Cyan Magenta Yellow Black 100 100 100 100 100 100 50 50 50 50 hrigIt ieFrig...... BackCover Charging IntoRiceFarming ARTS ROUGE KHMER ...... 45 My Memory ...... 43 Tonle Sap Lake Massacre ...... 41 Haunting Souls FAMILY TRACING ...... 39 Mok’s Work ...... 36 Reclaiming Cambodian ...... 33 The ChildSoldierofS-21 ...... 30 Black Paper PUBLIC DEBATE ...... 28 Slavery andSlavery-Related Practices ...... 26 Four ways toprosecutetorture ...... 24 A SamplingofDocumentaryEvidence LEGAL Voices fromS-21...... 21 HISTORY Ten-Fold Characteristicsof the Party ...... 19 ...... 18 25th Anniversary oftheCommunist ...... 16 Killing PitsinBanteayMeanchey ...... 13 Prak KhanandinterrogationatS-21 ...... 11 Biography ComradeKong ...... 7 Was SonSen An EnemyofPolPot? ...... 6 History ofSonSen ...... 2 Confession ofSo Tuon DOCUMENTATION Letter: Magazine ofDocumentationCenterCambodia Translator: Ky Lim. Editor-in-chief: Osman Ysa, Meng Try Ea, Heder, Authors: Ieng Sary’s ...... 1 aaRmi lzbt a cac,CagEceo,JnvndrGitn ai hnlr oneYmu,Steve Ronnie Yimsut, David Chandler, Janvan derGrinten, CraigEtcheson, Elizabeth Van Schaack, Jaya Ramji, Bun SouSour. Table ofContents Sokhym Em. Editor-in-chief: First DeputyEditor-in-chief: Youk Chhang. Staff Writers: Graphic Designer: aynSn,Spa y SophearithChuong. SophalLy, Kalyan Sann, Kosal Phat. abdaandT Cambodia Photographs bytheDocumentationCenterof Licensed bytheMinistryofInformation Proofread byJulio A. JeldresandRich Arant. the Royal Government ofCambodia, Documentation CenterofCambodia Youk ChhangandRaymund Johansen; The Englishtranslationeditedby Second DeputyEditor-in-chief: ubr1,October2000 Number 10, Khmer RougeCadres Prakas No.0291P.M99 Searching for thetruth. Sopheak Sim. All rightsreserved. uut2 1999. August 2, Copyright © uol SlengGenocideMuseum. Distributor: Sopheak Try. Sorya Sim. Assistant Searching for the truth  Letter Number 10, October 2000

Letter: IENG SARY’S AMNESTY AND THE KHMER ROUGE DRAFT LAW

It is clear that the flood has been away from the King’s correspondence with Pierre Sane, Secretary-General villagers bringing along the ancestor spirits back to their of Amnesty International, on 13 September 1996 said that, respective places. The flood is a fact, while the matter of “...as Constitutional King, who reigns but does not rule, I ancestor-spirit or bloodsucking evil spirit (pret) is a long- would be obliged to comply with the two prime ministers of standing belief of Cambodian people. The natural disaster− the Royal Cambodian Government in the question of flood−is being coped with by the people themselves as well according amnesty to Mr. Ieng Sary and his partisans “ex- as by the intelligence of the royal government of Cambodia, Khmers Rouges”. But I would demand that in this serious political parties, non-governmental organization, and question 2/3 of the members of the National Assembly international community as well as the United Nations. support our two Prime Ministers before a royal amnesty is Regularities would exist in the homesteads of villagers. formally accorded.” The King also wrote, “...if, one day, an Human beings are a vital factor to the basis of development. International Tribunal was to convene somewhere to judge In the meantime, Ieng Sary and other Khmer Rouge leaders, Messrs. Pol Pot, Ieng Sary, Ta Mok, Khieu Samphan, Nuon who have never caused any flood but had millions of people Chea, Son Sen and other “notorious” Khmers Rouges, I will killed and people throughout the country enslaved for support, as a Cambodian citizen, this Tribunal and its building the country (of DK), are yet here not far away from judgement.” every one of us who are victims, and haven’t yet been What is not clear then about the King’s Amnesty for brought to justice under any norm. So far mixed signals are Ieng Sary? Clear is the fact that Ieng Sary has never been being sent in the light of Ieng Sary and Khmer Rouge Draft tried once by a Mixed Tribunal. Law. Cambodian Tribunal Task Force does not seem to have Khmer Rouge Draft Law “contributed” to any prominent and official accomplish- There are clear indications that a majority of the ment. Members Parliament actually want to move ahead with the Amnesty in favor of Ieng Sary? Khmer Rouge draft law. Justification can be made that It is important for the public to note that sufficient because the Cambodian Tribunal Task Force has not yet laws and evidence are not lacking, but political will is in the clarified some points of the Khmer Rouge draft law. It case to prosecute the Khmer Rouge leaders. Taking makes good sense but it is not working. Perhaps, it is advantage of this, Ieng Sary is working hard to bolster the important for deputies now to indicate their “willingness legitimacy of his doubted amnesty. To my thinking, it is and intention” about the Khmer Rouge draft law and the better to grant him a clear amnesty from war crimes entire process respecting to the Khmer Rouge tribunal. It is prosecution and a lifetime ban from participation in possible to say that we, on way or other, know or heard Cambodian politics on political grounds, rather than to about the different factions by various political party and

pretend that he will not be tried because evidence and law how they feel, pro or con, and why about the Khmer Rouge 50 are lacking. draft law. All members of the parliament, in the name of 50 To see Ieng Sary, who is one of the people’s representatives who serve the people and for Khmer Rouge leaders and is actively whom the people voted, should air their views and 50

attempting to go abroad, escape arrest make clear their positions toward the prosecution 50 and prosecution while other rank-and- of Khmer Rouge crimes. 100 file Khmer Rouge cadre such as One should note that this is the only way to ensure Chhuok Rin, Duch, or Nuon Paet are the involvement of the United Nations, which is the 100 serving lifetime imprisonment is not a main element for ensuring hope for the 100 matter of real justice. To act as if Ieng Cambodian people today in the Khmer Rouge 100 Sary himself doesn’t understand anything and tribunal. meant well is to begin the process of historical If members of the parliament 100 revisionism. This needs to be very clear among all of keep quiet and do not make clear their 100 Cambodian people as well as the whole world for positions, then they should be ready to the sake of history and the comprehension of the share the blame for this gross

people of future generations. miscarriage of justice for the Black In regard to Ieng Sary, His Majesty The Cambodian people. Youk Chhang Yellow Magenta Documentation Center of Cambodia (DC-Cam) 1 Cyan Number 10, October 2000 Searching for the truth  Documentation

CONFESSION OF A PRISONER NAMED SO TUON By Sophal Ly

(As with all such “confession” documents from the stashed some weapons, and that a Yuon woman knew archives of Tuol Sleng, the reader is cautioned that the the secret site. This propaganda was leaked to Chan follwing was extracted under torture, and that the truth Raing Sei, who then allowed the woman to excavate the of that facts asserted cannot be assumed.) pits and promised to give a reward to anyone who found So Tuon, whose revolutionary name was Mao, the hidden weapons. “Any one who joins in the was born in Prey Chek Village, Sre Cheng Sub-district, traitorous movement will be rewarded with 500 riel a Sre District, Region 35, Siem Reap Province. Mao was month; and anyone who locates the weapons will be arrested and questioned on May 13, 1977 on an given a further reward.” Mao joined in the activity of accusation of treachery. According to file J00289, Mao searching for the hidden weapons, along with Dul, responded: “Once I joined the revolution, I had two Kory, Un (later “smashed”), Chim, Choem, Chheng, aims: 1) to burrow myself inside the revolution in order Cheun, Khoem, Sotr and Teu. After the recruitment, the to destroy the revolution; and 2) to recruit traitorous other Tuon set out the tasks: “First, search for the guns; network elements from among the revolutionaries in an second, keep track of old traitorous elements burrowing attempt to counter- attack the revolution.” within the populace.” After 1959, there emerged another man named Chanha Hoeun, instructor of Ayai, a kind of Khmer Tuon (not the subject of this “confession”, hereinafter traditional art, in which two singers perform, lived in “the other Tuon”) who was a ringleader of Chan Trapeang Veng Village, Chi Kreng District, Siem Reap Raingsei’s traitorous network elements based in Sre Province. He was made responsible for keeping track Cheng Sub-district. Tuon and the other Tuon later of the entire process. It took Mao a few months to find jointly persuaded Khmer Rouge cadre that “Yuon” (a two sets of batteries. Then Mao reported to Chan Raing derogatory Khmer term for Vietnamese) had secretly Sei for the reward promised. Later, Mao reported about a former revolutionary named Nhem Khann, who then S-21 prisoner was serving a prison sentence of few months. The “confession” document goes on to say that in 1961-1962, Mao met an elderly man named Sath, who grieved over the loss of his deceased grand-father, who

50 used to cooperate with the revolution. Mao was

50 suspicious of Sath’s use of the words “cooperate with the revolution”. To clear up his doubt, Sath explained, 50 “They did what you are doing right now. Rice 50 production, assisting to establish “ghost associations”, 100 and assisting each other in time of disease. This is the 100 picture of mutual assistance during the time of business,

100 that is the essence of politics”. On his return, Mao

100 reported to the other Tuon that there were no former

100 revolutionaries, but only new ones. The other Tuon responded, “Who are new revolutionaries?” Mao 100 replied, “We all are helping each other. In its essence, these kinds of activity serve the political concept, and

Black we will lead them in establishment of “ghost

Yellow associations”. Tuon did not readily accept this idea. Magenta 2 Documentation Center of Cambodia (DC-Cam) Cyan Searching for the truth  Documentation Number 10, October 2000

From 1964 to 1968, the revolutionary movement replied: “Now all forces are under us. So, try hard to advanced progressively. Sath instructed Mao to build them up.” encourage the involvement of the masses to be against In February 1971, Ta Hoeun once again met with manual labor and the tax-collection carried out by the Mao. Mao reported about the situation of the unit and government, and gave instructions to maintain names of people newly recruited, namely Sath, platoon surveillance, remain undercover, and prepare unhusked cadre, and Say, group cadre. Ta Hoeun went on to rice in case of national emergency. Mao just kept instruct Mao, “You, comrade, are required by Angkar to reporting. Tuon asked repeatedly about the identity of dispatch all troops in this platoon to the region in early the main ringleader of the revolution. Mao replied, “I March. Therefore, once you lead the unit in the region, have also asked him (Sath). Sath referred to radio you have to have a good grasp of your unit and work broadcasts from Battambang Province that ‘there were closely with comrade Kvang, divisional deputy revolutionary armed insurrections directed from the secretary, in order to carry out traitorous activities.” jungles. Therefore, we had to be vigilant against Later, Mao asked for permission from Ta Hoeun to visit contribution-collecting for the cost of this university, Region 35 for a period of one week, with Sath acting as which really was a barrack of enemies, not in our supervisor of the platoon in the interim. Upon his return people’s interest. So, we have to continue to struggle’.” to Phong Sub-district, Mao learned that his platoon had According to the “confession”, on February 25, 1968, there occurred an S-21 prisoner insurrection. Mao joined in this insurrection. “Comrade Chres assigned him as messenger. Toward May-June, the other Tuon was smashed. Mao then returned to the bases. In October 1969, Angkar required Mao to work at Angkar’s office until 1970. Angkar also assigned Ta Hoeun a position of responsibility there. Ta Hoeun permitted Mao to go on with the treachery. After the (Lon Nol) coup, Ta Hoeun assigned Mao to work in Krasaing

Village, and along National Road 4 with 50

comrades Keo and San. In October 1970, 50 Ta Hoeun called the three in for a meeting, 50 where comrade Keo and comrade San 50 were dismissed from the bases and assigned to work in various capacities. 100 Mao was put in charge of a military unit, 100 while Ta Nge was made district secretary 100

and Sok was made sub-district secretary. 100

Mao informed Ta Hoeun that since Ta 100 Hoeun had appointed him to work with 100 comrade Keo, he had done nothing, and had had no say in the revolutionary work, as all forces were under the control of Black

comrade Keo and comrade San. Ta Hoeun Yellow Magenta Documentation Center of Cambodia (DC-Cam) 3 Cyan Number 10, October 2000 Searching for the truth  Documentation

already been dismantled and integrated into the old National Road 3 and National Road 4. The unit military unit by the company cadre. Realizing that the accomplished this first objective. The party’s second party had planned for the unit to attack the base objective was to keep the enemy engaged for another militiamen, Mao tried to shirk combat. Upon arrival, week, during which time, the unit would destroy the Angkar assigned the unit to counter-attack the enemy, party’s plan along National Road 4 by allowing the but assaults were continually repulsed. Mao managed to enemy to capture National Road 3. However, this plan recruit three more individuals, namely Sophy, the unit was “aborted due to the consciousness and standpoint cadre, comrade Boeun, a group cadre, and comrade against the party”. The ones who were to carry out the Lun, combatant from Region 33. In December, Mao plan were comrades Saom, Keo, Savoeun, Chheun and was put in charge of a new platoon in Region 33. Mao. In March 1972, Mao was transferred by Angkar In 1974, the party had another plan to carry out to company commander in Region 55, Angkor Borei. assaults on the battlefield of Phnom Penh. The party There, Him always lectured about organizational called all cadres to attend training courses so that they systems; “About the organization of the previous could have a “clean-cut” understanding before regime and that of those who went to live in the jungle. returning to their respective units. At each prong, there They were designated as “members”. For the new were two objectives: 1) attack in the battlefront and 2) recruits after the coup, they were assigned by Un to be defense. Battalion 122 was obliged to open a frontal secretaries of district or sub-district.” Then Mao and attack along with other units. Mao was put in charge of comrade Him came to the regional office for a training targets against party on irregular basis. Networks course. However, Un forced them to return to the responsible for contacting traitorous elements were position of deputy secretary of District 56. Mao spent Saom, who was assigned as leader, and Sam On of the two or three days at the regional office before meeting divisional staff, who was to cooperate in carrying out with Ta Hoeun. Ta Hoeun said: “This course makes me traitorous activities on the battlefront in 1973-1974. In have a clean-cut grasp of things. No matter if they are 1975, Division 11 was in charge of defense along the old or new issues, I have to do as assigned.” Mao Tonle Bassac. Other units were responsible for other reported about the tasks supervised by Un in the mobile main prongs. On January 1, 1975, bombardments along brigade. Ta Hoeun then gave instructions: “We have the Mekong River began. The division unit won nothing to worry about. Once we arrive at any place, we successive victories. As for Division 11, far from have to recruit traitorous elements in the unit. defending, it had permitted enemies to capture “Wat Therefore, our treacherous work must continue on.” Chouk Leap”, which had been liberated since 1973.

50 One day, “Ta 15” [Editor’s Note-Ta Mok, according to Cadre who carried out anti-Tonle Bassac battlefield

50 an elderly woman named Kul My, Ta Mok’s cousin. Ta activities were: 1) comrade Saom, leader; 2) comrade

50 Mok’s pseudonym was “Ta 15”, as he was born in Ta Sam On, in charge of staff and preparing for activities; Keo Province with regional code number 105 called the and 3) To Nim. The regiment cooperated with Battalion 50 regional unit based to the south of National Road 4 to 124, consisting of comrades Sreng, Kea, Moan Buon 100 attend a battlefront experience meeting. There appeared Hoeung, Savoan and Mao, all of whom carried out 100 an anonymous letter revealing the matter of conflicts of activities against the party plan on battlefronts in 1975.

100 ‘old and new’ tasks or positions. Mao reported to Ta 15 In March, 1975, Division 12 returned to the Mekong

100 for cleansing of the alleged involvement of himself and River to reinforce Division 11. As a result, enemies

100 Ta Hoeun. Ta Hoeun was then arrested by Ta 15. were pushed out of Koh Anlong Chen from Wat Set Tbo

100 In February, 1973, Angkar assigned Mao to to Prek Tam Hun Sanh. Mao joined in the attack with attack the enemy with his unit. After the battle, the unit Division 12 until April 17, 1975. During that time, Mao crossed the river to the east of National Road 2 to was injured and was then hospitalized for a period of

Black prepare a regiment. After the preparations, the party one month. When he left the hospital, Mao asked his

Yellow planed to open an attack on enemies based between messenger to escort him to meet with Chheun, of Magenta 4 Documentation Center of Cambodia (DC-Cam) Cyan Searching for the truth  Documentation Number 10, October 2000

Division 811, for additional instructions. “About the Uk of Battalion 128 was taken by Angkar. practice of traitorous activities. [You] have to work hard In January 1977, comrade Saom attended a and try to recruit more forces for our treacherous meeting held at comrade Phal’s home at Tuol Tum networks.” After delivering these instructions, Mao Poung. Participants included comrades Sam On, returned to the hospital until 17 April, waiting for divisional cadre of Unit 801, Keo Savoeun of Division comrade Saom who would inform him about the 801, Savan, Phal of Regiment 51, Division 502, To traitorous forces. Nim, from the tank section, Hoeun, a regimental cadre The “confession” document goes on to state that of Unit 51, Bang, the chief of Hospital 94, Heng, cadre Mao called in traitorous cadre for instructions on the of Battalions 503 and 502. The meeting focused on a anti-party activities in order to undermine the party’s plan for 1977. Saom raised two points: “1) Examine the plan of constructing irrigation systems west of planned activities to be carried out against the party’s Kampong Speu Province. “First, encourage the plan, whether they are possible or not; 2) Examine the combatants to desert their units, and second, try to work of recruiting traitorous forces carried out over the reduce soldiers’ food rations set by Angkar in order to past year. Plan for 1977: go on with the planned deteriorate health conditions and the effectiveness of activities against the party and the process of recruiting the labor force.” After this plan was commenced, it treacherous forces”. After Saom’s comments, members “was very effective, and resulted in continual desertions of the meeting reported about their work carried out by combatants and deteriorating health conditions”. In over the previous year. Saom then went on to say: “Our addition, Mao managed to recruit two more people 1977 goal is to accomplish our traitorous plan by named Samrith Yoeun and Heng. organizing a coup during the Angkar’s victory In 1976, Saom told Mao to rearrange traitorous anniversary to be celebrated soon. Because during that forces who had already been disbanded in preparation time all cadre from various organs will have no for further activities. Mao then listed the names of weapons, except those who would be guarding along combatants who had been integrated into artillery units the fence surrounding the forum.... So, we will assign to prepare for carrying out activities. They were Kut, some cadre to mingle among the participants, while Thean, Buoy, Sem, Kruos, Thal, Pheap, Chay, and directing our special forces to target these guards. When Suon. Saom pointed out; “This was a plan of sabotage this is accomplished, other locations will be conquered to provoke turmoil during the upcoming anniversary of in short order. Then we will broadcast on radio calling the April 17, 1975 Triumph” to be held in April, 1976. upon regional and zone cadre to pounce on the forum This plan intended to cause chaos during the immediately. To sum up, there are only two objectives: celebrations. We just try whether we can succeed or to be ready for the planned coup and prepare our 50

not.” Comrade Savan prepared four members of the forces.” A month later, Mao called in all cadre to be 50 company to carry out this plan, but it was postponed. briefed about comrade Saom’s plan and be given their 50 In May 1976, the party planned for divisional respective assignments. However, on May 13, Mao was 50 cadre in each unit to grow rice on 200 to 300 hectares. arrested by Angkar. During the agricultural production process, Mao began The “confession” document of So Tuon, alias 100 impeding the party’s plan. For example, when the rainy Mao, contains an attached list of persons implicated 100 season began, the party wanted the divisional cadre to therein as “traitors”. This list includes the names of 100

grow short-term rice. Usually, rice seedlings were comrades Hy and Long, whose names are marked by 100

transplanted within a period of between 15 to 18 days, tiny square boxes. On the cover page, there is a note by 100 but now the period was extended to 20 or 25 days. Four “Khieu” (Son Sen’s alias) reading: “To comrade Roeun. 100 cadre, Hy, Suon, Uk, and Long, who were under Savan, Kindly read the attached document written by the also joined in this plan. Long and Hy were ready to contemptible Mao and quote names of those from Unit work in Pochentong and comrade Thy was responsible 801. Tomorrow, I will meet you to work on this. This Black

for Region 33 which collected the yield, while comrade evening I am still busy. Keep secret. 2-6-77, Khieu.” Yellow Magenta Documentation Center of Cambodia (DC-Cam) 5 Cyan Number 10, October 2000 Searching for the truth  Documentation

SON SEN Son Sen

Born in 1930, Tra Vinh, Vietnam. (Wife: Yun Yat, Minister of Education and Culture who presided over the total suppression of Buddhism.) 1946 Phnom Penh Teacher’s Training College. 1950 To France for education. Became ally of Pol Pot and his major military strategist. 1956 Returned from France and appointed Director of Studies in the Teacher Training School. Later transferred to the Kampong Kantuot Teachers College (US funded). 1959 Visited Czechoslovakia. 1960 Joined KPRP. Transferred to be Principal of a government high school in Takeo Province, accused of being anti-monarchy in his old job. 1963 Accused of being one of the instigators of the riot in Siem Reap. Took part in the Central Committee of the Third Party Congress. 1964 Went underground in PhnomPenh. 1968 Chief of Political Committee in the Southwest Zone.

