Refining the Spotlight on Lehi and Sariah

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Volume 15 Number 2 Article 6

7-31-2006

S. Kent Brown Brigham Young University

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BYU ScholarsArchive Citation Brown, S. Kent (2006) "Refining the Spotlight on Lehi and Sariah," Journal of Book of Mormon Studies: Vol. 15 : No. 2 , Article 6. Available at: https://scholarsarchive.byu.edu/jbms/vol15/iss2/6

This Feature Article is brought to you for free and open access by the Journals at BYU ScholarsArchive. It has been accepted for inclusion in Journal of Book of Mormon Studies by an authorized editor of BYU ScholarsArchive. For more information, please contact [email protected], [email protected]. Title Refining the Spotlight on Lehi and Sariah

Author(s) S. Kent Brown

Reference Journal of Book of Mormon Studies 15/2 (2006): 44–57, 116–20.

ISSN 1065-9366 (print), 2168-3158 (online)

Abstract Brown uses clues from the Book of Mormon account of Lehi’s journey to piece together aspects of the party’s travels. He gives a possible timetable for various parts of the eight-year journey through the desert. In contrast to other researchers’ proposals, Brown believes that since Nephi first mentions childbirth in conjunction with events at Nahom, the group may have stayed in the Valley of Lemuel for only a few months and the subsequent trip to Nahom could not have taken longer than two years. The family would then have spent at least six years along the shorter eastward leg. This fact, he argues, along with hints from the Book of Mormon, may indicate that the party’s travel was repeatedly delayed by hostile tribes and even indentured servitude or bondage before reaching the southern seacoast of modern Oman. While the author does not advocate a particular can- didate for Bountiful, he acknowledges that the geographic features of the general area, including the presence of iron ore, fit with Nephi’s own description. 44 Volume 15, number 2, 2006 Clockwise from left: View of Khor Rori from the northeast through an opening in a cave wall; aerial view of Wadi Sayq (photo by Kim Clark); Wadi Rum, the largest wadi in Jordan; BYU professor David Johnson photo- graphs a bone tool at Wadi Sayq. All photos courtesy S. Kent Brown unless otherwise noted.

S. Kent Brown

ith steady, measured steps, students of the Book of Mormon have Wbeen pacing off a tangible framework for the journey of Lehi and Sariah through the Arabian Peninsula. Framed against endless white sands and dark craggy mountains, the spare yet sometimes vivid account of these two people leading their small group through one of the harshest climes on earth—Lehi as prophet-leader, Sariah as director of the camp1—invites efforts to probe more deeply their world saturated by heat, dust, and seas of patinated rocks. Because some anchoring geographical details from their journey have emerged through recent study (the locations of their first camp, of Nahom and the eastward turn, and of the general area where the trek ended), the present challenge is whether, from ancient and modern sources, we can reli- ably sketch a picture of the 2,200-mile desert trek from Jerusalem to their Bountiful where Nephi built his oceangoing ship.2

journal of Book of Mormon Studies 45 One initial observation is important, though From Jerusalem perhaps obvious. In his narrative of the long trek from the first camp to Bountiful, Nephi was highly The first pressing question ties to the route by selective. He chose to feature only three significant which Lehi, Sariah, and their four sons departed episodes, rolling them tightly one after the other: Jerusalem. A number of established routes lay open the marriages (see 1 Nephi 16:7), the hunger crisis at to them. It is important to settle that none of the the place of the broken bow (see 16:17–32), and the routes would have carried them south along the group’s rupture following the death of Ishmael (see shorelines of the Dead Sea, except along the western 16:34–39). What do we understand from Nephi’s shoreline from the Ein Gedi oasis south.4 At points narrative choices? Initially, they mean that Nephi’s along both the east and west sides of the Dead Sea, focus does not rest on the daily minutiae of the the terrain slopes precipitously from cliffs to water’s edge and would have blocked travelers and their journey. Instead, he bends light onto the moments pack animals.5 that significantly shaped not only the rest of the Further, one should grant the probability that desert journey but also the distant future of the the family generally followed or shadowed a trade group, including its permanent splintering after route not only for this segment of the journey but reaching the New World.3 The day-to-day matters for later segments too. Such routes offered an infra- he leaves in the rhythms of his memory, only occa- structure that supplied needed food, water, and a sionally allowing them to sound in his report: “we measure of safety. Nephi hints that family members traveled for the space of four days,” “we did take ran into others as they traveled, an aspect of follow- our bows and our arrows,” “we did pitch our tents ing a trade route.6 again,” “we did sojourn in the wilderness” (16:13, 14, 33; 17:3). However, we must not fall under the Routes Southward spell of the faint humdrum that beats throughout If family members walked south from Jerusa- Nephi’s account and assume that he is voicing little. lem toward Bethlehem, at least two routes lay open. By listening and peering, we find reward. One trade route led to Hebron, eventually bending southeast to Arad and down through the Zohar Valley into the Arabah Val- ley.7 This trail was the most direct to the tip of the eastern arm of the Red Sea, where the modern cities of Aqaba and Eilat now sit. A second trail would have carried them south for a few miles, then eastward. Known as the “ascent of Ziz,” it connected the areas of Tekoa, birthplace of the prophet Amos, and Ein Gedi, an oasis that lay on the west shore of the Dead Sea (see 2 Chroni- cles 20:16 Revised Standard Version). From Tekoa, south and slightly east of Jerusalem, the trail descends through rugged country. At Ein Gedi the group could turn south toward the Red Sea, passing along the west shore of the Dead Sea.8 East, Then South Rugged, dry mountains line the Red Sea in places. Two other trails would have borne the family eastward, taking them down

