commonwealth Human Rights Initiative COMMONWEALTH HUMAN RIGHTS INITIATIVE F1/12A Hauz Khas Enclave, New Delhi, India 110016 Tel: 91-11-2686 4678, 2685 0523 [email protected] www.humanrightsinitiative.org TABLE OF CONTENTS Acknowledgements………………………………………………………………………1 Foreword………………………………………………………………………………….. 2 Rights Must Come First……………………………………………………………….. 3 Appendices………………………………………………………………………………. 33 ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS The Commonwealth Human Rights Initiative wishes to thank the Commonwealth Secretariat for all its ready help in providing information for this report and in particular David Blake, its Librarian, for the trouble he took to access documentation. It is also extremely grateful to Linda Rosenstrom Chang for the diligent and speedy way in which she carried out the research in the short time available. 1 FOREWORD This report arose from CHRI’s deep concern about the current moves towards downsizing the Human Rights Unit within the Commonwealth Secretariat. Assurances have been made that human rights will be mainstreamed across the Secretariat and that therefore “more people than ever before” will be working to make human rights a realty. Nevertheless, CHRI believes that without concrete systems for enforcing and evaluating this policy, the Commonwealth Secretariat’s stated commitment to human rights hollow. This report makes practical recommendations for strengthening the ability of the Commonwealth Secretariat to promote human rights vigorously throughout the Commonwealth and to demonstrate proactively its commitment to such values in its internal structure and processes. 2 RIGHTS MUST COME FIRST Nervous states or a state of nerves? The Commonwealth is about democracy and human rights or it is about nothing. -
The Trajectory of Human Rights Violations in Zimbabwe
Th e trajectory of human rights violations in Zimbabwe Th e history of human rights violations in Zimbabwe from the indigenous people since 1890 was a central is complicated by the inheritance of a colonial system issue.2 Land remains one of the most important causes that, because of skewed racial considerations, did not of violent confl ict throughout the world and at all universally respect and protect basic human rights. Just levels – the family, community and national. Even in as religious societies justify their human rights stance pre-colonial Zimbabwe, there were land wars among the through religious arguments, the post-liberation state of local ethnic groups, mainly the Ndebele and the Shona. Zimbabwe has tried to justify its position through non- In Africa’s agrarian economies, and in particular in imperialist ideological arguments. Th is poses a problem Zimbabwe where 70 per cent of the population relies on on consensus of what should be the universal content of subsistence farming, land is regarded as that ‘thing which human rights. Various perceptions on what constitutes completes a human being’ and this places it at the locus human rights are embodied in the United Nations charter of all activities. All other rights derive from the right and its various covenants, even though individual states of its ownership and this opens up access to all other attach diff erent values and priorities to the many rights basic human rights such as housing, food, education and that guarantee individuals a decent standard of life. Th e general livelihood. United Nations’ instruments on human rights cover a Using a complex web of legal instruments and institu- wide range of rights and it is generally acknowledged that tions, the colonial regime systematically dispossessed the at times threatening situations can compel a nation to indigenes of their land. -
Changes in the Commonwealth of Nations As an Attempt to Redefine an Imperialistic Heritage
Bartosz Kwiatkowski (Wydział Prawa i Administracji Uniwesytetu Jagiellońskiego) changes in the cOmmOnWealth of natiOns as an attempt tO redeFine an imperialistic heritage abstract changes in the cOmmOnWealth of natiOns as an attempt tO redeFine an imperialistic heritage The aim of this article is to describe the changes that took place in the modern his- tory of the Commonwealth of Nations, an international organization in which le- gal and political links between the Anglo-Saxon and the Oriental world are widely present. By examining the evolution of its institutions during and after the process of decolonization, the author captures crucial directions of those changes, their nature and also their meaning, which leads to interesting conclusions referring not only to the outcome of attempts to renounce the British imperialism in the internal structure of the Commonwealth, but also to those aspects of mentioned reforms that may be important in the future of the organization. KEYWORDS: The Commonwealth, decolonization, international organizations. 1.—Introduction The British Empire, which gradually reduced its size after the second world war, today includes only some small-sized overseas territories that are under the jurisdiction of the United Kingdom1. Despite being 1 Form the legal point of view, today’s so called British Dependant Territories should be divided into two groups. First one are British Overseas Territories over which, 284—B���������������������������� — bartOsz kWiatkOWski sometimes a subject of quite significant international conflicts, and their symbolic significance, they no longer have the substantial impact on the political and economic situation of the United Kingdom that former colonies had. The complicated political, and also legal, system of Brit- ain’s sovereignty over its colonial empire was substituted by The Com- monwealth, while the process of emancipation of former dominions and colonies took place simultaneously.