50 1969 Administration Office of Northeast

50 Zone.

50 1971 Attended the CPK congress.

50 1972 Chief of the General Staff of DK.

100 1976 Minister of Defense of DK. 1977 September 24, his troops kill 300 100 Vietnamese civilians in a cross-border 100 raid. 100 1978 Shared command in the massacres 100 of more than 100,000 Eastern Zone 100 Khmer in six months. Under his authority, the Tuol Sleng

Black extermination center tortured and murdered 20,000 cadres. Yellow Magenta 6 Documentation Center of Cambodia (DC-Cam) Cyan Searching for the truth  Documentation Number 10, October 2000 WAS SON SEN AN ENEMY OF POL POT? By Meng-Try Ea

Son Sen, alias “Khieu” or “Brother 89”, former Kan said we had never had success in our plan. I asked full-rights member of Standing Committee of the him ‘what plan? Which one?’ First he mentioned about Communist Party of Kampuchea and Minister of the plot to assassinate Brother Number One through National Security, along with his wife, Yun Yat, alias Brother At and Kan by using poison. Brother At could “At”, former Minister of Culture and Information of have access [to the dining room]. Ham was there at Democratic Kampuchea, along with all family mealtimes and managed to put in the poison. During a members, were murdered at the command of Pol Pot in chat, Kan said the poison was available since Neary June, 1997 in the so-called “last Khmer Rouge Nan, Chhay’s wife (Propaganda and Education) was in stronghold” at Anlong Veng. position. Kan said the poison came from Hong Kong The murders stemmed from Pol Pot’s accusation network elements through Sok’s wife. Kan went on to of Son Sen’s being an underground enemy agent of say the failure to poison Brother Number One resulted Phnom Penh. Pol Pot told Nate Thayer, “Since the from the fact that Brother’s meal was served by security integration began...my protégés have captured three guard(s) from start to finish. letters from Son Sen’s brother-in-law in Kampong About the plot to assassinate Chinese guest (Toeng Thom, which is under Hun Sen’s control.” When did Yung Kuy) Son Sen became disloyal? Is it true that Son Sen and Concerning the plot to assassinate Toeng Yung Yun Yat betrayed Pol Pot? Kuy, Kan claimed Brother Khieu assigned him to The “confession” of Sun Ty, alias Teanh, member murder the Chinese guest by one of two ways: of staff logistics, who was arrested by Angkar on poisoning or shooting. December 10, 1978 and brought to Tuol Sleng for Kan was made responsible for poisoning, while a interrogation, describes “anti-revolutionary plans” woman was in charge of shooting. Kan said the reason which involved Son Sen. The confession document for his assignment was that he himself was in charge of speaks of two plans. The first plan was to assassinate protocol affairs and could have more access and Brother and first party secretary Pol Pot, second party opportunity to poison an individual, not only by way of secretary Ieng Sary, alias Vann, and Chinese delegate putting poison into water or in steamed rice. Kan said Toeng Yong Kuy. The second plan was to attack the first he intended put poison in a bottle of water, but he party in the dry season of January 1979. The following found no way to do so as the Chinese guest was is a report reciting the assassination plot against these thoroughly guarded. Kan said if the water-container’s 50

leading cadre: stopper was just a bit loose, the guards would also not 50

“I would like to report about the plot to open it and serve the guest. Even with a proper 50 assassinate upper brothers and guests of the party and container, the guards had to test the water and wait two 50 state visiting Kampuchea” (an excerpt from file or three minutes before serving the guest. Realizing D07377) these strict precautions, there were no more attempts. 100

I met Kan, Khieu’s brother, through Khieu when As for the dining section, there was also no possibility, 100

I was transferred from the logistics section. I went out because after cooking, the food was handed over to 100

with Brother Vann a few days after my stay in the organizers. People with no duty were not allowed to 100 Ministry of Defense. This was maybe in mid-August come closer. The table was constantly watched. The 100 1978. During my stay in the Ministry of Foreign food was served immediately after the guest had sat 100 Affairs before my flight to New York on September 9, down. Kan said he also had a chance to come close to 1978, there had still been no contact. I arrived in Phnom the place were the food was being prepared, but they

Penh in early November, 1978. In the evening after kept an eye on him. Regarding the planned shooting, Black dinner, I visited comrade Kan in his room. Comrade Kan asserted the task was given to a woman named Sin, Yellow Magenta Documentation Center of Cambodia (DC-Cam) 7 Cyan Number 10, October 2000 Searching for the truth  Documentation

Perhaps in mid-June 1978, Son Sen and Pol Pot Vorn asked me to go to the Economic Department as soon as I could. There, Vorn gave me an authorized letter requesting all kinds of ammunition, especially those made in China. The manifest, with Vorn’s signature on the margin, was sealed by Committee 870. The ammunition, transported in two convoys to Svay Rieng for Khieu, filled more than 100 trucks. After receiving this letter, Vorn educated me repeatedly and strengthen my stance to believe in him and comrade Khieu. Vorn talked for a long time and eventually assigned me another job Kan’s sister-in-law, and three other women, because the outside transportation. Vorn continued: four were working there during the guest’s visit to “Comrade Khieu is far from us. He has told me Phnom Penh. According to Kan, Sin and another to inform your comrade more so that you can feel woman were in charge of shooting, and the other two warmer. As for the secret telephone, we cannot talk were responsible for eavesdropping. properly. This is my job and Khieu’s. I and Comrade Kan said the second woman to Sin was a Khieu planned to attack the party in this coming dry roommate. She was rather short but well built. She was season. The second priority of Neou is transportation of friendly. The other two had the same opinion. ‘I would ammunition. If you accomplish this goal, it would be a like to tell you the truth that Kan did not mention the victory. Now the ammunition is available. The problem three women’s names. If I knew, I would have to tell we will face is in transportation. Think of possibilities you to the best of my knowledge’. Kan said the for both land and water transport. If the problems of shooting plan failed as Toeng Yung Kuy was not transportation can be worked out, that would be great. careless and some others came inside after relaxing a First, all kinds of ammunition have to be sorted and little bit in the corridor. Kan said the plan was organized classified. And each arsenal has to have clear signs only in Phnom Penh. There was only one gun, which indicating in which categories ammunition has to be

50 was provided by Brother Khieu. classified so that we will not be confused and waste a

50 Plot to shoot Brother Van (Ieng Sary) lot of time in an emergency. Work must be scientific.

50 Kan said Khieu was once enraged by Brother Van When you all come back, a meeting must be held to and assigned his messenger, Noeun, to shoot Brother assemble and discuss these ideas in more detail with 50 Vann, but he failed. Khieu was angered by the way comrades Mot, Thim, and Phon. Second, means of 100 Brother Van and Vorn intended to overthrow him (25- transport is not the problem. Motor driven boats are also 100 12-78, Teanh). available. What we are going to do is to prepare and

100 I would like to report about my activities with Vorn load the ammunition. Third, the ammunition has to be

100 I have had frequent contact with Vorn since classified. Preparation of guns is a secondary matter.

100 Angkar assigned Vorn to supervise the ammunition Ammunition needs to be organized according to the section. Once he met me, Vorn always educated and above advice before December 1978, and no later than 100 pushed me to work hard, as planned by the CIA, January 1979. Fourth, there will be no problem of especially to recruit cadre first. He also told me not to forces, who can be assembled at any time we need. At

Black worry about the activities because he and comrade that time there will be no need to keep secret. However, Khieu would take care of them. our arsenal must be guarded at all times. Fifth, in Yellow Magenta 8 Documentation Center of Cambodia (DC-Cam) Cyan Searching for the truth  Documentation Number 10, October 2000

December 1978, I will be issuing a series of manifests, Thim must also be in charge.” I and Maut helped Vorn which will be valid throughout the nation, for for about two hours that morning. When it was time to transportation of military equipment from Office 780. leave, Vorn asked Maut to come first and they made an At about 10 am, I will be leaving the office in appointment to meet each other at the Ministry of preparation for the transportation.” Foreign Affairs on June 26, 1978, at 1.30 p.m. When the Three days later, I asked comrade Maut, comrade day arrived I went there, where I met comrade Nat and Phon and comrade Thim to join a meeting. I presented comrade Hok. At nearly two p.m., Vorn arrived and the ideas of Vorn in the meeting. All participants asked me to go upstairs. A moment later, Brother discussed and then were in total agreement with Vorn’s Number Two showed up. During the meeting, Brother instructions. During these three days, I did not attend Number Two spent one hour giving instructions. Then the meeting. I did not think very much. Yet, now it is Vorn also presented his impression in favor of the clear to see the traitorous activities against the party. Brother’s comments. Finally, Brother Number Two Which way should I choose whether to tell the party the asked every participant to give their impressions. No truth or not? I thought that if I report to the party, the one had much to say, except total agreement with the party may not believe me, for Vorn was on the standing party’s assignment. At 4 a.m Brother Number Two committee, while comrade Khieu was Central returned home. Vorn asked me to meet with him until 5 Committee in charge of all military affairs. Therefore, I a.m. During the last meeting, Vorn asked me again and chose not to report to the party. I would better follow again about the matter of ammunition, whether or not the instructions from Vorn and Kheiu. Perhaps two days Maut could work out the assigned plan. At that time, after the meeting, Vorn called me by phone to meet him Vorn still instructed me to keep the plan secret, at the Economic Support Office, where I was asked to promising that he would be meeting with me as long as report the result of the preparation of ammunition as the secret was not leaked and that if so he would push planned. I recited the above-mentioned work plan. In harder. December 24, 1978, Teanh. addition, I described that the preparation of the Respected Party ammunition at main arsenals was not entirely smooth. I I have known Vorn and Khieu for a long time. warned that there would be confusion if we rushed. Before I didn’t know him clearly. Only when the Yuon Now comrade Maut and comrade Thim went down to encroachment neared Svay Rieng, maybe in November ensure that the procedure was completed by December, 1977 and comrade Kheiu was in the battlefield there, 1978. Vorn said, “Do whatever needs to be done at all did I, Vorn, and comrade Khieu realize we were in the costs.” Vorn always strengthened my stance whenever same line. he met me. Before leaving the office, he left a message After receiving an assignment to transport asking me to go to the Economic Support Office along ammunition according to a plot against the party in the 50

with comrade Maut. I did not remember the exact date, coming dry season, I was very worried that the plot 50 maybe the 26th or 27th of June, 1978. I and Maut went against the party was unworkable, no matter how hard 50 there as directed. Vorn greeted us in his usual manner. the opponents tried. First, I thought that I had to report 50 But he warned the security guards to go downstairs. to the party. However, after repeated considerations, I Then Vorn asked us to go further with our report: “How was not so confident that the 100 does the preparation work proceed?” This time I asked party would believe me as Son Sen 100 comrade Maut to report on the matter, which was not Vorn was Standing Committee, 100

far different from the last time. Vorn said, “If comrade while comrade Khieu was 100 is absent, can you proceed?” I, Teanh, responded there Central Committee, and a main 100 would be no problem as many other comrades can take figure in the party, in charge care of it.” Vorn went on, “Comrade Teanh does not of general military affairs, and 100 work at logistics section anymore. Therefore, comrade he promised to protect my Maut has to be responsible for the accomplishment of life. Black the discussed plan. Yet, comrade Phon and comrade Respected Party, although Yellow Magenta Documentation Center of Cambodia (DC-Cam) 9 Cyan Number 10, October 2000 Searching for the truth  Documentation

I, both as a party candidate and me about the successors of Von Vet Ieng Sary a free Khmer, had lived with Vorn. I said I didn’t know. I brothers for a short period of thought if I answered I would time, maybe one year, I was be questioned and indoctrinated much in favor of the party. by comrade interrogator. Some During one year in the comrades had been forgiven Northeast Zone, I knew by the party even after they Brother Van much more than reported their activities against Brother Secretary. At that time the party in a straightforward I respected and loved Brother manner. At this time I was no Van more than the others, and even more strongly when longer afraid. I said I would report to the party what I I returned to lower land areas with Brother Secretary. I had done so far. Although I had such commitment, I still was seized with sympathy toward brothers who were had no clean-cut idea…. I was very worried. I was still walking all day and night across mountain ranges to doubtful until I saw comrade Dam from the Northeast lead the people to make the revolution with a view to being forgiven. I was educated by comrade interrogator liberating ourselves, our nation, and the poor peasant when he was cleaning my wound. Then I came up with class. At that time I was committed to giving up all of another commitment that I had to make a heart-to-heart my mistakes. Yet, after I had lived with Vorn such report to the party. commitment vanished into thin air due to the December 24, 1978 enticement by Vorn who had much more influence over Sun Ty alias Teanh me than my parents. Under Vorns and Khieu’s leadership, I gradually acted against the party. December 24, 1978 Teanh I would like to give my impression upon my arrest by the party I was arrested on the night of December 10, 1978. Upon my arrival at the re-education camp, I thought that if I implicated Vorn, that comrades wouldn’t believe me. First, I said I was loyal to the party. Second, I responded similarly. Third, I began

50 to reveal issues straightforward regarding the

50 following: 1) plot to attack the party in the coming dry season; 2) year of entry into the revolution; and 50 3) who will be the successors. First of all, 50 comrades in charge asked me to write about the 100 plot to attack the party in the dry season. Then I

100 agreed to reveal only the order [by comrade Vorn

100 and/or comrade Kheiu] to supply ammunition, not

100 the plot. So, I just showed something both true and false. Comrade interrogator(s) then questioned me. 100 I agreed, but all of my responses were not entirely 100 true. Next, comrade interrogator asked me to write my history of traitorous activities in detail from the day of treachery until the day of my arrest. While I Black was writing, comrade interrogator started asking Yellow Magenta 10 Documentation Center of Cambodia (DC-Cam) Cyan Searching for the truth  Documentation Number 10, October 2000 BIOGRAPHY OF COMRADE KONG

(Continued) and traitors. Concerning the authority, we saw it as an Suong Sikoeun Therefore, we wanted to absolute necessity that the authority had to be in the hands of have honor in the name of people, workers, and peasants (we would say there was a revolutionists and also wanted to party’s leadership, but it had no name yet). For another live a comfortable life as middle- reason, we also wanted to have the country’s independence class individuals, who were gained and didn’t wish Cambodia to be a satellite country oppressing and swindling poor anymore. workers and farmers. During a short period of stay in China, I found that 2) Proud of the nation, proud of China assisted in the struggle movement frankly without any my own people, and proud of the interference in our internal affairs. As for revisionists, they revolution vanished by the way were still in favor of contemptible Lon Nol and were going French imperialists and all stripes of oppressive class and on with activities of breaking up among the front and arguing international revisionists, such as France, Soviet and Yuon, for negotiation with contemptible Lon Nol. Obviously, the brainwashed and indoctrinated me for dozens of years. view and stance of Soviet revisionists were becoming 3) Idealism: I lived far away from the homeland and contradictory to mine in the filed of the nation’s fate. people for quite a long time and during the life-and-death Meanwhile, at the international press conference held in struggle movement against the enemy, I had never been Cuba in late 1970, we were in favor of the view and stance of directly involved. As a result, I had no chance to temper Soviet that is against the idea of compromising with traitors. myself and to be actively involved in the real practice. Since then the contradiction with revisionists on this matter 4) Private ownership was still most concerned. which had progressively evolved. In the meantime, the stance included influenceism, rankism, and individualism. against China was heavily defeated. Revisionists indoctrinated us to concentrate and understand 2) July 1971-Semptember 1971 the essence of individual happiness. Individual heroism and Brother Ieng Sary, the party’s representative, arrived ascendants’ heroism were overshadowed by materialism, in Peking and held a session aimed at educating members of such as agricultural production. the front in Peking in September 1971. The education session Transitional period from view and stance of promulgated and indoctrinated the basic view and stance revisionism to communism regarding the revolutionary war for the liberation of the 1) During my stay in China before meeting the party nation as well as the people. The party especially educated 2) May 20, 1970 to July 11, 1971 about the long-term stance of struggle in circumstances of Revisionist stance and view were our basis. However, difficulty with a commitment of no compromise, hesitation, we were committed to joining the struggle movement against and commitment to independence and self-reliance. The 50

American aggression in China and chose not to return to party also distinguished the border between opponent and 50

France. On the other hand, we took a strong view that in the enemy both in the country and in the international arena. The 50 war of national liberation, the power-holding class before the said view and stance of the party sparked a strong 50 coup, which included Sihanouk and Penn Nouth, could not contradiction to mine, especially as to the Soviets, who were possibly head the movement toward success. We then refused constantly against the revolution of Kampuchea headed by 100

to accept a position as secretary for propaganda proposed by the Communist Party of Kampuchea. Moreover, through the 100 Penn Nouth and Thiounn Mumm and to be ambassador to lecture of Brother Party’s Representative, I was made the 100 Chile and Cuba as proposed by Sarin Chhak. Then I sought aware of the territory-swallowing ambition of Vietnamese advice from the party. I tried to fight against the protocol of revolution. The reported information brought to the 100 working process, which traced back to the old regime. I conference by the party’s representative was manifest. My 100

argued that the old regime had no democracy but commitment to follow the absolute view and stance of the 100 partisamism, and allowed the exiled-government to manage party was really contrary to my knowledge and deep and head the struggle movement in the country. sentiment in favor of long-standing indoctrination by all

We had a clear view and stance on the struggle matter, kinds of revisionists. Black that there is no compromising with American imperialists Therefore, it was a life-and-death issue between the Yellow Magenta Documentation Center of Cambodia (DC-Cam) 11 Cyan Number 10, October 2000 Searching for the truth  Documentation

view and stance of the party and of mine. With the party’s 1. The party constantly educated me both in the field of view sympathy, patience, and state of being absolute, in and stance. I had more knowledge on the strategies of the combination with my ideal embedded since childhood− party in accomplishing the democratic nationalism as well as devotion of everything to the nation and worker class−I chose self-reliance and self-mastery. to gradually give up the view and stance of the party. Among I had made major shortcomings affecting my the public at the inauguration ceremony, I carried out self- revolutionary tasks: 1) in early 1975, I fell in love with a criticism against such revisionist view and stance. In the woman who was then a member of Yuvakak working with meantime, I also raised the antagonistic behaviors against us radio broadcasters of “Voice of National Union Front of as well as China during my stay in China. Kampuchea”. I reported this matter to Brother Va, After Brother Ieng Sary’s discussion, I was happy and representative of the radio and proposed marriage. I decided very honored to be a member of the brilliant Communist to divorce my first wife of foreign nationality for the fact that Party of Kampuchea on October 30, 1971. Thiounn Prasith I might not win the favor or trust of my colleagues as well as and Keat Chhon were my sponsors under the chairmanship of ‘base people’. For another reason, I took subjective view that Brother Ieng Sary. the party was encouraging its candidates to rearrange new 3) After October 30, 1971, I gradually started building families among base people. My big confusion was really a up and strengthening view and stance of the party. great sacrifice for the party. However, it was not a genuine Meanwhile, I was assigned among the public as member of devotion as it served as a bridge toward my favorite position Committee of National Union Liberation Front based in in the revolution. Peking. At the same time, I was designated as representative My mistake resulted from the failure to follow the of A.K.S.I Agent in Peking. However, I asked the party for instruction of Brother Party’s Representative who asked me my service in the country. After being an assistant to the to wait for the party’s decision. I proposed to the woman delegation headed by comrade Ieng Sary and Kheiu Samphan directly which was contrary to our revolutionary tradition. who had visited certain countries in Asia, Europe and Africa, The error made the woman very concerned about the future I was given permission to return to Kampuchea on May 27, of my two daughters. Worse, she did not feel warm by my 1974 with the delegation itself. morality. She predicted, “Once you dare divorce a girl, next Reason for my entry time you would practice in the same manner.” Such issue 1) Desire to temper and buildup myself in the real worried her so much that she could not broadcast radio practice in order to become a qualified candidate of the properly. As a consequence, it seriously affected the great Communist Party of Kampuchea so that I could serve the movement of ultimate assaults on enemies in early 1975 party more actively and effectively; when the enemies were very active in peace alliance. 2) Desire to have honored-position in the revolution. The second time the party forgave my moral mistake. My stay in Region 1: May 1974-May 1975 The party was so patient and tried tirelessly to educate me to After my visit as assistant to the delegation headed by have a clean-cut idea of political duties in continuing to fulfill

50 Ieng Sary to the liberated areas of Laos and South Vietnam the revolutionary task until the day of great victory on April (in May and Early June 1974), I carried out my task in 17, 1975. 50 Region 1 under the administration of Brother Van. 2) Another flaw was my spirit of middle-of-the road 50 First, I had a duty to quote daily brief information consciousness with no high revolutionary vigilance.