46 Volume 15, number 2, 2006 into the Jordan Valley north of the Dead Sea. From either trail, the party would then have ascended into the highlands of Moab and turned south, following either the King’s Highway or a north–south road that ran farther east through Edomite territory. Of the two local routes from Jerusalem itself, the first departed from the east side of the city and skirted southward around the Mount of Olives, turning east and following the trade route that connected with the northwest shore of the Dead Sea through Wadi Mukallik (Nahal Og). In antiquity this trail was known as the “Route of Salt” because caravans used it to carry salt extracted from the Dead Sea up to Jerusalem.9 At any point after descending into the Jordan Valley, the family could have aimed for the mountains of Moab, per- An almost full moon hangs above the hills of ancient Edom. haps reaching the King’s Highway near Mount Nebo. The second, more northerly local route would also have carried the family from the east side of Surprisingly, Nephi introduces few notices of Jerusalem on an eastward track that ascended the time in his story, perhaps because there was a time- Mount of Olives near the modern village of At-Tur less quality about it, because his story was one of and eventually led them down through Wadi Kelt. creating a new people of God. The few chronologi- This path, too, carried trade goods between the Jor- cal notations tie to important moments that are dan Valley and Jerusalem. The family would have threaded somehow to Jerusalem. The first reads “in emerged from Wadi Kelt just south of Jericho. From the commencement of the first year of the reign of there it was an easy trek across the Jordan Valley to Zedekiah, king of Judah” (1 Nephi 1:4). If Nephi’s the base of the mountains of Moab.10 Of all these note matches Zedekiah’s accession to the throne possible routes, the most direct are those that run and not a later ceremonial enthronement, the time south. But it is impossible to know which one the is the spring of 597 bc and marks the beginning of family followed. Lehi’s ministry.11 The second chronological notice links both to time and ceremony: “when he [Lehi] Eight Years had traveled three days in the wilderness” (2:6). The family had already reached the northeast tip Any attempt to reconstruct the journey must of the Red Sea (see 2:5), and the specification of reckon with Nephi’s notice that his group “did “three days” allows us to estimate how far the fam- sojourn . . . eight years in the wilderness” (1 Nephi ily walked from that point before putting up the 17:4). This wilderness period began the moment that first extended camp. The three days’ journey also Lehi and Sariah left Jerusalem (see 1 Nephi 2:3–4). represents a minimal distance from Jerusalem that The desert was at their door, just past the enclosure a person had to travel before offering sacrifice away for the animals, just beyond the field and vineyard. from the central sanctuary.12 The third chronologi- Hence, it seems apparent that Nephi’s reference cal notation begins to measure time as the family point for marking the duration of the journey was moved farther from Jerusalem: “we traveled for the when he, his parents, and siblings walked away space of four days, . . . and we did pitch our tents from their home. again” (16:13). The accentuations of this passage rest