50 from national and international radio broadcasts and then From June to November 1974, in Region 1, I attended

100 reported to Brother Party’s Representative on a weekly basis. a livelihood meeting of deputy branch level with a traitor Later, I was assigned to hold another position in the office of Seang Layny named Hak, the big national traitorous network 100 Central Committee of the Communist Party of Kampuchea of sabotage agent of Soviet’s KGB. According to its response 100 under the presidency of Brother Vann. through the party, we learned that he was wrecking our

100 Besides, I had another duty to follow up A.K.S.I revolution by deviating guidelines during a period of

100 News and translate articles into French. Our office was translation of articles in Romance languages before sending adjacent to the one of National Union Front of Kampuchea them to the broadcasting team. I saw only his individual 100 directed by Brother Va, who was at the moment acting as extreme ambition and sympathy toward Yuon. Due to the fact representative of Brother Vann, Chief of Bureau of Central that we had the same revolutionary world view, I was not so Committee of the Communist Party abroad. At first, I had a clear about his traitorous activities. Black clean-cut idea and was very happy with the work in Region (Continued ) Yellow Magenta 12 Documentation Center of Cambodia (DC-Cam) Cyan Searching for the truth  Documentation Number 10, October 2000

“interrogator”, while the remaining Prak Khan two indicate “re-writer”. All confessions hold exact dates of interrogation. In 1976, Prak Khan interrogated five people. In 1977, he interrogated ten inmates and re- wrote a prisoner’s confession. In 1978, Prak Khan interrogated 35 prisoners and re-wrote a prisoner’s confession. In early 1979, before he fled to Thailand, Prak Khan interrogated another inmate. The 51 people brought to S-21 for Prak Khan’s interrogation were arrested in different places and at different times. Twenty-three of them were Khmer Rouge high- ranking cadre working in various units, ministries and offices; fifteen were taken from military ranks; eleven were secretaries of districts and regions; and the other two were accused of espionage. The fifty-one people were of different national- ities: forty-two were Khmer, five were Phnong ethnicity, two were Chinese, one was Muslim, and one was Vietnamese. Among the 53 confessions, two show that Prak Khan started his interrogation work on September 3,

1976 and finished on January 4, 50

1979. These dates are possibly 50

valid, albeit they must be cross- 50 checked against the two-page-long 50 history of Prak Khan himself. The history reads: “In July 1976, I entered S-21”. In 100 PRAK KHAN AND addition, there are three other confession documents of 100 significance as they were examined by high-ranking 100

INTERROGATION AT S-21 leaders of Democratic Kampuchea. The three 100

confession documents are: 1) Thou Hai, sawmill A-5, 100 By Osman Ysa state-run industry, with a note reading: “To Comrade 100 Fifty-three confessions of Tuol Sleng prisoners Mok”, secretary of Southwest Zone and member of held at the Documentation Center of Cambodia contain Standing Committee of the Communist Party of

the signature of Prak Khan. Fifty-one documents bear Kampuchea in charge of the General Staff; 2) Em Min, Black statements by Prak Khan demonstrating his position as member of Baray District, Region 42, Kampong Thom, Yellow Magenta Documentation Center of Cambodia (DC-Cam) 13 Cyan Number 10, October 2000 Searching for the truth  Documentation

with a note “To Comrade Pauk”, secretary of Northern in S-21 named “Sim Meil alias Man’ also used to beat Zone and member of Central Committee and Standing inmates for confession, which resulted in the deaths of Committee of the Communist Party of Kampuchea; 3) at least four people. confession document of a prisoner named Eng Meng El Him, currently living in Cham Kraom Village, Heang alias Chhon, chief of Power Committee Th-28, Prek Thmei Sub-district, Koh Thom District, Kandal on which is a note: “Important. Quickly send it for Province, became deaf as a consequence of a blow from examination by the ministry so that no-good elements a bamboo stick wielded by a Khmer Rouge interrogator can be swept cleanly away before we go to grasp the at Office 18. He recalled: “The interrogator made me Ministry of Commerce.” admit my traitorous activities. I replied I had done On each confession document, Prak Khan made nothing. Then they took a bamboo stick to beat me to a brief note about traitorous activities of the confessor. the point that I became unconsciousness. Once I woke For example, on one he came to the conclusion that the up, I could not hear. Then they stopped asking me and individual’s “activities and partisans’ activities were not asked me to work as office guard there. Since then, I completely honest. Some high ranking individuals are have been able to hear nothing.” Van Nathh, a former still hidden. Systematic account of his partisans from inmate of S-21 who survived due to his expertise as an beginning to end are not clear, for example he did not artist, recounted: “I was questioned in a prison in

Lem Tith Nai Nan Kroch Roeun Neak Choun

All these people had been interrogated by Prak Khan himself before their being taken to be executed.

mention much about the plots of those whose names Region 4 before being brought to Tuol Sleng. I did

50 appear above.” Four confessions had been written by nothing treasonable. So I had nothing to admit. Then

50 Prak Khan for the prisoners. they tortured me with electricity. The first time I was

50 That Prak Khan was involved in torture with the sitting in a chair, but later I fell out of the chair and went aim of extracting confessions from inmates is proved by unconscious. When I regained consciousness, they 50 his note: “For these people I could question them based threw water on my face so that they could go on with 100 on principles from the beginning to end. I didn’t need to their interrogation.” 100 beat them”. A “list of Santebal S-21”, used for political When asked “Do you think all Khmer Rouge

100 education also evidences his use of torture: interrogators are vicious?”, Van Nathh replied: “It’s

100 “Interrogation is an insistent issue for those who want hard to say. We don’t know their characteristics. But

100 to learn the enemy’s secrets, who try to use tricks so that most of them were young and had no education.” Van they can hide their traitorous activities and their ring Nath went on to say, “I saw prisoners lying dead in the 100 leaders. This is a duty of defending the country with room where I was being kept at Tuol Sleng and young absolute and boiling class struggle. Torture is a measure people were kicking the heads of the corpses

Black to be taken to suppress the enemy and force them to frivolously for fun.” Sok Ra and Neou Kantha, confess.” Similarly, an interrogator of Muslim ethnicity interrogators at S-21 like Prak Khan (later arrested), Yellow Magenta 14 Documentation Center of Cambodia (DC-Cam) Cyan Searching for the truth  Documentation Number 10, October 2000 recalled their unexpected immoral acts against female for only five or six month and then sometime in 1977 I inmates. was hospitalized.” When showed a prisoner’s The two-paged biography of Prak Khan held in confession, Khan uttered with surprise, “Oh, I can the archive of the Documentation Center of Cambodia remember now. Some prisoners’ scripts were very helped me to find Prak Khan. Many arguments elegant, but some other’s were not. I was asked to concerning the Khmer Rouge interrogators’ rewrite the confessions, while for others they used a characteristics seem to be no difference. It was almost typewriter. Then I just put my name as interrogator and unbelievable to meet the former Khmer Rouge sent it to others. That’s it.” However, the script in the interrogator. He is rather polite and as friendly as other confession documents are not the same as his. people. Prak Khan gave me a warm welcome. He When asked whether there were any Muslim invited me to go upstairs and sit on a nice red carpet. ethnicity working at Tuol Sleng, he replied, “I knew After introducing myself, I showed him his recorded Man (Sim Mel alias Man), who was a Muslim. The history and read it in front of him. He admitted that it contemptible Man beat prisoners to death, which resulted was true and that he had written it himself when he first in his own arrest and death as he could not get the assumed his position at S-21. Prak Khan detailed his complete responses from the beaten prisoners.” Based experiences at the prison. However, he denied his on the ‘list of smashing’, Man was smashed on April position as an “interrogator”, despite the document. He 30, 1978. Prak Khan said, “I left S-21 in 1977, so I did recounted, “Before April 17, 1975, I worked in artillery not know any more.” However, Khan learned about the unit 138 of Division 12 (later known as Division 703) date of Man’s execution on April 30, 1978. “I also was headed by Ta Nat. After Phnom Penh was captured, the in S-21 when I heard Man was killed,” asserted Khan. divisional forces had no more duty to attack enemies. The fifty-one confession documents (dated from So, they had to do rice farming. First, I grew rice in the September 3, 1976 to January 4, 1979) bear the name vicinity of Kra Beou River, Kra Att Ach Kok, maybe in and signature of Prak Khan as “Interrogator”. Prak Kandal Stung District. Then Angkar took me to remove Khan’s wife sitting next to him stated, “I have never houses along Boeng Tum Pun Dam. In the rainy season known what he did in Pol Pot’s time as we got married of 1975, Angkar brought me to Prey Sar (S-12 Kh or after 1979. Since then he has never told me about this.” Office 24) for rice farming. There I did not do anything Prak Khan has never admitted his wrongdoing contrary to their principles. One year later, I was directly, but he expressed his remorse; “I have transferred to S-21.” experienced bitterness. Since then I have never In his research on the history of Khmer Rouge committed such evil activities. I do acts of merit. At that cadre at S-21, Ie Meng Try noted that all Khmer Rouge time their rule required me to do so. Now I realize my cadre were thoroughly trained in political affairs and mistakes. I will never commit such acts again. I know it 50 strategy at military units in Ta Khmao, Boeng Tum Pun, is a big thing, so big that I cannot say even a word. Now 50

and Prey Sar. Prak Khan never mentioned anything I hate guns so much. I will not accept it although some 50 about any political sessions or strategy indoctrinations. people may give me.” 50 He did recount; “I worked as security guard in the Currently, Prak Khan is 44. He is head of a big compound of S-21 for five or six months. I suffered an household with five children. The whole family lives in 100 infection from my old, poorly-healed wound received a remote village in Takeo province. He does both 100 during the fighting with Lon Nol soldiers. I then business and farming. The family is now living at an 100

suffered half-body beriberi, could not see clearly with average standard. Prak Khan and his wife are very 100

one eye, and could not breath properly with both lungs. friendly and villagers are fond of them. No one has 100 Angkar took me to be hospitalized in Ketomelea learned of the bitter history of Prak Khan or his past. In 100 Hospital and Monivong Hospital, where I was treated conclusion, Prak Khan affirmed, “One day I will be a by Chinese doctors. I did not leave the hospital until the witness in case that a tribunal is held. There is nothing

arrival of Vietnamese troops in 1979.” Prak Khan to be afraid of, as it is true. I will say what I have seen.” Black insisted repeatedly: “I worked as security guard of S-21 So what is justice for Prak Khan? Yellow Magenta Documentation Center of Cambodia (DC-Cam) 15 Cyan Number 10, October 2000 Searching for the truth  Documentation KILLING PITS IN BANTEAY MEANCHEY PROVINCE By Sophal Ly

Thmar Puok is one of the districts of Banteay massacres at security facilities of Thmar Puok District. Meanchey where the most barbarous killings happened These massacres were carried out in three steps: first, under the reign of Democratic Kampuchea, leaving the Khmer Rouge rounded up police, soldiers, those numerous mass graves in Thmar Puok District. Thmar who owed some sort of political debts to Lon Nol, Puok is approximately 43 kilometers to the northwest students, the rich, “feudalists”, and “capitalists”, and of Banteay Meanchey Provincial town. It takes four brought them to the security facilities. No one was hours by car because the roads are not in good permitted to escape. Second, the Khmer Rouge conditions. Security is not a concern. On June 22, 1999, assembled base people accused of such minor offenses at 12: 30 p.m, the mapping team of the Documentation as walking from one village to another without Center of Cambodia reached Thmar Puok District for permission or having extra rations of fish or snails. information gathering. We recorded the exact location These victims were executed in another place. Third, by GPS devices, which information is classified as file the Khmer Rouge tricked base people into growing No.R062208A. Thmar Puok is bounded on the east by hemp along the river, where they said there would find Phnom Srok District, on the south by Svay Chek enough to food to eat. In fact, these people were District, and on the north by Banteay Ampil District. slaughtered in the military barracks of Thmar Puok, During the Democratic Kampuchea regime, this adjacent to the present-day Thmar Puok High School. location was subsumed under Region 5, Northwest In early 1977, Southwest Zone people came in, Zone. In Thmar Puok District, the following are the accusing Northwest Zone people of treachery. As a main grave sites: result, former district chiefs were executed and new 1) Banteay Teahean (Barrack) ones put in their places. The Southwest Zone people Banteay Teahean is located 700 meters to the carried out a deceitful policy, calling both high-ranking north of Thmar Puok District Headquarters at latitude and rank-and-file cadres for a meeting, at which they 13º35’3087” north, longitude 102º57’2689” east. were informed that rank-and-file people would be 50 Currently, the barrack is a military base of Division 7, relocated. In reality, all were killed. After the

50 next to which there are four mass graves. Each grave is elimination of Northwest Zone cadre, the Southwest

50 8 meters long, 3 meters wide Zone people began their policy of killing base people. Ek Sangvat

50 and 2 meters deep. Of the Mr. Sang Vat went on to say that in 1982, the three, only one pit has been government of the People’s Republic of Kampuchea 100 exhumed. The other two still carried out a policy of collecting and preserving 100 hold victims’ remains. victims’ remains. Sang Vat stated, “I also joined the

100 Mr. Ek Sangvat, 47, exhumation with Mr. Happ Svang. We collected the

100 born in Andaung Thlong remains to be preserved at a thatch-roofed memorial of

100 Village, Thmar Puok Sub- four square meters at Wat Po Veal, Thmar Puok District. district, Battambang Province At the time of exhumation, the corpses were not yet 100 (present Banteay Meanchey), completely rotten. I saw blindfolds attached to the who is District Chief of Thmar Puok, is also a Khmer victims skulls. However, the exhumed remains were

Black Rouge victim; one of those who survived the regime. destroyed in a Khmer Rouge offensive in 1985. During Sangvat said he knew about some of the Khmer Rouge the attack, the Khmer Rouge burned down houses and Yellow Magenta 16 Documentation Center of Cambodia (DC-Cam) Cyan Searching for the truth  Documentation Number 10, October 2000

Rou Sub-district, Thmar Puok District, at longitude 103º 02’4525” east, and latitude 13º55’0222” north. It is about 1.5 kilometers from the District Headquarters of Puok. The well is 8 square meters and 10 meters deep. According Mr. Sang Vat, the Khmer Rouge took people incarcerated in the security facilities for disposal in this well. He claimed that he also took part in the exhumation of more than 300 remains from this well, which were Happ Svang (left) and Ek Sang Vat (right) indicating a mass grave. then brought to be preserved at Wat Po Veal. the memorial holding about 700 remains, of which 400 These remains were destroyed along with those were unearthed from around the barracks and the incinerated at the barracks. Mr. Happ Svang noted that remainder from the area Andaung Sep Pheng.” the well was very deep. After a session of killing, the Mr. Happ Svang, 69, was born in Wat Chass, Khmer Rouge covered the corpses in the well with a Thmar Puok District, Battambang (the present-day layer of leaves in preparation for another wave of Banteay Meanchey) Province. In Pol Pot’s time, he execution. There were about seven layers. Svang lived in the same place, serving as a teacher in the claimed he knew this because he had helped to exhume section of social affairs in Thmar Puok District, and as the remains with Ek Sangvat in 1982. a traditional medicine man for such diseases as 3) Trapeang Suong swelling, diarrhea, fever, or There are two gravesites in Trapeang Suong, Happ Svang failure to menstruate. He also which is located in Dek Keh Village, Banteay Chhmar took part in the exhumation Sub-district, Thmar Puok District. They are

with Mr. Sang Vat. With regard approximately 7500 meters from the district 50

to the mass graves, Svang headquarters. Trapeang Suong is located at longitude 50

recounted; “The Khmer Rouge 103º04’0559” east, and latitude 14º04’451”north. Mr. 50 used as a pretext for the mass Ek Sangvat said he had not known these two gravesites 50 evacuations the need to grow before. But Sang Vat had asked for help from Captain cotton and hemp. But in fact, Ki Keav, commander of Military Engineering F-7, who 100 they rounded up people from the same family line and knew this location very well. The graves had once been 100 brought them all to a hall with the doors and windows disturbed in a search for supposed jewels, but the 100

shut. The hall was known as the “Art Performance villagers had found nothing but bones and scraps of 100 Hall”, and could hold approximately 5,000 people. It

clothing. Sang Vat noted that it was not easy to find the 100 was used as a barracks for Division 7, based in Puok gravesites, as the Khmer Rouge had slaughtered people 100 District, and at night, truckloads of people were secretly. To date, the Documentation Center of transported there for execution” Cambodia has mapped 25 gravesites in Banteay

2) Andaung Sep Pheng Meanchey Province. Black This well is located in Por Pleak Village, Kum Yellow Magenta Documentation Center of Cambodia (DC-Cam) 17 Cyan Number 10, October 2000 Searching for the truth  Documentation

25th ANNIVERSARY OF THE COMMUNIST PARTY OF KAMPUCHEA Revolutionnary Youth Magazine, Number 9, September 1976

(Continued) people. These are obvious experiences stemming Our revolutionary male and female youths from the flesh and blood of the nation, the people are convinced, by the correct and glistening and our Kampuchean male and female youths, and leadership of our Communist Party of Kampuchea they are also glorious, correct, bright guidelines for who used to lead the people and revolutionary the Communist Party of Kampuchea well known in youths to fight for a complete victory in a short the country as well as in the world. period of time, that the party will guide the people Therefore, the auspicious occasion of the and our revolutionary youths toward the socialist Ceremony Commemorating the Great Victorious construction and national defense for more 25th Anniversary of the Birth of the Communist triumphs in the near future. Party of Kampuchea to be held on September 30, On the occasion of the Ceremony 1976 is the new period of Socialist Revolution, the Commemorating the Great Victorious 25th construction of socialism, and defense of the Anniversary of the Birth of the Communist Party country in a systematic manner as thoroughly of Kampuchea to be held on September 30, 1976, planned by the party. Our revolutionary male and our revolutionary male and female youths with female youths in cooperatives, villages, sub- most sincere sentiment would like to wish the party districts, military units, ministries, revolutionary to be constant, powerful, and active, mental and departments and in factories, industries, and physical strength, and stronger stance of political, handicraft sections, are committed to modeling consciousness, and organizational discipline for upon the history of heroism of the party in the the sake of socialist revolution and national

50 period of twenty-five years for gradual defense for accomplishment of more victories.

50 refashioning. In the meantime, our revolutionary Meanwhile, our revolutionary male and

50 male and female youths are also committed to female youths are committed to model upon the

50 learning and grasping guidelines in all fields, as heroism, great devotion, sharp attack, and the

100 well as organizational principles of the party based stance of independence, self-mastery, self-reliance

100 upon independence, self-reliance, and self- and managing the destiny of our national country

100 mastery, and managing the destiny of our national and revolutionary politeness of the party. Also, we

100 country, so as to carry out a shock assault will derive experiences from the grasping of the

100 resolutely to build up socialism and our party’s political consciousness and organizational

100 Democratic Kampuchea toward a progress with a guidelines in order to protect the revolution, the great leap forward in all fields, including industry, country and the people forever. Moreover, we will communication, culture, social affairs, health, as respect and follow with sincere and absolute stance Black well as the field of promoting living standard of the the party’s instructions forever. Yellow Magenta 18 Documentation Center of Cambodia (DC-Cam) Cyan Searching for the truth  Documentation Number 10, October 2000

TEN-FOLD CHARACTERISTICS OF THE PARTY FOR THE CONSIDERATION OF CADRES

(Revolutionary Flage, Number 8, July 1978)

1. A Staunch Revolutionary Stand in Terms of the defending the country and building a democratic Political Line of the Party Kampuchea in this current period of socialist revolution The party’s political guidelines are vital to the fate and constructing socialism. of the nation. If the party’s political guidelines are correct, Our party’s political guidelines have, since the birth there will be a great victory and liberation of the nation of the party, experienced constant threat of obstruction by and the people. Otherwise, there will be no victory and the revolutionary democratic nationalism, socialist revolution, nation as well as the people will become oppressed servile hidden enemies burrowing within the party such as CIA,

servants. For example, after our Communist Party of Yuon dogs, and KGB agents, who deviated from the 50 Kampuchea chose correct political guidelines, the nation party’s political guidelines, being either right or ‘left’, 50 and people were liberated in a short time with the affecting the interests of the revolution and our people. revolutionary involvement of the people. As a result of our Their aim was to spoil the political guidelines of the party 50

Communist Party of Kampuchea’s political guidelines in in an attempt to lead the country into being a lackey of the 50

terms of mastery and self-reliance, Yuon enemy of American lackeys or the Yuon. Even worse, the Yuon 100 aggression could neither swallow our territory, enemies carrying the signboard of “revolution” destroyed, 100 exterminate our race, topple the authority of worker- stymied and deviated our party’s political guidelines in the peasants, nor our Communist Party of Kampuchea. Even fashion of gentleness, threat, indirectness, directness, 100 better, the people can completely defend the country, straightforwardness and so on. Yuon enemies were 100

bolster socialist revolution, socialist construction and enraged by the way the Communist Party of Kampuchea 100

improvement of people’s living conditions. had its own independent political guidelines. They took 100 Party candidates must have a correct and staunch the view that it was not possible to swallow Kampuchea political stance. Be neither right nor left in fulfillment of into the Indochina Federation without the destruction of

the concrete political tasks of the party that they must the independent guidelines of the Communist Party of Black implement successively, in particular in their work of Kampuchea. However, to date, they have not yet reached Yellow Magenta Documentation Center of Cambodia (DC-Cam) 19 Cyan Number 10, October 2000 Searching for the truth  Documentation

their goal but are being gradually subjugated. In the What needs to be done with the Staunch international arena, the situation is not so different. Revolutionary Stand in Terms of the Proletarian Ideology Revisionists are also planing to mangle our political of the Party: guidelines of the correct revolutionary party, to put the Must build up a staunch and correct stand in party under their control, and oppress and consume the terms of proletarian ideology in the fields of materialism, party for their interests. right to power, and morality of living; Every party member has to be obliged to have Must build up a staunch and correct stand in supplementary education in the field of the party’s terms collective ownership in all fields: materialism, right political guideline so as to: to power, and morality of living in the fashion of correctly carry out the party’s political guidelines; collectivism is assigned. Must build up a high stand of protect the party’s political guidelines from being devoting private ownership and be absolute in all fields: mangled by either open or secret enemies; materialism, right to power, and morality of living; take the initiative in order to make the party’s Must build up a stand of sharp attack and political guidelines extremely effective in their tangible endurance of hardship in all circumstances in order for implementation. We, party members of the Communist absolute class struggle in defending the country as well as Party of Kampuchea, are committed to practice and Democratic Kampuchea in the direction of socialist protect the party’s guidelines more than we do our own revolution; lives. Must be highly vigilant of “great” personal and 2. A Staunch Revolutionary Stand in Terms of the private ownership over materialism, right to power and Proletarian Ideology of the Party morality of living. Hold a staunch revolutionary stand in terms of Every party member has to get rid of non- political guidelines and the proletarian ideology of the proletarian ideology and absolutely build up the party. Use political guidelines as your basis. Ideology is a proletarian ideology of the party so as to be a revolutionist factor inspiring the exercise of political guidelines. and a party member of the Communist Kampuchea Revolutionary ideology instigates correct implementation forever. of the political guidelines of the party. Non-revolutionary 3. A Staunch Revolutionary Stand in Terms of the ideology stymies the practice of the political guidelines of Internal Solidarity and Unity of the Party the party. The Communist Party of Kampuchea is the hard All stripes of enemies, both ‘open’ and ‘closed’, are core and symbol of national solidarity and unity. The keen in attacking the party and the revolution in the field Communist Party of Kampuchea used to have an of ideology. If they succeed and the non-revolutionary admirable tradition in terms of solidarity and internal unity ideology is put in place, it may mean that they achieve and experience with tough and complicated challenges of their goal of capturing the party. attack for the protection of the party’s solidarity and unity. 50 For example, Yuon enemies are intending to control Territory-swallowing and racially exterminating Yuon

50 and topple our Communist Party of Kampuchea. They enemies and their lackeys burrowing inside the

50 always attack our party’s ideology that is ‘revolutionary Communist Party of Kampuchea carried out open and violence’, by announcing that Kampuchea should not closed activities aimed at breaking up the party’s internal 50 struggle by revolutionary violence but by assembly. They solidarity and unity. They deviated from our party’s 100 also attack our ideology of self-mastery and self-reliance political guidelines and ideology, as well as organization.

100 by a statement that such a tiny nation cannot be in self- Even worse, they separated people and combatants from

100 mastery and self-reliance without assistance from a our party. However, the Communist Party of Kampuchea, ‘bigger’ country. It is a reflection of the fact that Yuon party members, and our combatants adhere to the staunch 100 enemies will do whatever needs to be done to cause the revolutionary stand in terms of solidarity and unity and 100 party’s ideology to fall into their satellite, subjugation, have participated in attacks against the Yuon enemies and

100 reliance and belief they are able to be the leader of their ‘dogs’, resulting in the purity of the stand the party “Indochina”. However, the evil activities and anti- and failure of the Yuon enemies to destroy the party and

Black revolutionary secrets of Yuon enemies have already been swallow the beloved territory of Kampuchea. smashed and revealed publicly. (Continued) Yellow Magenta 20 Documentation Center of Cambodia (DC-Cam) Cyan Searching for the truth  History Number 10, October 2000

have added 732 to the recorded May entries, to arrive at a total estimate of 5,084 prisoners in 1978. The high intake from April through June reflected the purges in the eastern part of Cambodia. By the end of the year, the prison population had dropped dramatically. In December 1978, as a note from Huy to Duch suggests, there were 279 prisoners in the “big prison” (presumably the main, western buildings), as well as 45 “Vietnamese,” undoubtedly prisoners of war, and 33 other prisoners in the “special prison.” There were also 14 prisoners “working” at that time. These would have included the 7 men known to have survived incarceration at S-21. Although the totals listed here come to only 13,206, given the lacunae in the data it seems prudent to estimate the prison population between 1975 and 1979 as approximately 14,000. The vast majority of prisoners at S-21 were young, ethnic Khmer males from rural backgrounds. They were socially and ethnically indistinguishable from the people who held them captive. With some exceptions, people labeled “class enemies” or “new people” and those suspected of minor crimes were generally held in provincial prisons. Only 238 of the prisoners whose confessions survive, or 6.4 percent, Photo: Hong Hun, female combatant arrested October 1976. were women. This disparity can be explained by the fact that far fewer women than men served in the Voices from S-21 military units so heavily targeted by Santebal, and very few held positions of responsibility in DK and so could Chapter two: A Total Institution be accused of serious counterrevolutionary crimes. The By David Chandler number of women in the prison population, however, was undoubtedly higher than the number of women’s

confessions would suggest. We know that dozens of 50

(Continued) higher-ranking prisoners’ wives and even some of their 50

From mid-February to mid-April 1977 alone, mothers were incarcerated at S-21 and put to death, 50 1,249 men and women were brought in during purges of often without undergoing interrogation. Those female 50 the Northern and Northwestern Zones. prisoners who wrote confessions, on the other hand, 100 In 1978 prisoners’ photographs included placards included several holding high rank, such as district giving their names and numbers in a monthly admission chiefs, factory and hospital administrators, and military 100 sequence. Entry records, although incomplete, suggest cadres, as well as representatives of most traditional 100 that at least 4,352 prisoners came to S-21 in 1978. Only female callings such as nurses and cooks. Roughly 500 100

59 prisoners are listed in the scattered records for May, of the prisoners whose confessions have survived, or 100 although the mug shot numbers for that month go up to slightly more than 10 percent of the total, had held 100 791. Although there are many lacunae in the photo positions of responsibility in DK. In this category I archive for 1978, the highest number for all the months include the political secretaries of military units and

except May and August (for which no photographs government offices, the secretaries of individual sectors Black survive) corresponds roughly with the entry records. I and their assistants, regimental and divisional military Yellow Magenta Documentation Center of Cambodia (DC-Cam) 21 Cyan Number 10, October 2000 Searching for the truth  History

commanders, cadres running industrial enterprises such meters by eighty centimeters, where they were shackled as factories and railways, and those working in such by one ankle to the floor. Less important prisoners, like government ministries as foreign affairs, information, Vann Nath, were confined in large classrooms on the industry and trade. Thirty of those purged had at one second floor of the complex, “lined up in rows and time been members of the Party’s Central Committee. shackled to the floor with ankle irons...... A long pole Although their fates were the same, higher- was inserted into the sprockets of each ankle iron and ranking prisoners at S-21 often received special secured at the end of the room.” treatment. Kok Sros has recalled that the cadres Male and female prisoners were segregated, and quartered in the so-called “special prison” slept on beds women with small children stayed with them while and received the same rations as the staff. After they had their husbands underwent interrogation and before all been interrogated and tortured, he said, they were the family members were taken off to be killed. bathed and patched up by S-21 paramedical personnel Scattered entry records reveal that wives and children and given time to compose more “accurate” were often kept at S-21 for very short periods- confessions. Hoping to postpone or lessen torture, and sometimes as little as two days-before their executions, perhaps in some cases hoping to be released, many and one document suggests that in early July 1977 senior cadres decided to cooperate and wrote seventy-five prisoners, identified only as sons or confessions of several hundred pages. The guards daughters of those previously executed, were assigned to them, Kok Sros recalled, were chosen from “smashed” (komtec) at Prey So. Confessions of prison the best in the contingent. The special treatment that the personnel suggest that female prisoners were frequently cadres received can be explained in part by lingering harassed and occasionally assaulted. Vietnamese female feelings of respect for high-ranking figures, but it is prisoners were especially vulnerable to attack. more likely to have been connected with the Party Isolation, poor food, and silence were crucial to Center’s requirement that they be kept healthy and breaking the prisoners down in preparation for their comfortable enough to compose plausible confessions. interrogations, for as Foucault has suggested, “solitude None of the confessions provide descriptions of is the primary condition of total submission.” The day-to-day life at the prison or any details about prisoners’ day began at 5:00 A.M., when they were prisoners’ relations with each other. In this respect the awakened and strip-searched. They were then sources from S-21 are much sparser from those we can encouraged to engage briefly in awkward calisthenics, consult in studying the Holocaust, or the Argentine without being unshackled from the floor. Nearly twenty “dirty war,” or the Chinese and Soviet prison camps, not years later, Vann Nath recalled the “gymnastics” only because survivors of these facilities are far more vividly:

50 numerous but also because the secrecy and the Then were heard a voice order, “All of you get “discipline” of S-21 shut off the prisoners from each up.” When I sat up I saw a small boy, about thirteen 50 other and shut us off from nearly everything that was years old, standing with a rod made of twisted electric 50 produced at the facility except confessions, wire, maybe a meter long. 50 memoranda, and self-critical autobiographies. In “Why are you sleeping? It’s nearly dawn,” the

100 addition, unlike the Nazi camps, S-21 had very few boy said. “Don’t be lazy. Do some exercises.”

100 “trusties.” The better treatment accorded some high- “How can I exercise, brother?” a prisoner asked.

100 ranking prisoners did not include permission to “How stupid you are, you old coot,” the boy said. fraternize with the staff. Instead, to use Wolfgang “Get the shit buckets, put them under the bars, and jump 100 Sofsky’s phrase, the prisoners “existed in a tertiary together.” 100 social region, a world of misery and namelessness.” All the prisoners followed his instructions. The noise of 100 After mid-1976, when Tuol Sleng expanded, the shackles and buckets clanged throughout the room. prisoners deemed to require extensive interrogation, but I tried to jump a few times with the others. How could

Black not senior enough to be confined in the “special prison,” we do that, with one ankle fastened to the shackles and

Yellow were kept in cinder-block cubicles measuring two the other foot jumping? Magenta 22 Documentation Center of Cambodia (DC-Cam) Cyan Searching for the truth  History Number 10, October 2000

Those scheduled for interrogation could be taken off to as many as three sessions a day, scheduled from 7:00 A.M. to noon, from 1:00 P.M. to 6:00 P.M., and from 8:00 P.M. to midnight. Those who stayed behind were forbidden to communicate with each other; they were allowed to address guards only when they needed to relieve themselves. Prisoners in the large classrooms were “washed” every three or four days by being hosed down en masse through open windows. Food consisted of a few spoons of watery rice gruel, garnished with bits of water convolvulus (trokuon) or banana leaves, served up at eight in the morning and eight at night. Prisoners soon lost weight and suffered from diarrhea, “numbness” (spuk), swollen limbs, and a range of skin diseases. As their resistance weakened, they were infected by other prisoners. Many of them died before they could be taken off to be killed. If they died at night, their bodies were not removed until the next morning. The contradiction between treating prisoners like animals and expecting them to provide detailed, supposedly rational confessions was central to the culture at S-21, and it was never resolved. Would more humane treatment have led to “truer” confessions? There is no way of knowing, but humane treatment of prisoners was almost always out of the question. There was no need, from the administrators’ point of view, even to keep the prisoners healthy. After a month of confinement Vann Nath recalled: After they starved us for so long and we were unable to walk, unable even to sit up, we had no resistance, we had no strength in our hearts for resistance. It was all gone. We just lay there waiting for the day that we would die. Over the lifetime of the prison, conditions for prisoners varied in response to the number being held and the intensity of the Party Center’s fears. In 1975, before Santebal moved to Tuol Sleng and its operations became secret, several inmates were released and either sent to the prison’s agricultural facility at Prey So or returned to their former units. Later on a handful of prisoners, like Ung Pech and Ruy Nikon, were unshackled and allowed to perform manual work on the outskirts of the prison.

S-21Cadres S-21 prisoners (Continued on page 40)

Documentation Center of Cambodia (DC-Cam) 23 Number 10, October 2000 Searching for the truth  Legal A SAMPLING OF DOCUMENTARY EVIDENCE LINKING THE KHMER ROUGE LEADERS By Steve Heder

(Continued) Pok reporting the arrest by the Zone’s Sector 41 For example, a telegram of 19 January said that military of two men who claimed to be combatants of during attacks 2 kilometres deep into Vietnamese Central Committee Division 502. In this message, territory, forces operating out of the Zone’s Sector 24 addressed to “Committee 870”, Pok asked the had not only “smashed 30 enemy military homes,” but Organization to check the prisoners’ story with Division also “burned down a number of homes of ordinary 502 Secretary Met and to get back to him. people”. In addition, they had “smashed two enemy Conversely, some documents were copied to Ieng motor boats in which everybody was ordinary enemy Sary but not Nuon. For example, an 8 April 1978 people, on account of which the ordinary people in telegram, apparently from Son Sen, reported that these boats were all smashed to smithereens.” Thus, “in Central Committee Division 703 Secretary Pin (later sum, we smashed 30 head of enemy this 18 January.” purged)had been wounded when his vehicle hit an anti- There were also unknown casualties from the tank mine, an incident that was blamed on “internal “continued shooting” of 107mm rockets into the enemies”. As a result, efforts were being made to Vietnamese market town of Hok Ngeu, which had thus “assess and research to find internal enemies in order to been set on fire. On the home front, ordinary take timely measures” against them. Another message Cambodian people who had purportedly been herded the same day reported that forces had fought their way off by attacking Vietnamese forces but were now “into the Dong Thap population centre and the market “gathered back up by us” were “being re-educated, south of Trapeang Pream and Toeng Chouv,” all on differentiated and purged”. A follow-up message from Vietnamese soil, and brought “about the death and the East explained that ordinary people who were living injury of many head while burning down hundreds of near the border have all been made to withdraw and stay homes.” It also reported that DK forces were at the rear, and they are constantly in re-education “continuing to fire into Toeng Chouv with 107s and meetings. Moreover, Yuon enemy link elements are DK75s” (rockets and recoilless rifles, respectively). being purged so that they are not chaotically in amongst This message copied to Van added that “the situation in the good ordinary people, and they are being kept under the grassroots” in Cambodia itself “is that we are separate surveillance and being re-educated separately.” continuing with further purges one after the other.”