journal of Book of Mormon Studies 47 on the words four days and again. The four days are (see 1 Nephi 2:10, 14). The distance, incidentally, longer than the three days of 1 Nephi 2:6 and thus is relevant for estimating time at that spot. Young represent a clear break with the people’s Jerusalem- men, as Nephi and his siblings were, traveling on centered past. The term again lends a subtle touch camels with little baggage could reach the city from that the group had now passed into a desert pattern that distance in four or five days.13 When the group of wind and sun and tents that would continue until covered that distance the first time, they took their they reached their Bountiful. Because these chrono- tents, slowing them (see 1 Nephi 3:9). Authors have logical notices all connect with Jerusalem, and life suggested various periods for the stay at the first camp: Lynn and Hope Hilton estimate from two to three years; Hugh Nibley gauges one to three years; George Potter and Richard Wellington suggest “for some time.”14 I believe that a person has to give reasons for assigning any length of time at the camp. Were they gathering food by hunting or by tilling the ground? Early on, I surmise, Lehi had learned that he and his family were to push themselves farther into the desert. Hence, they would need as much food as possible for the journey. When the family of Ishmael joined the group, the need for food doubled, for there now were a number of teenagers and young adults who would consume much of the available food supply. The longer they camped, the more the group would have eaten. Moreover, Lehi carried the main batch of seeds specifically for planting in the promised land. He evidently planted none along the way, for after the group arrived in the promised land, Nephi recorded, “We did put all our seeds into the earth, which we had brought from the land of Jerusalem” (1 Nephi 18:24; see 8:1). There is also the matter of arable land where Lehi might plant seeds. Would not local people claim such ground? In my view, there are fewer problems if we assume that the family spent no more than a few months at the first camp, perhaps up to a year. All of the activities rehearsed by Nephi, particularly the two extended trips back to Jerusalem, could This siq, or narrow canyon, leads to Petra, Jordan. have taken place within a few months. Besides, if the family had camped for a long time within rea- sonable reach of Jerusalem, what would have pre- vented the unhappy older sons Laman and Lemuel there as group members once knew it, the later note from returning to Jerusalem? After all, they thought about “eight years” most likely ties to the group’s that leaving Jerusalem had been a foolish mistake departure from the city. (see 7:6–7; also 17:20–22).15 It is more challenging to come to grips with I also believe that the party of Lehi and Sariah periods of time that lay within the eight years spent less than one year traveling to “the place but that Nephi chose not to spell out. The first is which was called Nahom” (1 Nephi 16:34).16 How the time that Lehi and Sariah spent at their first so? The answer arises from clues in Nephi’s narra- extended camp, about 250 miles south of Jerusa- tive, plus an appeal to the ancient author Strabo (ca. lem, known commonly as the Valley of Lemuel 64 bc–ad 19).

48 Volume 15, number 2, 2006 As published sources now show, the discov- To this point, it appears to me that the family ery of three votive altars at an ancient temple remained at the first camp for only a few months, near Marib, Yemen, fixes the general location of a year at most. In addition, the journey from that Nahom.17 Lehi’s extended family traveled about camp to Nahom took up to a year. On this view, at 1,400 miles to reach this area. The first 250 or so most only two years of the eight had passed by the miles brought them to the first extended camp. The time the party arrived at Nahom, where they may remaining 1,150 or so miles lay between the first have remained for a period of weeks. We do not camp and Nahom. They then traversed approxi- know. Of events there, Nephi drapes another crisis mately 700 miles to their Bountiful (see 1 Nephi 17:5, 8). The total length of their land journey was about 2,200 miles from Jerusalem.18 We can determine the time required to walk to Nahom from the first camp. As a comparison, we know of other groups—chiefly caravanners—who rode between south Arabia and destinations on the southeast coast of the Mediterranean, the reverse of the party’s journey. Such groups required only months to traverse those long distances.19 In another example from Strabo, a Roman military force of 10,000 took six months to march down the west side of Arabia in 25–24 bc, starting from a small port called Luecē Comē (probably modern ʿAynūnah, Saudi Arabia),20 crossing the mountains, and finally besieging a city called Marsiaba (perhaps ancient Marib). Then, because the army had lost many soldiers due to tainted water and food, they marched back hastily, taking only two months to walk between 1,000 and 1,100 miles, one way.21 Because the starting point for the Roman army— Leucē Comē—lies not far from the general area of Lehi’s first camp, the Romans’ trek almost matches that of the party of Lehi and Sariah from their first camp in terms of both distance and general route.22 A clue in Nephi’s narrative indicates that Lehi’s party likewise took no longer than a year to reach Nahom. It is the marriages (see 1 Nephi 16:7). While we cannot be certain how long after the marriages the party stepped off from the camp, A Bedouin camp in Wadi Rum, southern Jordan, near the spot we expect that one or more of the five new brides where Lawrence of Arabia came out of the an-Nafud Desert. became pregnant within the first months of marriage. If so, we should expect a report of child- births. And we find it. Nephi presents the first in few yet revealing words—“the Lord did bless us births of children as he closes his record of events again with food, that we did not perish” (1 Nephi at Nahom, not before (see 17:1). Thus it appears that 16:39)—disclosing that party members had faced the women gave birth to their first children there, starvation. Nephi holds that it was the Lord’s mercy and therefore the journey from the camp to Nahom that rescued them, at least in the short run. If they took less than a year, matching the new brides’ indeed remained at Nahom for a season, we have to pregnancies. Thus the Book of Mormon report suggest how they met their need for food. The pos- matches roughly what we know from an ancient sibilities include purchasing needed stores, farm- account of soldiers trudging over similar ground. ing, or working for others. It seems certain that