50 Another message, dated 20 March, reported that Khieu Samphan

50 Vietnamese attacks seemed to be concentrated on None of these reports from the grassroots is certain East Zone sector forces whose “contemptible” explicitly copied to Khieu Samphan. This appears 50 leading cadre had purportedly been providing perhaps surprising in the light of Ieng Sary’s comments 50 intelligence to the Vietnamese, and that “measures” that as Chairman of the Central Committee’s 100 were being “taken with initiative against anyone who is administrative office 870, Khieu Samphan would have

100 no good” among these sector forces. received and seen many documents of a general nature.

100 A few other messages in this period were copied However, it may be that he received all of the

100 only to Nuon and not to Van. One example is a documents described in more, because, as noted above, telegram of 14 February 1978, apparently from Son in addition to being cc’d to members of the Standing 100 Sen, reporting the capture by Central Committee Committee resident in Phnom Penh, they were also 100 Division 180 of two Vietnamese. The Division marked to be sent to “Office” (muntir) and to Secretary, Sâm Huoy alias Meah Tal (later purged)had “documentation” or archives (aekasar). The “office” in Black been instructed to send the prisoners to S-21. Another is question could be that which Khieu Samphan chaired,

Yellow a 29 March 1978 message from Central Zone Secretary or his office may have been in charge of the Central Magenta 24 Documentation Center of Cambodia (DC-Cam) Cyan Searching for the truth  Legal Number 10, October 2000

Committee archives, or both. If that were the case, then “may be probative in establishing ... various elements of Khieu Samphan’s guilty knowledge would have been accomplice liability” on the part of Sou Met and Meah considerable. Mut for international crimes, and in particular “may DOCUMENTS OF THE GENERAL STAFF: SOU constitute direct or circumstantial evidence” that they MET AND MEAH MUT “were involved in planning, instigating or ordering the DC-Cam’s holdings of the minutes of meetings commisison of offenses, with an awareness of their act of Central Committee military units and various of participation and a conscious decision to so messages between Son Sen and those units implicate participate.” More specifically, the documents “may two surviving CPK cadre at just below the senior level: constitute evidence that these ... suspects had Sou Met, the former Secretary of Central Committee knowledge of and instigated, encouraged or ordered Division 502, which incorporated the DK air force; and atrocities as aiders and abetters” of atrocities. Meah Mut, the former Secretary of Central Committee In a message sent to Son Sen on 22 February Division 164, which incorporated the DK navy. Met 1976, Mut reported on the recent arrest by Division 164 regularly and Mut occasionally attended General Staff of eight persons and the interrogation of one of them, meetings, spoke at them and listened to reports by whose “responses” identified those detained as colleagues and to pronouncements by Son Sen. The members of “a group of ... bandits who are hiding out documents provide information on the involvement of in the vicinities west and north of Veal Rinh”, the seat both units and their secretaries in arrests both of of Prey Nup district, and who had being doing political ordinary people and of cadre and combatants, on their opposition “work among the masses in the grassroots” knowledge of other such arrests as revealed to them by there. Son Sen and by division and regimental cadre who Met attended a meeting of leading cadre of attended these gatherings (almost all of whom are now Central Committee divisions on 16 May 1976 at which dead), and on their knowledge of various “smashing” other secretaries reported on arrests their units had and “sweepings”, including of purge victims to whom carried out. Pin, the Secretary of Division 703 (later the especially damning label of “super-traitors” was purged), informed those present of the arrest of “two applied. Tittemore concludes that these documents skinny, long-haired persons ... at the Central Market” in Phnom Penh, while Sâm Son Sen Khieu Samphan Ieng Sary Huoy alias Meah Tal (later purged), the Secretary of Division 180 (290), reported that it had arrested

“four enemies”: “two 50

CIAs” and “two soldiers”. 50

A General Staff 50 situation report covering 50 the period from mid-July to the end of August 1976 100 notes that Division 164 had 100

arrested four “workers” 100

who had “cut the barbed 100

wire and entered [an] 100 ammunition dump” in late 100 July. They had already been sent “to the police

[nokorbal]. Black (Continued) Yellow Magenta Documentation Center of Cambodia (DC-Cam) 25 Cyan Number 10, October 2000 Searching for the truth  Legal FOUR WAYS TO PROSECUTE TORTURE COMMITTED IN THE DK ERA By Jan van der Grinten

(Continued) definition. The thresholds that Assuming that this are part of the definitions Penal Code was in force of war crimes and crimes during the DK era (There against humanity would might be doubts about that. not apply. Nevertheless has not been The conclusion of proven that Democratic the Group of Experts on Kampuchea repealed or this subject was that denounced the Penal although a court might Code at the time it took have to examine closely power, see Abrams and whether the criminality of Ratner, striving for Justice: torture as of 1975 met the Accountability and the standards of nullum crimen crimes of the Khmer sine lege, the inclusion of Rouge, 1995, p149), torture in the statute of prosecution would be any court seems justified easier under the provisions (Report, P.23) of this code because the Ratner and Abrams additional elements of (Accountability, p.255, crimes against humanity 256) express their doubts (systematic or widespread, as to whether torture can possibly nexus to an be recognized as having been an independent crime armed conflict) and war crimes (linkage to armed under international law in 1975. If however a court conflicts, protection limited to certain groups of people) decided in favor of criminality, they state: would not have to be proved. However, the defendants “then the historical record leaves little doubt could rely on the various defenses that are provided by 50 regarding culpability. As the archives of Tuol Sleng the 1956 Penal Code, which might give them a defense 50 bear witness, Democratic Kampuchea employed torture that they would not, or not to the same extent, have 50 systematically against tens of thousands of enemies of under international law. These include, among others,

50 the regime. The evidence of individual guilt is stronger the defenses of youth, force majeure and superior

100 for these acts than for any other crimes.” orders.

100 Nevertheless, the draft law on the establishment Probably the most serious threat to a successful of extraordinary chambers in the courts has no separate prosecution under domestic law is the provision for a 100 provision referring to torture as an independent crime statute of limitations. This could prevent any 100 under international law. prosecution of torture under domestic law after 1989, if 100 4. Torture as a crime under domestic law not investigated before that year, as the term for

100 Article 500 of Cambodian’s Penal Code of 1956, prosecution of torture is 10 years. prohibits the use of torture. Its definition of torture Ratner and Abrams (Striving, p. 155, 156),

Black resembles the internationally accepted definition, discuss three other interpretations and options that

Yellow though official conduct is not mentioned in the would be available to prosecutors and courts, which I Magenta 26 Documentation Center of Cambodia (DC-Cam) Cyan Searching for the truth  Legal Number 10, October 2000 will summarize below. Cambodian authorities has not been conducted. First, they argue the absence of a functional Apparently they do not consider the above mentioned judicial system in Cambodia since 1975 has served to investigations the kind of criminal investigations the toll the statute of limitations since that time. An Penal Code refers to. improvement of this position could be put forward by Third, a new domestic law could be passed asserting that Khmer Rouge leaders should not benefit lengthening or eliminating the statute of limitations in from their own destruction of the Cambodian legal cases of crimes against humanity, including Genocide. system during the late 1970s. Though the Cambodian This approach has had ample precedents. Penal Code has the implicit presumption behind it of a Crimes against humanity as part of international functioning judicial system within a government with law, do not have a statute of limitations. Neither has the control over its territory, such has not prevailed since 1984 Convention against torture. If torture should be 1979. considered as having been an independent crime by In my opinion, one would create one problem by 1975, no statute of limitations would apply. On these solving another with this argument. If a court would be grounds, it could be argued that under obligations of willing to assume that the statute has been suspended on international law, a domestic statute of limitations does the above mentioned grounds, based on the principle not apply to torture. Nevertheless, defendants have in that no one may improve his position by virtue of his my opinion a strong position arguing that a suspension wrongdoing, the question might come up whether or elimination of the statute of limitations, even after Khmer Rouge-leaders put to trial are responsible not the period that prosecution could have been started, is only for the lack of an effective judicial system during contrary to legal protection under domestic law. their time in power, but also for the period afterwards, The draft law nevertheless extends the statute of and therefore may never benefit from the statute of limitations for an additional 20 years for the crimes of limitations. Moreover, this argument could only be homicide, torture, and religion persecution, crimes valid if the non-existence of an effective judicial system which are thus brought within the jurisdiction of the after 1979 could be proven. It might be doubted Extraordinary Chambers (Art.3). whether a (Cambodian) prosecutor would base himself Conclusion on that assumption at all. Any legal ground to build up a prosecution of Second, a court might determine that the 1979 in torture has its own thresholds and evidentiary problems. absentia trials of the Khmer Rouge leaders by the PRK War crimes can not be committed without the existence served to suspend the statute, and that both that of an armed conflict, and not against non-protected government and successive governments have been persons and property under the Geneva Conventions. investigating the crimes of the Khmer Rouge since that Crimes against humanity are by their very nature 50 time. Indeed, there was a comprehensive investigation widespread or systematic, and possibly require a nexus 50

by the governmental Research Committee on Pol Pot’s to an armed conflict for the 1975-1979 period. Torture 50 Genocidal Regime in the early eighties. The results of is a substantive crime under international law, but was 50 this large-scale research project were published in that so in the 1975-1979 situation? Prosecutors will 1983. Investigations ordered by judicial authorities have to prove that torture was a fundamental and 100 indeed interrupt the statutory period, under provisions peremptory norm, jus cogens, by 1975. 100 of the Penal Code. A court would have to deal with the Finally, torture is a crime under domestic law, but 100

question whether these kinds of investigations are to be the term for prosecution has evidently expired. Its 100

considered as investigations that interrupt the statutory doubtful whether the solutions to this legal problem can 100 period in terms of the Penal Code. bring about suspension or elimination of the statute of 100 Ratner and Abrams state that the shortcomings of limitations as far as they regard on persecution of this option are obvious: the 1979 trials are themselves torture as a crime under domestic law after the statute

quite suspect as legal precedents, and since that time period has been expired. Black any bona fide criminal investigation of KR atrocities by Yellow Magenta Documentation Center of Cambodia (DC-Cam) 27 Cyan Number 10, October 2000 Searching for the truth  Legal SLAVERY AND SLAVERY-RELATED PRACTICES By Elizabeth van Schaack

Slavery has gradually evolved from a moral forms- the buying and selling of individuals and their offense to an international crime. The first modern treatment as property- is recognized as being contrary instrument condemning slavery was the 1815 to customary international law. In addition, slavery-like Declaration Relative to the Universal Abolition of the practices, such as harsh and inhumane forced labor, Slave Trade, signed by the major European powers as may constitute torture and cruel, inhuman and part of the Congress of Vienna. In the Declaration, degrading treatment or punishment (see section below). European powers condemned the slave trade as This is hardly surprising, as the prohibitions against all repugnant to the principles of humanity and universal of these practices are underpinned by the same morality. The Declaration establishes a duty on fundamental notions of the sanctity of the person. signatory states to prosecute and punish violations. Precisely which practices fall within the Prohibitions against the slave trade expanded prohibition against slavery-related practices is during the 19th century. The international community somewhat less clear. Outside the realm of classic came to recognize not only the illegality of the slave slavery, illegal actions are defined not so much by their trade, but of the practice of the slavery itself. The type as by the degree of inhumanity with which they are international community’s recognition of the carried out. As such, slavery-related practices, such as unacceptableness of slavery grew out of general forced labor, may constitute cruel, inhuman and principles of natural law and was eventually codified in degrading treatment or punishment. numerous international instruments. The recognition of As discussed above, since the early nineteenth the illegality of slavery in an ever greater number of century, numerous agreements condemning and domestic legal systems helped to establish the specific outlawing slavery and the slave trade have been signed. norms of international law on the subject. .The This section shall consider the most recent and most increasing number of countries acting against slavery in important. their domestic law, together with the growing number The 1926 Slavery Convention, to which a large of international agreements condemning slavery and the number of states are parties, defines slavery in Article I slave trade, gave rise to norms of customary law in the (1) as “the status or condition of a person over whom late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries prohibiting any or all of the powers attaching to the right of the slave trade and eventually slavery itself. These ownership are exercised.” This definition suggests that

50 norms of customary international law, in other words, more than “classic” slavery may be proscribed by law. evolved out of the growing global consensus against It demonstrates that the values underpinning the 50 slavery. international community’s condemnation of slavery are 50 Seventy-nine separate international documents equally opposed to other inhumane labor practices. The 50 and instruments have addressed the slave trade, slavery, signatories to the 1926 Slavery Convention pledged in

100 forced labor and other slavery-related practices. These article 5 “to take all necessary measures to prevent

100 instruments reflect and give substance to the general compulsory or forced labor from developing into

100 principle of law proscribing slavery. According to the conditions analogous to slavery.” The Conventional Restatement (Third) of the Foreign Relations Law of stipulated that forced labor “may only be exacted for 100 the United States, section 702, it is accepted customary public purposes,” and “in territories in which 100 international law that a state violates international law if compulsory or forced labor for other than public 100 , as a matter of state policy, it practices, encourages or purposes still survives,” the parties to the Convention, condones slavery or the slave trade and torture or other “shall endeavor progressively and as soon as possible to

Black cruel, inhuman, or degrading treatment or punishment. put an end to the practice.” (Wars and national

Yellow There is no question that slavery in its most basic emergencies, for example, would constitute a public Magenta 28 Documentation Center of Cambodia (DC-Cam) Cyan Searching for the truth  Legal Number 10, October 2000

emergency. The Convention articulates a long series of S-21 prisoner requirements for the use of forced labor demanding respect for all normal worker rights, including: adequate wages, safe working conditions, maximum hours of work, respect for individual and family rights, and the right not to be removed from one’s place of residence. In some circumstances, a worker may expressly and freely contract around the minimum provisions of the Convention. In addition, Article 18 specifies that “only adult able-bodied males who are of an apparent age of not less than 18 and not more than 45 years may be called upon for forced or compulsory labor.” The general requirement of the Convention is that forced labor be only infrequently used, and when used, its application be humane. Though few states are parties to the 1930 Convention, the Supplementary Convention on the Abolition of Slavery, the Slave Trade, and Institutions and Practices Similar to Slavery (1956) says in its preamble that it was made “having regard” to the 1930 Convention. Most states are parties to the Supplementary Convention, including Cambodia, which ratified it on 12 June, 1957. The Supplementary Convention expands the list of prohibited practices under the 1926 Slavery convention, outlawing debt bondage, serfdom, the sale of women into marriage and the sale of children into purpose). Such forced labor was to be considered “of an labor. exceptional nature .” Anyone compelled to participate The Abolition of Forced Labor Convention in forced labor “shall always receive adequate (1957), to which 52 states are parties , expands upon the remuneration.” Removing workers from “their usual earlier prohibitions against Forced Labor. In Article 1, place of residence” is also forbidden. In short, forced the signatories promise not to make use of forced or labor, if used for other than public purposes (that is to compulsory labor: 50 say as a matter of course, rather than an exceptional (a) As a means of political coercion or education 50

event) and administered without humanity (involving or as a punishment for holding or expressing political 50 forced reallocations and/or insufficient pay) would views or views ideologically opposed to the established 50 constitute, like slavery, a violation of the Convention. political, social or economic system; The 1930 Convention Concerning Forced or (b) As a method of mobilizing and using labor for 100 Compulsory Labor (Forced Labor Convention) purposes of economic development; 100 reinforces this view that forced labor is generally a (c) As a means of labor discipline; 100

violation of human rights. The signatories of the (d) As a punishment for having participated in 100

Convention pledge “to suppress the use of forced or strikes; 100 compulsory labor in all its forms within the shortest (e) As a means of racial, social, national or 100 possible period.” Forced labor may, however, religious discrimination. sometimes be used for the following purposes: Slavery used with the intent to destroy a group

compulsory military service, service as a punishment based upon characteristics enumerated by the Genocide Black for a crime or service demanded by a national Convention, may rise to the level of genocide. Yellow Magenta Documentation Center of Cambodia (DC-Cam) 29 Cyan Number 10, October 2000 Searching for the truth  Public Debate

Black Paper

THE ANNEXATIONIST NATURE OF VITENAM

Department of Press and Information of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of Democratic Kampuchea September 1978

50 1. The acts of Aggression, Expansion Annexation territory covered the Central part of the present

50 of Vietnam in the Past Vietnam. Its people were called Cham, Champa had

50 The acts of aggression and annexation of an old and brilliant civilization in Southeast Asia, as

50 territory perpetrated by the Vietnamese in the past as demonstrated by the My Son monuments. The

100 well as at present, have clearly shown the true nature Vietnamese had unceasingly perpetrated acts of

100 of the Vietnamese and Vietnam, that is a nature of aggression and annexation aggainst Champa.

100 aggressor, annexationist and swallower of other In 1471, the Vietnamese took over the capital

100 countries’s territories. The annexations of Champa of Champa, Vijaya, and called it Binh Dinh. From

100 and Kampuchea Krom by the Vietnamese have this date, Champa began to decline and

100 demonstrated it. proggressively disappered as a nation. The a. Champa Vietnamese afterwards “swallowed” the whole

Black Champa was founded in the second century, at territory of Champa and absorbed the Cham people

Yellow the epoch of Nokor Phnom in Kampuchea. Its who lived in the South of the capital Vijaya. Magenta 30 Documentation Center of Cambodia (DC-Cam) Cyan Searching for the truth  Public Debate Number 10, October 2000

In 1611, the Vietnamese annexed the region part of Kampuchea for more than 2,000 years. The of Phu Yen in the South of Qui Nhon. Vietnamese began to encroach on this territory at the In 1653, they annexed the region of Khanh beginning of the 17th century. Hoa, (Kantara in Cham language), near Nha Trang In 1623, they obtained the authorization to and Phan Rang (Panduranga in Cham language). come and trade at Prey Nokor, which they afterwards 1693, the Vietnamese “swallowed” the whole named Saigon. They took this occasion to send Champa by annexing the region of Phan Thiet. several tens of thousands of their people to live there. The Cham race was totally exterminated by the The Vietnamese requested the authorization to Vietnamese. In a parallel direction with their carry on business in Prey Nokor (Saigon) only for conquest of Champa, the Vietnamese also enforced five years. But at the end of that period, they refused their colonial yoke over laos. to leave. In 1645, Kampuchea claimed the restitution After the take over of Champa, the Vietnamese of Prey Nokor (Saigon), but the Vietnamese refused. went on stepping up their expansion in the direction In 1653, Kampuchea demanded once again the return of Kampuchea Krom (Southern Kampuchea in of Prey Nokor (Saigon) to the motherland. The Khmer language). Vietnamese promised to do so. But these were only b. Kampuchea Krom fallacious promises for in fact, they further settled It is the part of territory of the present South several tens of thousands of their compatriots in Prey Vietnam including the western region of Donai’s Nokor. Using this place as a spring-board, the river and the Mekong’s delta. France called it Vietnamese have carried on their expansion and “Cochinchine”. This territory had been an integral annexation. 50 50 50 50 100 100 100 100 100 100 Black Yellow Magenta Documentation Center of Cambodia (DC-Cam) 31 Cyan Number 10, October 2000 Searching for the truth  Public Debate

The dates below, given by way of guidance, provinces. show the penetration of the Vietnamese into In 1835-47, the people of Preah Trapeang Kampuchea’s territory. But they do not mean that the (Tra Vinh) province rose up against the Vietnamese. Vietnamese took possession of these territories at In 1845, the whole Kampuchea’s people rose up to these dates, for the whole nation and people of crush the Vietnamese. Kampuchea have always fought against the In 1858, the poeple of Maot Chrouk province Vietnamese invasion and annexation. (Chau Doc) liberated their territory and rejoined it to In 1699, the Vietnamese occupied the Kampuchea again. Kampuchea’s army drove the provinces of Ba Ria (Phuoc Le), Kampong Sraka Trei Vietnamese out of the provinces of Khleang (Soc (Bien Hoa) and Prey Nokor (Saigon). Trang), Preah Trapeang (Tra Vinh) and Kramuon Sar In 1715, without the knowledge of the (Rach Gia). Khmer authorities, the Vietnamese through their Under the French colonial rule (1863-1954), adventurers practically controlled the provinces of the Vietnamese took possession of other Peam Banteay Meas (Ha Tien) and Kramuon Sar ( Kampuchea’s territories. They were in collusion with Rach Gia). the French colonialists who had taken possession of In 1732, the Vietnamese occupied the the region of Prey Nokor (Saigon) in 1859. During provinces of Peam Me Sar (My Tho) and Long Hor this colonial period Kampuchea lost the following (Vinh Long). territories: In 1757, the Vietnamese tried to implant the In 1870-1873: Raung Damrei (Tay Ninh) border at Moat Chruok (Chau Doc). province, the region located along the two Vaico In 1758, the Vietnamese took possession of rivers, the territories of Peam Banteay Meas (Ha Preah Trapeang province (Tra Vinh) and Khleang Tien), Moat Chrouk (Chau Doc) and Prasat Dap province (Soc Trang). (Dong Thap). The Kampuchea’s people have waged an 1890-1914: Choeung Preah province (Song unceasing struggle against the Vietnamese Be). penetration in order to recover the territories 1929, the French colonialists annexed the belonging to them. Let us quote the main events: region of the Darlac (Dac Lac) and gave it to the

50 In 1731, the people of Ba Phnom province Vietnamese.

50 (Eastern Kampuchea) rose up to drive out the In 1939: the French colonialists

50 Vietnamese. administratively attached the islands of Koh Tral

50 In 1738, the Kampuchea’s army expelled all (Phu Quoc) and Koh Russei (Hon Doc) and a number

100 the Vietnamese out of Peam Banteay Meas (Ha Tien). of other islands to Cochinchina, and consequently to

100 In 1743, the people of Khleang province Vietnam.

100 (Soc Trang) revolted and expelled all the Vietnamese. Up to the Second World War, the Vietnamese

100 In 1748, they prevented the Vietnamese from coming annexed 65,000 square kilometres of Kampuchea

100 back. The Kampuchea’s army crushed the Vietnamese Krom’s territory, absorbed more than one million of

100 army at Sap Angkam, Pursat province. Kampuchea’s people (the present number of the In 1776, the people of Peam Me Sar (My Kampuchea Krom’s people called “Khmers Krom” is

Black Tho) and Long Hor (Vinh Long ) provinces revolted nearly 4 million).

Yellow and the Kampuchea’s army liberated the two ( Contiuned) Magenta 32 Documentation Center of Cambodia (DC-Cam) Cyan Searching for the truth  Public Debate Number 10, October 2000 THE CHILD SOLDIERS OF S-21: THE INVISIBLE VICTIMS OF ANGKAR By Meng-Try Ea

According to the S-21 internal documents of 31) into an S-21 cadre like? As part of the the Khmer Rouge regime, 1,685 cadres worked in propaganda of the Khmer Rouge, Pol Pot said, “To the S-21 prison. They were guards, interrogators, establish the new society, [we] require new catchers and husbandary workers. Of the 762 S-21 people.” The Khmer Rouge militias were new cadre biographies held at the Documentation because they were only twelve or thirteen years Center of Cambodia (“DC-Cam”), 169 are of old. These child militias were assigned to work for

Comrade Tum Sat, Comrade Ho Mean, former S-21 combatant Tum Sat former S-21 combatant Ho Mean

Before and Now Before and Now 50 Comrade Pan Sam, Comrade Ien Chhan,

former S-21 combatant Pan Sam former S-21 combatant Ien Chhan 50 50 cadres from region 31, Kampong Chhnang the party in the Center as S-21 cadres after being 50 province. DC-Cam researchers went to Kampong indoctrinated into “correct” political standpoints 100 Chhnang province and interviewed 18 former S-21 and having their biographies recorded by the 100 cadres as well as 24 relatives of 19 former S-21 district chief. Some child militias were happy both 100 cadres who did not survive the Khmer Rouge to join the Khmer Rouge revolution working as 100 regime. These S-21 cadres left their beloved militias and to leave their families to work for the 100 Korng-rey mountain, schools, ricefields and party. However, some were not happy at all. 100 families to serve the Khmer Rouge revolution in Comrade Mot, a former Khmer Rouge cadre, said the Machim (Center). What was the process of that some children wanted to be militias because turning a child from Kampong Chhnang (region they wanted to work less and receive better rations. Black Yellow Magenta Documentation Center of Cambodia (DC-Cam) 33 Cyan Number 10, October 2000 Searching for the truth  Public Debate

A former Svay sub-district militia man from district, Kandal province. After the training course, Samokki Mean Chey district, Comrade Kong, these militias were assigned to be catchers, guards, recalled that the reason he decided to serve as a interrogators and husbandary workers at the S-21 militia was for better rations and better working prison under the control of the S-21 director, condition in the village. In contrast, Comrade Thim known as “comrade Duch”. did not want to be a militia at all because there was Comrade Duch said that his deputy director, no one to look after his old mother at home. Yan, “comrade Hor”, was responsible for bringing the mother of Thim, asked comrade Rin, the prisoners to the S-21 prison. He added that Kampong Tralach district chief, not to recruit her comrade Hor usually went down to the provinces son into the militia group as she would be alone at to pickup the prisoners following an order from

Comrade Khieu Ches alias Hing Kheng, S-21 Peou, S-21 combatant Khieu Ches combatant Hing Kheng

home and there would be no one there to help her. comrade Noun Chea, the first deputy secretary of Rin refused. Communist Party of Kampuchea, and from In 1975, the district chief assigned the himself, Duch. A former S-21 catcher, comrade militias to leave the village to work for the party in Peou confirmed that sometimes catchers went to the Center. Rin ordered comrade Soeu to leave the pickup the prisoners by Jeep or Truck (Kamang village for the Center by taking the truck at the Ka). He added that S-21 catchers were very good at district headquaters. Comrade Soeu at first fighting because these catchers were trained by the

50 hesitated but when he was told that his fellows Chinese. According to comrade Peou these

50 were living in the same village, comrade Peou, Chinese trainers sometimes also joined them on the

50 comrade Hong and comrade Moeun had joined the prisoner roundups, especially with the Eastern

50 march then he too decided to go. Comdare Soeu Zone soldiers in 1978. Comrade Peou remembers

100 recalled that along the way to the Center he and his that one of the Chinese trainers was Hor Wan

100 fellows were very happy, singing and laughing, but Hung.

100 that after arriving at S-21, everyone was in tears Guards were responsible for security both

100 and did not think they would survive the Khmer outside and inside the prison. Guards worked in

100 Rouge regime. Before beginning work at the shifts from 6 am to 11 pm or from 11 pm to 6 am.

100 crucial Khmer Rouge institution called S-21, The guards had to be cautious every second. When militias were assigned to a four-month period of there was a problem, such as a prisoner trying to

Black military training that included bombing and escape, the guards had to ring an alarm and turn on

Yellow fighting tactics at Steong Prek Thnoat, Ta Khmao the electric wire fense immediately. Moreover, Magenta 34 Documentation Center of Cambodia (DC-Cam) Cyan Searching for the truth  Public Debate Number 10, October 2000 guards who worked inside had to work closely with view. It aimed to make the S-21 cadres separate the interrogators. A former guard, comrade Kheng further from their parents and selfishness, and recalled the cooperation of the two groups, noting increase ties to Angkar and the cooperative. that interrogators had to show their orders to the Comrade Soeu asked permission from comrade guards indicating which prisoners they wanted to Peng to visit his family, but Peng would not allow take out for interrogation. For example, prisoner it. Comrade Soeu said that the S-21 cadres tried to number 6 or 7 would be asked for, upon which the work hard to serve the Khmer Rouge revolution guads brought the needed prisoners out to the because they were told that their parents at the interrogators. Prisoners were blind-folded and village were taken care of very well by the Angkar. walked to the interrogation house, where they were Therefore, the S-21 cadres did not have to think sat on a chair and interrogated. The interrogators about their families at the base areas but only tried prepared confessions for the S-21 chief, who to work hard. Comrade Soeu recalled the Khmer would decide on each case. Punishment was Rouge indoctrination “Only tried to make yourself encouraged by the S-21 chief under the pretext of good and work hard to serve the party. Do not think nation reason, class reason and international about your parents at the base because they all reason. Comrade Soeu recalled that the were provided three meals per day.” interrogators were violent and brutal, and always Only eighteen of the region 31 children of beat the prisoners with a tree branch, shoes, or an them survived the Khmer Rouge revolution electric wire whenever they were not pleased with returned to see their beloved Korng-rey mountain the prisoners’ answers. Comrade Soeu added “The schools and ricefields. Unfortunately the chance interrogators some of whom were children ordered has gone. These former region 31 children could the prisoners to bow down or sit down so that they not go to school or go to the ricefield to play with could beat them. Some prisoners were killed under their fellows but to plow and harvest to feed their the torture.” families. These former region 31 children are The husbandary workers were responsible living in sorrow with the unforgetable events of for rasing sheep, goats, and rabbits, and providing 1975-1979. production supplies to support S-21 and its sub- Excerpted from the research paper titlted, “The Child units. The husbandary workers had to look for Cadres of S-21: The Invisible Victims of Angkar” by Ea 50 grass and morning grow to feed the animals, in Meng-Try of the Documentation Center of Cambodia 50 addition to caring for them generally. Comrade (DC-Cam). The research paper is funded and published 50

Chiem, a former husbandary worker, complained by the British government. 50 that his working conditions were very bad. He 100 worked all day, everyday, without Saturdays or Please send letters or articles to 100

Sundays off. Documentation Center of Cambodia (DC-Cam) 100

In addition to their main duties the S-21 P.O. Box 1110, Phnom Penh, Cambodia 100 cadres had to attend the weekly meeting. The Tel: (855) 23-211-875 100 meeting was mainly to indoctrinate them on the Fax: (855) 23-210-358 100 standpoints of the S-21 cadres, to strenthen the Email: [email protected] Angkar, and generally to impress upon them the Homepage: http://welcome.to/dccam Black correctness of the Marxist-Leninist-Maoist world Yellow Magenta Documentation Center of Cambodia (DC-Cam) 35 Cyan Number 10, October 2000 Searching for the truth  Public Debate RECLAIMING CAMBODIAN HISTORY THE CASE FOR A TRUTH COMMISSION

By Jaya Ramji

(Continued) effective than a tribunal. While genocide and crimes against humanity must The interviews suggest that some Cambodians, not fester, a trial of top leaders combined with a truth particularly those from rural areas and lower socio- commission could minimize this risk and establish a economic classes, place a higher priority on peace and shared historical memory to enable Cambodians to leave stability than on retributive justice for the Khmer Rouge. the Khmer Rouge era in the past. Some Cambodians from higher socio-economic classes Interviewees repeatedly emphasized the need to believe that Buddhist philosophy prescribes amnesty and find out who supported the Khmer Rouge, both directly truth over revenge. While a strong argument can be made and indirectly. Due to the secrecy of the Khmer Rouge, for the punishment of genocidal regimes in terms of most Cambodians are ignorant of the composition of the international law precedents and the deterrence effect, a Permanent Committee and other committees that planned fragile state such as Cambodia may not be able to the genocide. The regime has been characterized as a withstand the ramifications of widespread trials. If the “prison without walls,” as it was organized to strip the number and composition of defendants in a trial were prisoners (Cambodians) of their freedom and limited at the outset, other Cambodians involved in Khmer individuality. Prisoners could not take any actions that Rouge activities would have much less to fear from a trial. were not approved by the wardens (the Khmer Rouge While old wounds would still be opened, fear of leadership), and they could only see the guard in charge of punishment on the past of the general populace could be their cellblock. They did not know the identity of other assuaged. Further, a truth commission could point to the guards nor of prison officials. Most knew the warden’s guilty lower down in the Khmer Rouge chain of command name (Pol Pot) but had never laid eyes on him. Fortunately and enumerate their acts while granting amnesty and for those investigating this era, including the allowing society to heal. Documentation Center of Cambodia (DC-Cam), the Both interviewees and the state of the country after Khmer Rouge left a long paper trail, documenting their twenty years of war highlight the need for an killings with obsessive regularity. accountability mechanism to provide substantial DC-Cam has undertaken a large amount of the reparations to the Cambodian people. The top priorities

50 necessary information gathering, but the there is still much are establishment of an educational system and the rule of

50 work to be done in this realm. The data already collected law. While neither of these goals can be achieved without must be analyzed and weighed by an independent, the cooperation of the Royal Cambodian Government, the 50 authoritative body. In addition, fact-finding expeditions government also needs international assistance in the form 50 and research are needed in the realm of indirect support of both training and funding. An international tribunal that 100 and the culpability of other nations. Thus not only must aims to prosecute many members of the Khmer Rouge

100 the prison warden be found, but also the government that would be extremely expensive and would poach funds

100 funded the prison and the organizations that sent advisors from the more important goal of development. When to help run it. It may be necessary to examine the presented with the choice between a trial and development 100 culpability of those members of the international of civic institutions necessary for democratic stability, the 100 community who were capable of breaking into the prison answer for a large number of Cambodians would be 100 and freeing the prisoners but failed to act. To cull the development. amount of knowledge of the Khmer Rouge era that RECOMMENDATIONS

Black Cambodians seek, then, it seems a truth commission with Working from the assumption that a truth

Yellow its strong research and investigation focus may be more commission is vital to rehabilitate Cambodian society, it is Magenta 36 Documentation Center of Cambodia (DC-Cam) Cyan Searching for the truth  Public Debate Number 10, October 2000 easy to articulate several recommendations about its necessarily be located in Cambodia in order for it to fully structure. By definition, a truth commission is a highly investigate and take testimony. However, interviewees flexible accountability mechanism, and can be sculpted to unanimously held that the Cambodian Government would fit the needs of each individual country. be incapable of conducting an unbiased trial or truth First, the Cambodian genocide was characterized commission. Thus a truth commission could be set up by highly centralized control, which made it almost under U.N. auspices or with the support of ASEAN. Many impossible for Cambodians to disobey the orders of the interviewees stipulated a desire for judges from Western Khmer Rouge cadres. Many of those who survived the democracies, but Cambodian representation was also Khmer Rouge era did so because they followed orders, important to some respondents. The option of anonymity ranging from rationing meals in portions that caused should be available to potential witnesses. The current people to starve, to bayoneting people in the backs of their political situation in Cambodia and the presence of many necks. While it is clear that the top leaders are culpable, former Khmer Rouge members in positions of power the question of guilt becomes much more complex when make fears of retaliation real concerns. The more applied to the rest of the population. A truth commission damaging the testimony, the greater the fear of reprisals for Cambodia would have to take this into account, and will be. Thus if a truth commission does not have one recommendation would be to follow the model of provisions for anonymity, it will run the risk of losing conditional amnesty by the South African Truth and witnesses with the most pertinent information. Reconciliation Commission. In the unique Cambodian The interviewees unanimously accepted the context, an amnesty provision would allow people to importance of widespread distribution of results, but the express their experience as both victim and perpetrator at implementation could be problematic in Cambodia. There the same time, rewarding them with amnesty if they are two major difficulties faced by such distribution: confess to the atrocities that they committed. Thus freedom of the press and due process considerations. In participation in the “punishment” of admitting guilt the case of Cambodia, given the concerns heard regarding publicly metes its own rewards. This would encourage the lack of freedom of the press, it is imperative that Cambodians to tell their stories, even if they must admit to international organizations are involved to ensure a fair, killing other Cambodians. In the case of Cambodia, an thorough, and impartial distribution of findings. This is amnesty provision seems to be the only realistic avenue also vital for due process considerations. A truth for obtaining testimony from a large percentage of the commission must be extremely careful when naming population. perpetrators. While there was much enthusiasm among the While the majority of interviewees rejected interviewees for publishing perpetrators’ names, amnesty for top leaders, their opinions on amnesty for accusations of guilt must be examined carefully when lower-ranking Khmer Rouge criminals were less clear. If a determined in a non-judicial forum. If the truth 50 trial is limited to top leaders, amnesty can be extended to commission used the model of conditional amnesty, the those lower on the commend chain after they have resultant voluntary confessions of guilt sidestep due 50 confessed in front of a truth commission. Through such a process problems. 50

structure, punishment can be meted out to those guilty of In terms of the distribution of results, there was 50 committing atrocities in the Khmer Rouge era in a manner much less enthusiasm for naming victims. Interviewees 100 that will help to end the cycles of retributions and revenge. objected to publishing victims’ names of two reasons: 100 While blanket amnesties condone past abuse and there were countless victims and people already know the encourage future abuse, a conditional amnesty would help names of those killed. Again, the Cambodian experience is 100 to rebuild civil society by encouraging dialogue and different from that of many other countries, particularly in 100

ordering non-legal punishment. The social humiliation of Latin America, where truth commissions have been 100 public confession and apology is punishment in and of established. First, the massive scope of this genocidal 100 itself, and public acknowledgment of atrocities can be as regime, killing off nearly a third of the Cambodian beneficial to victims’ healing processes and to advancing population, makes investigation of each and every victim

the rule of law as a legal judgment. all but impossible. Second, the hope that a friend or family Black A Cambodian Truth Commission would member may be alive somewhere has been extinguished Yellow Magenta Documentation Center of Cambodia (DC-Cam) 37 Cyan Number 10, October 2000 Searching for the truth  Public Debate

over the last twenty years, so people do not need to see entirely, painting a picture of the chain of command and their loved ones’ names in writing to confirm their death. those responsible from 1975 until 1979. Thus, Third, such a long time period has passed since the philosophically and structurally, a truth commission is atrocities occurred that people have borne witness with vital for the reconstruction of Cambodian society. family members and friends and do not feel the pressing By using non-legal punishment to address lower- need to have their story heard and legitimated. This last ranking perpetrators of serious human rights abuses, we circumstance is also a result of the fact that the atrocities can achieve the goal of implementing justice without committed under the Khmer Rouge have been tearing apart a fragile democracy. The question, then, is acknowledged; more than denial, the problem is that not whether to pity Pol Pot more than pity those he crimes have never been fully investigated. Thus a massacred, but how to realistically assess what is Cambodian Truth Commission need not publish victims’ necessary to rehabilitate a nation that has suffered through names. twenty years of war. Those who committed crimes as Extremely difficult philosophical questions are grave as those of Pol Pot should face an international raised in the debate between a trial and a truth tribunal; other Cambodians should be aided by a truth commission. On the one hand, there is the gut reaction of commission in constructing a collecting social history. the need to punish those responsible for horrifying abuses CONCLUSION of human rights. Nate Thayer’s interview of Pol Pot on From the author’s interviews with Cambodians, a October 22, 1997, highlights this reaction. Pol Pot’s claim trial for top leaders and a truth commission for lower- that he felt no remorse for his role in the genocide ranking members of the Khmer Rouge are advised. In provokes the impulse that he should have been punished March 1999, United Nations Secretary General Kofi and in that way forces to regret his atrocious crimes. Annan and the U.N. Group of Experts on Cambodia However, a tribunal has numerous ramifications far endorsed the idea of an international tribunal for Khmer beyond individual being prosecuted. One must step back Rouge officials and a truth commission for other and examine not only the ethnocentricity of a trial Cambodians. The Cambodian government rejected this solution, but also the repercussions that a trial would have proposal in favor of a domestic trial with a minority of on a fragile democracy. First, Buddhist philosophy foreign judges and technical assistance from the United appears to support the concept of amnesty. Second, a trial Nations. This plan does not include provisions for a truth may be an easy way for the rest of the world to wipe their commission. hands of their guilt for allowing such regime to exist and While the Cambodian government’s concerns about for certain countries, for supporting the Khmer Rouge sovereignty are understandable, particularly given the years after the deeds of the genocidal regime were well treatment that Cambodia has received at the hands of the documented. The combination of a tribunal and a truth international community over the past twenty years, the 50 commission will ensure that a full picture of Cambodian choice of a domestic trial is short-sighted. Only a truth

50 history is painted, while preventing the instability that commission can address the long-term needs for education

50 could result from universal trials. and social reconciliation. It is widely accepted that the The most important structural elements of a truth Cambodian judiciary has neither the impartiality not 50 commission are information collection and examination of independence needed for a fair trial of the Khmer Rouge. 100 the chain of command. From interviews, it appears that Further, a truth commission is consistent with Cambodian 100 finding out who was behind the Khmer Rouge or put more history and culture. A truth commission is necessary to

100 simply, finding out the truth is the highest priority of many paint a larger picture of Cambodian history, which is vital

100 Cambodians. A truth commission is better equipped for to heal Cambodian society. Over twenty years after the this type of research than a tribunal, given its inherent fact- tragedy, it is time that Cambodians are granted recognition 100 finding mandate. Although a trial judgment could be and redress of the heinous crimes that they suffered at the 100 published and distributed, the findings of a truth hands of the Khmer Rouge. This would be accomplished commission would be far more accessible to the general most effectively through an international tribunal for top Black public. Most importantly, the findings of a truth leaders of the Khmer Rouge and a truth commission for

Yellow commission would address the Khmer Rouge era in its other Cambodians. Magenta 38 Documentation Center of Cambodia (DC-Cam) Cyan Searching for the truth  Public Debate Number 10, October 2000

there to search for her husband. When she arrived at the prison, she was accosted by several very young Khmer Rouge cadres, who told her, “The moth sees the flame, but does not know the flame means death. It just keeps rushing in.” She was astonished at the arrogant attitude displayed by the young Khmer Rouge, and thought, “Children this small should not be saying this to me.” The child cadres then took her into custody, and there she remained as a prisoner until the Vietnamese army came in January 1979 and drove away the prison guards, allowing all the surviving people at Sang Prison to finally escape. While Sun was at Sang, she witnesses many terrible things. “Seventy or eighty people would go at one time from each village. They all died and none remained.” So it was at Mok’s Sang Prison, until the liberation finally came from the vicious oppression of the Khmer Rouge regime. Once Khmer Rouge control had been broken, the villagers rose up and captured all the Khmer Rouge cadres who remained in the area. Many of the former guards and other employees of MOK’S WORK Sang Prison were then brought by the new authorities to By Craig Etcheson the Killing Field near Sang Prison, and forced to exhume the mass graves there, so desperate were the (Continued) surviving people to search for evidence of their loved In September 1977, Chhim Somaly was arrested ones. along with 86 other people. “They took me to Sang The Patriarch Monk at the temple remembered Tonle Bati. They took me to be executed. All 85 people the exhumation of the mass graves at Tonle Bati in died. I was the only one to survive....” While at Sang 1979. “Only about 30 to 60 mass graves have been Prison, she recalled, excavated. There are many more left to be excavated,” We did all kinds of work, from transplanting rice he said. The remains of thousands of victims were seedlings to digging and carrying dirt. While we carried removed from the Sang Prison Killing Field and placed 50 dirt, we were chained together....they always chained in a memorial built on the site of the former Khmer 50

you. Not until you entered the prison, then they Rouge prison. (A picture taken in 1980 of the remains 50 shackled you... The shackles were made of iron about recovered at from the Sang Prison Killing Field is on 50 the same size as window bars. They bent it to fit your the cover of this issue of “Searching for the truth.”) ankle. And then there were loopholes so they could There they laid to remind people of the suffering during 100 slide in the long bars to fit 10 people in a row..... In my the Khmer Rouge regime, and of the evil of people like 100 room, there were ten rows, ten people per row.... They Mok. 100

never released you. But over the years, some villagers came and tore 100

Another woman from a local village became a down the roof of the memorial, seeking building 100 prisoner at Sang in a different way. Chhim Sun materials for their homes. After twenty years, the 100 wondered why suddenly her husband was not coming to thousands of skulls and other bones in the memorial visit her every ten days, as has been allowed by the were beginning to deteriorate dramatically. The monk

Khmer Rouge. Eventually, someone told her that he had decided that something had to be done to preserve the Black been arrested and taken to Sang Prison. So Sun went memory of the crimes of the Khmer Rouge regime. “I Yellow Magenta Documentation Center of Cambodia (DC-Cam) 39 Cyan Number 10, October 2000 Searching for the truth  Public Debate

observed the remains in a sad state, just sitting there All, that is, except the memories of those who exposed to the sun, wind, and rain. The remains have still survive. There are some things that cannot be decayed and have even been eaten by cows. That forgotten, no matter how hard people many try. The inspired me to think that if the remains continued to lie survivors Sum Rim has such memories. She recalls that in the state they were in they would certainly vanish and when the people excavated the Sang Prison Killing no evidence would be left for younger generations to Fields after the fall of the Khmer Rouge regime, they see.” found babies, infants who had been stuffed into plastic So in late 1999, the monk raised the money to bags, suffocated, and then tossed into the mass grave build a new memorial adjacent to the site of Sang pits on top of their parents, like so much garbage. She Prison, and with a big ceremony, they moved the remembers, “Why would they waste their energy hitting remaining evidence of Mok’s work at Sang Prison to a three or four month old baby? It was much easier to the new memorial. He says that the government plans to just place it in a bag and bury it. That’s why I say that tear down the ruins on the Sang Prison site, and build a is how we Khmer people suffered...... That’s why I say school of administration there. When that happens, he those who don’t know still don’t know.” That is true, but says, of the remaining evidence of the prison and the the Khmer people must at least know the truth about mass graves which have not yet been excavated, “all Sang Prison and Mok’s work. will be gone.”

(Continued from page 23) In early 1978, a dozen other men-including Vann Nath and three other known survivors-were detailed by Duch to paint and sculpt images of Pol Pot. In the closing months of DK, as conditions worsened in the fighting 50 with Vietnam, Pol Pot seems to have toyed with the idea of establishing a cult of personality similar to those that 50 surrounded his mentors Mao Zedong and Kim Il Sung. The “trusties” at S-21 were recruited to provide a fitting 50 monument. Talking to David Ashley in 1995, Vann Nath recalled:

50 “Near the end we had to design a revolutionary monument. The design was first taken to Nuon Chea who

100 approved it and was then supposed to be taken to Pol Pot for his approval. The monument was like those in China and Korea and featured Pol Pot at the front of a line of people with his right hand stretched skywards and with 100 him were a number of people indicating the progress of the revolutionary struggle, beginning with axes and 100 knives and ending with abundance, with guns and B-40s. Duch said that the plan was to destroy the temple at Wat 100 Phnom and replace it with this monument. If the Vietnamese hadn’t invaded, I think that’s what would have

100 happened.”

100 For over fourteen thousand men, women, and children confined in S-21, there was no revolutionary struggle “beginning with axes and knives and ending with abundance.” For days or months on end they inhabited an

Black anteroom to death. Their struggle ended not with abundance but when their skulls were smashed with ox-cart axles at the killing field of Choeung Ek. (Continued) Yellow Magenta 40 Documentation Center of Cambodia (DC-Cam) Cyan Searching for the truth  Family Tracing Number 10, October 2000

HAUNTING SOULS

By Kosal Phat 50 50 50 50 100 100

At mid-night of July 24, 2000, Patriarch Keo wandering and were asking him to do something for 100

Kosal and two other monks at Ka Koh temple “saw” a them. 100

shocking phenomenon of hundreds of Khmer Rouge The Khmer Rouge converted Ka Koh temple into 100 victims walking out of the grave site towards the nearby a Security Office 08 and a prison in 1973 and operated 100 main temple, the former Khmer Rouge prison. this prison up to the fall of the DK regime in 1979. This Reverend Kosal believed, by digging accidentally into prison was in District 56, Region 33, Southwest Zone.

one of hundreds of mass graves, that he has opened the Over 5000 people were estimated to have been killed at Black home of the Khmer Rouge victims whose souls were this prison. Reverend Kosal, whose father was also Yellow Magenta Documentation Center of Cambodia (DC-Cam) 41 Cyan Number 10, October 2000 Searching for the truth  Family Tracing

The worst thing he saw at Ka Koh Wat Kakoh, former Security Office 08 prison was a large-scale killing in 1978. He said, “I saw Comrade Chim, District Chief (of District 56, Region 33, Northwest Zone) rode her red CL-brand motorbike to the prison on the day he saw the mass execution. She asked to see the prisoner lists on a small desk about 20 meters away from the pits, where Comrade Puth, Security Chief, and his deputy were sitting. Then without examining, she kept drawing red lines across names in the list as thick as a book and marked a “x” sign at the end of each name, page after page, and all red. Then she whisked away and killed at Ka Koh prison, said, “I saw hundreds of the Comrade Puth ordered his ten men to begin to bring dead walking, groaning in pain toward the temple... about 30 people each time and asked their victims’ looking like they are seeking their vengeance....” He names before they were blindfolded, their arms tied to explained, while looking at some emerging bones in the the back, and walked to the gravesites. The victims pit, that “The souls of the dead from diseases are at rest, were then made kneel around the pits, bending their but the souls of those who were tortured and chopped to head over the pit just waiting for the full-force blows death without knowing their mistakes are restless, thus from the Khmer Rouge killers. I saw people in becoming the angry souls wondering around....” It is convulsion before death. Not only their parents, but also merely superstitious to many of us, but one of the few very young children were killed. I watched the event survivors from this prison has similarly lived in an with my body shaking. The Khmer Rouge security men annoying puzzle as raised by the Reverend Kosal when just kicked the dead bodies into the pits.” referring to the haunting souls. He is always wondering To anyone like Choch, it is clear that village chiefs

50 why he was tortured unjustly and thousands of those made their lists of their perceived Angkar enemies and pitiful and innocent people were cruelly hacked to send them up to Comrade Chim, District chief, who 50 death. later gave the red marks “x” as “order-to-kill” to 50 Mr. Choch, aged 68, one of the six Base People Comrade Puth, Security Chief to slay thousands of 50 arrested and sent from the village to Ka Koh prison people.

100 said, “I was intentionally accused by the village chief of Reverend Keo Kosal said, “He will give a proper

100 being New People serving the Lon Nol regime. During religious ceremony for the remains after washing to

100 the first seven-day interrogation at Ka Koh prison, he appease the souls of the victims....” But that does not was severely beaten several times a day.” After his real seem an acceptable answer to Choch and Cambodian 100 class status was revealed, I gained trust from the Khmer people. Choch said, “...I really want to know who else 100 Rouge security group led by Comrade Puth and his above Comrade Chim were behind the killing.” Had Ta 100 deputy Comrade Sruoy. Choch did whatever he was Mok, then Secretary of Southwest Zone, ordered told to do in the prison up to 1979 for his survival. At Comrade Chim to kill thousands of people at Ka Koh

Black present, Choch himself lived life as a handicapped prison during the DK regime?

Yellow person as a consequence of the Khmer Rouge beating. Magenta 42 Documentation Center of Cambodia (DC-Cam) Cyan Searching for the truth  Family Tracing Number 10, October 2000

VOICE FROM THE GRAVE:

TONLE SAP LAKE MASSACRE

By Ronnie Yimsut

The first horrific blow came when I was laying face rampant in my mind. I didn’t think of anyone else, but about down to the ground with a corpse partially covering my lower myself. I realized where I was and what had happened. “Am body. It whacked me just below my right shoulder blade. I I already dead? If I am, why do I still suffer like this?” I kept heard a simple “pop” sound−followed by an excruciating on asking myself that same questions over and over again, but pain. I tried, but no use. I was still wide awaked and suffering always came to the same conclusion. I am still alive. I am from unbearable pain. alive! But why? I could not understand why I was still alive The next massive blow hit me just above my neck on and suffering. I should have been dead. I wished then and the right side of my head. It dented my skull nearly one half there that I were dead like the rest of people, my family and of an inch. I believe it was the one that knocked me out and friends, who were laying and scattering all around me. put me to sleep that night. The rest of the clubbing, which The faint light of a new dawn broke through the included at least 15 blows, landed everywhere on my skinny darkened sky, revealing my shriveled, blood soaked body in little body. Fortunately, I did not feel them until much later. I the mud. It must have been about 4 or 5 o’clock in the do not remember anything after that, except that I slept very morning, January 1, 1978. “Not a Happy New Year today,” I well that night, unconscious from the beating. thought. It was still dark and cold. My motor skills came back I woke up to the familiar sound of mosquitoes buzzing little by little until as time progresses. I was able to move like bees over my body. Only this time there were tons and with great difficulty. I pushed myself to sit up by supporting tons of them feasting on other peoples’ blood and mine. I was myself on the pile of dead bodies. I began to work to untie unable to move a muscle, not a one. Both my terrified eyes myself from the cloth rope. I broke the rope after a few were opened, but they were blurry. I thought I had been painful tries. My eyesight was also fully back, but I wished 50

blinded. I was completely disoriented. I could not remember then that I was blind after seeing the scattered bodies laying 50 a thing. I thought that I was sleeping at home, in my own bed. at every direction. Some of them were beyond recognition. 50 I wondered why there were so many mosquitoes? They didn’t Some were completely stripped naked. Bloodstains, which bother me at that time because I could not feel a thing. Where had already turned to a dark color, gave the area a new 50 am I? Why can’t I move? I was still tied up with the cloth dimension. It definitely was not a sight for sore eyes. 100

rope. I tried to look around for my relatives, but my system 100 After a few minutes I was able to see just a little, but would not comply. My neck and body were stiff with 100 everything else was still blurry. I saw a bare foot in front of excruciating pain. My head hurt−oh how it hurt so badly. I my line-of-sight, but I didn’t know whose it belongs to. could only feel around my with my two hands and try to hang 100

Suddenly, reality set in at full blast and I immediately broke on so that I would not fall back down. Everywhere I touched 100

into heavy sweat. I was shaking uncontrollably. The was cold flesh. My hands were both trembling and I could not 100 memories of the events that occurred earlier came rushing control them from shaking. I just sat there in my attempt to back and smacked me right in the head. I suddenly realized get oriented.

the sharp dull pains all over my skinny body and head. I was I cried my heart out when I recognized a few dead Black very cold. I had never been so cold in my entire life. Fear ran bodies next to me, one of which was Sa-Oum and her unborn Yellow Magenta Documentation Center of Cambodia (DC-Cam) 43 Cyan Number 10, October 2000 Searching for the truth  Family Tracing

child. I suddenly remembered the bare foot I saw when I first again in the bush. woke up. It was hers. Her swollen belly was openly exposed. It wasn’t until the following night before I was really Her unborn child was still inside, dead. Her elderly father and awake. A whole day had gone by just like I wasn’t there. I her two sisters were all piled up on top of each other and side- remember waking up several times during the day, but by-side as though they were embracing just before they lost everything was kind of foggy. Soon after I woke up, more their lives. people were coming toward me again. I assumed they were A little further away, laid the rest of my family more victims to be butchered. I did not wait to find out. I members and neighbors. The body of my parents and decided then that I wanted to live for one purpose only. It was siblings, what left, were strangely twisted and awkwardly to revenge for the dead of my family, friends, and neighbors. contorted. A few bodies nearby were beyond recognition. I Vengeance was all the powerful motivation that I ever just could not go on. My cries turned to a sobs; It was the needed. I was no longer fearful? more like extreme angry only sound around besides the mosquitoes, which continued feeling than anything else that kept me going. to torment my almost bloodless body. I began to fade and feel I bid my goodbye to my love ones and I began to slip as though my life was slipping away. I passed out again on away from the area by crawling on all my elbows and knees. top of the dead bodies. I was totally out cold. I couldn’t walk at all, even if I had wanted to. I was no longer I woke up to the sound of people coming toward the bleeding, but I knew that I was in a bad shape. I was very killing field. I slowly pushed my self and sat up to listen weak, hungry and very thirsty. My lips cracked like mud in closely. I began to panic: “They are back to finish me off, “I the hot sun. My entire body cracked from the layers of mud told myself. “They are going to bury me alive!” I reasoned. and blood that had been banked in the hot sun. I had to find They might as well. I had absolutely nothing to live for. water soon or I would die of thirst. Technically, as far as the Khmer Rouge was concerned, I was I worked my way west along the shallow-dried up already dead. canal and then turned north. By this time it was really dark I wake all resigned to give up the hope for life as the and chilly again. My elbows and knees were all cut up and voices got closer and louder. At that very moment, my badly bruised, but I bit my lower lip and relentlessly kept one survival instinct automatically took control. I pushed myself going. very hard, inching my way towards nearby bushes. I was no I soon found my self in the middle of a forested area. more than 20 feet away from where I was earlier and I now Impenetrable brush. I went back and forth trying to find a commanded a good view of the area. The people soon arrived way to get through the thick forest. I ended up back where I at the site. I was right-the soldiers were back with a new had started earlier, near the killing area again. After the fourth batch of victims with them. Most of the people were men, but or fifth time of trying, I found myself in the middle of the there were a few women amongst them. Their hands were all forest, utterly lost. extremely frustrated, I howled like a wolf bounded together around the back at elbow, but with real rope without any fear of Angkar’s executioners. this time instead of cloth one. “There’s no way they can get As I later learned, my being lost in the forest and all out of that rope,” I said to myself. my back tracking trips was a good strategy. It is the one that 50 The soldiers, who were smiling and talking among most likely confused the Khmer Rouge’s experienced 50 themselves just like another day at the office, continued to trackers who were searching the escaped survivors. I

50 whip and pushed the victims forward. It looked like they remembered it took them almost a week to locate, capture,

50 simply herding a herd of cattle? not human beings. Soon and to kill my friend Laive. I intend not to let that kind of after, one of the older soldiers gave a simple command. In the thing being repeated. However, I was not the only survivor to 100 broad morning light, I again witnessed the slaughter of escape the execution, evidently. During the night, I heard a 100 human lives. In a matter of seconds the victims were all movement deep in the forest, but I did not dare making a

100 clobbered mercilessly to death, just like the rest of my family sound for fearing that I could be the subject of a manhunt. I

100 and friends whose bodies were still scattered on the muddy intended to live, no matter what it takes. I needed to live, for ground. My heart just stopped beating. My entire body shook the sake of my dead family and friends. 100 convulsively and I wanted to throw up. My left hand I knew that I was getting very weak and needed to find 100 squeezed tightly over my mouth so that I wouldn’t my way out of this tangled web of thick thorn brush soon if I accidentally cry out and give myself away. I felt as though I was to remain alive. I spent the night right where I was,

Black was going through the same ordeal all over again. My mind crying myself to sleep. That night I slept like a log, without a just couldn’t take it anymore. It went blank and I passed out dream or nightmare. Yellow Magenta 44 Documentation Center of Cambodia (DC-Cam) Cyan Searching for the truth  Family Tracing Number 10, October 2000

were usually filled with army cars driving fast and MY MEMORY dangerously. Sometimes there were crowds of soldiers walking in large groups and I was afraid of them. I rode By Ky Lim my bicycle along Doung Ham Street lining Tep Pan Street, until I reached my house. On 17 April 1975, the entire country of When I reached this area, it was so silent Cambodia, under the dreamlike rule of Lon Nol, was in underneath the hot sun in the dry season. Once in a the process of losing the war to the Khmer Rouge or the while, I heard the rumbling sound of bombs and this Khmer Liberation Army. It was also the day of victory made me feel even more distressed. I could hear the for the Khmer Rouge who had worked hard and sound of guns, sometimes from the distance and struggled for a long time to conquer the city of Phnom sometimes very nearby. Not long after, I ran up my Penh from the Lon Nol Republic. This was the house and quickly gathered my things, stuffed my day in which the people throughout the country of clothes into a French bag, and collected half a bag of Cambodia awaited the victory of a group of Khmer that rice, dried fish, and two large tails of prah fish that my had been struggling. This group was called the Khmer mother had salted for me in Takeo Province. When I Liberation Army. On this day, since morning, along the finished preparing my things and while I was dragging roads and homes, there was silence. Only the sound of a bag of clothes downstairs, one bullet flew into the air rumbling bombs could be heard. The sound of guns and barely missed my husband’s ears! He screamed to could be heard near and far, firing randomly every me, “Go, leave immediately! You cannot stay! They are minute. I could hear the sound of Chinese GMC cars certain to shoot and kill us!” When I heard this, I helped driving up and down, each car filled with soldiers. I to quickly tie up the bags of clothes and rice and placed could not distinguish what side the soldiers belonged to, it on the bike. I led the bike out and left regretting I had because sometimes I saw them dressed in black and to leave my home, standing there alone and silent. I felt sometimes I saw them dressed in camouflage. They sorry for the chickens nibbling on the rice I had given were all mixed together. Once in a while a civilian them, unaware of the chaotic events that were passing. motorcycle could be seen driving into the city in haste. I took one opportunity to pick four or five zucchinis in It was uncertain where it was going. Everyone’s faces front of my house and brought it with me for cooking. revealed signs of worry because of the events that were I led my bicycle and ran so that I could quickly enter the passing within the country. We did not know what small roads. There were also trees to hide me from the would happen the next day. eyes of the soldiers that were shooting. I walked until I That day I was in my cousin’s home near De Po reached my cousin’s house in De Po Market.

Market because I had to escape from my house. For When I reached home after lunch, each house 50 two or three days, there had been heavy shelling around became even more silent. I could only see army cars 50

my house. When I witnessed such events, I had many and soldiers walking along the roads. The soldiers were 50 reasons to worry about my house and my few dressed in black with a white scarf wrapped around 50 belongings. their necks. Some rolled up their pants. Everyone I wanted to return home in order to bring some watching from inside their homes thought they were 100 things with me. Later in the day, everyone was silent. probably the Liberation Army, the army of the White 100

When I saw, in the silence, that there were no army cars Scarf! A little while later, probably around 1:00 in the 100

driving back and forth I decided to return to my house afternoon, I saw cars and cars of soldiers in black with 100

which was near an alligator farm on Pochentong Street. a white scarf wrapped around their necks, carrying a 100 When I left, I did not dare drive my motorcycle because white flag, yelling, “Victory!” At this time the people in 100 I was afraid it would be stolen along the road. Some their homes gathered outside and helped in yelling days earlier, I heard that a Lon Nol soldier seized the congratulations and victory to the Liberation Army.

motorcycle of a civilian driving along the road. I rode Some people even ran to find white cloth to tie on to the Black my bicycle along the small shops. The large streets end of sticks so they could wave it in the air in Yellow Magenta Documentation Center of Cambodia (DC-Cam) 45 Cyan Number 10, October 2000 Searching for the truth  Family Tracing

congratulations with the others. My neighbors and my He replied, “No! I will not give it to you! Why is it so family in the house gathered and talked, “We should easy for you to borrow someone else’s car?” The soldier help congratulate with the others and welcome them. then raised his voice and said, “Are you going to give it From now on, our country will be at peace.” Each to me or not? Comrade, in a little while you will not person was happy because they believed their country have a car, a motorcycle, or even a house! They are all had achieved peace and stability and would no longer the property of Angkar.” When he heard this, my suffer from shooting and shelling like today. So many cousin’s father-in-law dragged his hands away. He was people were injured and killed by the shelling and many afraid there would be problems so he handed the car did not dare walk outside. keys to the soldier and let him drive away. When the The chaos and the shooting suddenly ceased. soldier drove away, he drove away so quickly black When the army cars past by other cars stopped driving smoke appeared. My cousin said, “He probably doesn’t along the roads. Once again it became completely even know how to drive.” He felt incredible remorse for silent. It became even more silent and once in a while his car. I could see two or three soldiers walking along the road Approximately 2:00 in the afternoon, when my inspecting each house. These soldiers were young. family and I gathered and sat together in the house, two They wore Chinese caps, rolled up their sleeves and soldiers suddenly knocked on the door and commanded pants, wore rubber tire shoes, carried a gun, had one or us to open up. When we opened the door, my older two bullets tied to their waists, and carried a bag of rice brother asked, “Brother, what business do you have?” on their back. When I saw these soldiers my older The soldier answered, “All brothers and sisters in every sibling said to me, “I feel sorry for them. They are all so house are requested to prepare their things and leave the young and they have come to serve as liberation city for three days so that we can organize and prepare soldiers. They do not know what it is like to be the city and then you can return. Don’t take too many exhausted and hungry. We do not know where they things with you. You are only leaving for three days come from.” We were talking, when suddenly a cyclo and then you will come back.” When we heard this, driver drove past our house carrying some injured everyone was scared and worried. We did not know people. My older sibling saw this and went out to tell what to think. We got together and asked, “We are them, “If they are hit by a shell, you should take them leaving for three days, where are we going and where to the Soviet Hospital.” I observed the events of that day will we sleep? What will we have to eat?” with mixed feelings of worry and fear, because I have The families next door observed each other back never witnessed anything like this before. There were and forth, still afraid to leave. They wanted to know people freshly injured, there were soldiers carrying what others would do first. Not long after, a car filled

50 rifles that ought to be feared, and along the roads it was with soldiers dressed in black, drove along the streets, completely quiet. What will it be like tomorrow? commanding all citizens to move ten kilometers away 50 Everyone’s faces showed signs of uneasiness and from the city for three days so they could re-organize 50 worry. We simply looked blankly at each other. We and prepare the city. After they made their 50 were not certain what we should say or do. We could announcement, I saw many people leaving from the

100 only wait and see what would happen. roads on the East. My cousin was not yet satisfied. He

100 A moment later, two soldiers walked in front of ran and asked them, “Brother! Brother! Where are you

100 my house. At that time, my older cousin was washing going?” They answered him, “They are forcing us out his Peta car. The soldier walked over and asked, “Who of our homes for three days. No one can stay. They 100 is the owner of this Peta?” My older cousin replied, will kill you right there in front of everyone. I have seen 100 “Yes, I am the owner.” The soldier then ordered my it. Don’t stay. Leave with everyone else. Just follow 100 older cousin to give him the car keys. Then he said, “I everyone else.” When we heard this, my family and I would like to ask to drive the car for work. In a little prepared to leave like everyone else. At this time, I was

Black while I will bring it back.” My older cousin was a completely terrified, I cried. I was so worried that I

Yellow person who was very hard. He was a military police. would be separated from my parents. I thought that Magenta 46 Documentation Center of Cambodia (DC-Cam) Cyan Searching for the truth  Family Tracing Number 10, October 2000 perhaps they would not be able to find me, because we soldiers dressed in black walking and piercing the did not know where we were going. I missed my older pillows and blankets and scattering the stuffing all over sister who lived in Kilo 4. I didn’t know what it was the place. like for her family and I wondered how the little When I walked out of De Po Market, I walked children would fare along the journey. When I thought straight into Stung Meanchey. I followed the road until about how much they would suffer, I cried the entire I reached the base of the bridge where the road divided time. I prepared my things and cried at the same time. towards the Soviet Hospital. I saw people pushing the When I thought about it, I wanted to go and try to find beds of patients who were sick and had a serum my older sister because I was only with my husband’s attached to them. Some were still having surgery family. At that time I missed my older sister very much. performed on them and were not yet properly stitched I missed my mother and father who were in Takeo up. Blood stained the white sheets that covered them. Province. I wasn’t sure if they were well or not. At this When I saw this I became nervous. As I walked along time we were all separated from each other. We did not and past the Stung Meanchey Bridge, I encountered the know where everyone went. fresh corpses of soldier who were recently shot. Blood In front of the houses, the number of people flowed from their necks. They lied on the ground began to increase. They were walking their children, wearing the uniform of the Lon Nol army. They had on carrying bundles of clothing. Some carried bundles on khaki uniforms the color of horse dung. Some lied their shoulders while other carried their goods on their there bloated and it was not certain when they had died. heads. Some cried loudly on the streets, because they There were three soldiers placed barely apart from each had been separated from their parents and family. Some other on the road. When I passed such fresh corpses, I families had people on the cyclo and had their children was so frightened my hands became dry and cold. push from behind. At that time I carried a suitcase of clothes, some important items, and medicine. My husband led the motorcycle with a bag of clothes placed Ky Lim in the front and a bag of rice in the back. Everyone was walking out with sad and unhappy faces and tears of remorse for the homes in which they had peacefully lived in everyday. The roads were filled and crowded with people. Even if we had a motorcycle or a car, we could not drive it, because the roads were so crowded. We could only walk one behind the other. The entire city that day was filled with people who had to leave 50 their homes and go outside of the city for three days 50

according to the command of the Liberation Army. 50 Along the roads, after a while, I could see soldiers 50 dressed in black. There were both men and women. They held bottles of soda in their hands for fun. Some 100 raised the bottles and after they drank from it, they 100 threw the bottle and shattered it on the ground. When 100

people saw the soldiers like this everyone became 100

increasingly afraid. They were scared of their brutality. 100 At this time the city transformed into chaos as people 100 screamed and cried. Some of the animals people brought with them were dogs and pigs. Little children

were so hot they cried. Some were thirsty and some Black cried because they were hungry. On the street, I saw Yellow Magenta Documentation Center of Cambodia (DC-Cam) 47 Cyan Number 10, October 2000 Searching for the truth  Family Tracing

Since I was little until I am this big, I have never seen probably not yet over. Everyone slept in silence. Some anything like this. This is the first time. On the 17th of of the children cried. They were probably hungry or April 1975, I have seen everything, the most horrific sick. That night I saw soldiers dressed in black walking scenes possible. After I walked past the corpses I saw around with a flashlight and inspecting all the areas. people who had recently died from their sickness But I didn’t know what they were looking for. because the Khmer Rouge had forced them to leave the In the morning, we woke up and walked around hospital. looking for firewood to cook rice with. We wanted to After walking for one evening and night was cook it first in case there was an emergency and we approaching, we reached a glass factory. We all agreed were not able to cook the rice on time. At that time I to rest here for only a little while, because the glass walked to a well so I could draw some water to cook factory was more than 10km away from the city. rice with. When I reached the well, I saw a crowd of Therefore we agreed to stay there and rest for three days people around the well. I thought that they were then return home again. That night, hundreds of waiting to draw out water. But when I came close I families stopped here to cook and rest. The glass heard people chattering loudly. Everyone was staring factory became like a camp for hundreds of people who into the well. When I got there and I also stared in, I had set up camp there. Children were crying and was terribly shocked. Inside the well was a human people were crying and screaming because they had lost corpse who had died there, its head floating above the their children. They had lost each other and they didn’t water. I then ran back and told my family. Everyone know where their children were because there were so shuddered. They wanted to vomit, but they could not. many people. Some of the children were sick and their Last night we had drawn water from this same well to cries filled the place. cook our rice. We had even bathed in the water. At that At that time I took some rice so I could cook it. time, my brother-in-law said, “I wondered, when we As I sat there making the fire, I felt sorry for the drew water from that well, why was it so difficult to families who left with nothing. They were not able to draw the water? By the time we could get a pail of bring anything with them. They did not even have rice water, we had to dip our pail in two or three times. I to eat. They walked around and tried to buy rice from could not imagine there was a corpse inside the well, others but no one would sell. The people who lived in that’s why it was so difficult.” When we met such a the villages nearby acted like they hated and despised horrible situation, we decided to walk to a village pond the urban people. Even when people begged them for to draw water and cook our rice. When I walked to the water they refused to give it to them. Such scenes were pond, I saw there were many soldiers dressed in black too difficult to bear. This was only one night. What will walking from the distance towards the gathering where

50 happen in the coming days? How insufferable will it people were living. As I drew water I wondered where be? so many soldiers were going. When I reached the place, 50 After the rice was cooked everyone gathered and I saw them tell the people to sit around together and 50 ate in tears. Our hearts were so full we could barely then they told them, “After you have finished eating, 50 swallow the rice, because we were separated from our leave this place immediately. Whatever district you are

100 families. I turned around and looked behind me. There from, go to that district.” When each person heard this,

100 was one Chinese family that asked to buy a scarf full of everyone wondered and worried greatly. At that time

100 unhusked rice. They gathered together to unhusk the one man asked, “But they told us that we only had to rice because they did not yet know how to beat the rice. leave the city for three days and then they would allow 100 This was probably a rich family. When I saw them us to return.” The soldier replied, “You will not enter 100 forced to experience something so horrible, it looked again. Angkar has ordered everyone to leave the city.” 100 unbearable. Afterwards, their people separated and walked forward, That night, everyone slept in silence. Once in a carrying rifles as if they had an urgent job to perform.

Black whole I heard the sound of guns firing from the distance After we heard the message, everyone, including

Yellow and I could not sleep. I thought that the war was myself and the others, cooked our rice and prepared our Magenta 48 Documentation Center of Cambodia (DC-Cam) Cyan of DemocraticKampuchea. andfortheupcoming trialsoftheleaders generations, order tosearchforevidence fortheyounger wish youandyourcolleagueshappinesssuccessin Iwould like tothankand Faculty ofPharmaceutics, Truth”. who hasbeenproviding uscopiesof“Searchingforthe the DirectorofDocumentationCenterCambodia, never encounteredanything like thisbefore. Ihave difficulty andsuffering. SinceIwas very young, withgreat base ofKirivong Districtafter21days, manner from17 April 1975untilwefinally reachedthe in oneplace. All thepeopleandIleftcityinthis up andcontinuewalking. They didnotallow ustorest therewas always asoldierforcingustoget we rested, begin ourjourney fromoneplacetoanother. Whenever there andwatch. leave asquicklypossible. They didnotletusstand becausethey wereforcingusto but noonedaredask, from thefrontandbehind.Everyone wondered, shirtless. Two soldierssoldierdressedinblackguarded civilian clothes.Somewore shirtsandsomewere saw alineofpeoplewalking inarow. They hadon I together andbegan ourjourney again. At thattime, will notlive inKirivong District. meet mymotherandfather andIwilllive withthem.I Iwill Province. Ithoughtthatifwereached Takeo, Takeo native districtandlandinKirivong District, withtheintentiontoreturnmy journey forward, Ky Sophal Vice-president 2000 July30, Phnom Penh, Sincerely yours, onbehalfofthestudents Once again, I personallywould like toexpress mygratitudeto Thankgiving Letter l h epe nldn yfml,wereableto myfamily, including All thepeople, wegathered After wefinished eatingourmeal, ______happiness andsuccessinthe brilliantwork. younger generations. but atinformingthe of societyorathirstforvengeance, the future.Itisnotaimedatprovoking thebreakingup inboththepresentand Cambodian societyasawhole, and theworld. The documentationisforthesake of bothtothenation remind meoftheirhistoricalvalue, notorious regime. All oftheseimagesanddocuments suffered thewonton tormentscarriedout by the who aswell astothepeopleofCambodia, my life, gives meafeelingofgratitudetoward thosewhosaved though theevents happenedonlyashorttimeago. This andfeelas sometimes bothamazedandfrightened, by theimagesandessenceofarticlesthatIam Iamsotouched Documentation CenterofCambodia, country. andareeven beingpublicizedthroughoutthe detail, assembledanddocumentedin have beenresearched, andinformation photographs, quantity ofmaterials, alarge onthecontrary, vanish intothinair. Now, acts hadever beencommitted-Ithoughtthatthey would generations would never believe thatsuchbarbarous andthattheyounger would belosttohistory, thatthetruthaboutit would never bedocumented, secrets ofwhathappenedduringtheKhmerRougeera Ialways envisaged thatthe was launched, Truth” 1979. the youngergenerationsbornafterJanuary7, letalone known tosurvivors ofthe KhmerRougeterror, appear inthemagazinemayotherwisehave never been Democratic Kampuchea.Photographsandinformation and comprehendwhathappenedduringthereignof to bepublicizedsothatthepeopleofCambodiacansee photographsandotherphysicalevidence information, sourcesof efforts insearchingfordocuments, heart appraisalofyourandstaff’s outstanding Dear Excellency, Center ofCambodia Director oftheDocumentation Youk Chhang, KampongCham Krek, districtdeputygovernor ofPonhear Mr. Ly Leng, Ly Leng I would like towishyouandyourcolleagues After thedistribution ofthemagazineby before“Searchingforthe Respected Excellency, I personallywould like toexpress myheart-to- To

Cyan Magenta Yellow Black 100 100 100 100 100 100 50 50 50 50 KHMER ROUGE POEM:

CHARGING INTO RICE FARMING IN THE RAINY SEASON Compiled by Sayana Ser

The assaults to do rice farming in the rainy season are carried out extremely and quickly without error, while fertilizers have already been prepared.

Areas with fertile soil produce better crops. Agricultural activities have continued since the beginning of the dry season, and increased when the rain came and water was available. Forces are organized to begin the farming.

We have dams and dikes, through which problems can be settled on time. Ordinary rice is gradually transplanted. As a result, there will be no shortage of food.

Plowing and raking should be continued with diligence in order that the land will have no grass.

From April until now, fields are full with newly transplanted rice. Healthy transplanted seedlings appear in the vast cultivated land.

After the transplantation, building of dikes must be intensified, while fertilizers and water are being supplied. Irrigation must be done with care to make sure that all fields receive enough water.

Places where water is not provided must be sustained by waterwheels and water-pumps. All means must be used on both daily and monthly basis. 50

50 All dikes and dams must be watertight. Water must be kept on rice plants for their health. 50

50 Plowing, raking and transplantation are at full strength and front forces carry out shock assaults to finish 100 the task. 100

100 edIm,I]btßmÖkare)aHBum

100 TsSnavdþIcMnYn1000k,alCaerogral;elx nigdak;lk;tambNþaTIrYmextþnigRkúg mYyc,ab;kñúgtémø 7000erol

100 fvíkaénkare)aHBum

Black Documentation Center of Cambodia would like to appeal to governments, foundations and individuals for support of the publication of Searching for the truth. For contribution, please contact (855) 23 211 875 or (855) 12 90 55 95. Thank you. Yellow A magazine of the Documentation Center of Cambodia: Searching for the truth. Number 10, October 2000

Magenta Funded by the Royal Ministry of Foreign Affairs of Norway, Section for the Human Rights and Humanitarian Assistance, Department for Global Issues; the Canada Funds, Canadian Embassy,Phnom Penh; and the Swedish International Development Cooperation Agency (Sida), Embassy of Sweden, Phnom Penh;

Cyan and the Royal Netherlands Government, The Hague.