journal of Book of Mormon Studies 49 they would not have traded pack animals for food. ritory. This is the only way that they are guaranteed Farming would mean finding land that local people safety. This also means bargaining with tribal lead- did not want, and it would mean planting seed that ers for safe passage and paying the agreed price for they were carrying or were willing to purchase. But such protection and other services. However, when Lehi carried all his seeds to the New World, as we travelers reach the tribe’s boundary, they have to have seen, an act of unparalleled faith on his part negotiate with the leaders of the next tribe, again because by this point he and his family had faced paying an agreed price. The member of the first starvation twice and he could have solved both cri- tribe generally cannot represent the interests of the ses by opening the bags of seed. second tribe. Hence, travel is precarious at best.28 If they bartered for needed supplies, what would One can imagine that it is also most difficult for they trade? Nephi insists that his father abandoned family members to extract themselves from prickly “his gold, and his silver, and his precious things” situations with self-interested tribesmen, even if the upon departing Jerusalem (1 Nephi 2:4). While family has fulfilled its agreements. Ishmael’s family must have brought supplies with This endlessly nettlesome situation, referred them, perhaps what Nephi calls “our provisions” to elsewhere in the Book of Mormon, seems to lie (16:11), such provisions did not bear them past the behind language about the trek such as “enemies” starvation crisis of the broken bow (see 16:18–32). (Omni 1:6; Alma 9:10), “battle” and “bondage” Individuals in the party may have contributed to (Alma 9:22), and being “smitten with . . . sore afflic- the purchasing power of all. Indeed, both Ishmael’s tions” (Mosiah 1:17). If, of the eight years in the wife and Sariah would have been carrying a certain wilderness, only two had passed when the party amount of jewelry that each received at marriage, as reached Nahom, do the records themselves say that was customary.23 It would have been an act of faith the party spent a disproportionate amount of time for them to part with such personal, precious gifts crossing the last 700 miles from Nahom, where they so that all might survive. began to “travel nearly eastward” until they reached The possibility that party members worked “the sea” (1 Nephi 17:1, 5)? Five important observa- for others is high. In my opinion, facing starva- tions serve as keys for understanding the timetable tion twice before starting the eastward journey of Lehi’s trek.29 hints strongly that family members by now could Nephi hands us the first informational key, not avoid seeking assistance from tribesmen in which turns with the verb to sojourn. He recorded exchange for services, even if this led to severe dif- that “we did travel nearly eastward . . . and wade ficulties either during the period of such services through much affliction. . . . [God] did provide or when the family tried to move on.24 Might this means for us while we did sojourn in the wilderness. activity have begun in Nahom? Perhaps. They And we did sojourn for the space of . . . eight years needed food, water, and—eventually, in my view— in the wilderness” (1 Nephi 17:1–4). In the Bible, the protection. And a few pieces of jewelry would not term to sojourn regularly refers to servile relation- have gone far in supplying the needs of almost 20 ships.30 Studies have shown that Nephi models the adults, including nursing mothers.25 story of his party on the story of the Israelite slaves As they moved eastward from Nahom, they in Egypt. Hence, it is natural to interpret the term moved away from caravan routes and ventured sojourn in Nephi’s narrative in the same way that into territory controlled by warring tribes, as stud- it is used in the Exodus account: placing oneself ies have shown. Because southern Arabia has been under another person’s influence or authority by known for the last 2,000 years as a place of inhos- selling one’s services.31 In the best of situations, one pitable tribes and slave trafficking, we reasonably becomes the employee of another. In the worst of assume that it was so in Lehi’s time.26 Modern cases, one becomes the slave or property of another explorers have learned about the hazards of cross- so that one’s freedom has to be wrested by purchase ing from one tribal area into another.27 The sys- or by escape.32 To be sure, Nephi’s choice of the verb tem—and it is a loose system—is called rabī

50 Volume 15, number 2, 2006 protection of another person.33 Each of these senses shares in the notion of overlord and underling, pointing clearly to servility. In this connection, we capture the following from Nephi’s compact yet intense record: “we did . . . wade through much affliction”; “our women did bear children in the wilderness”; “our women have toiled, being big with child”; “it would have been better that [our women] had died” (1 Nephi 17:1, 20). Do undocumented challenges lie within these lines? It seems obvious. A second key, largely circumstantial, comes from Lehi. When he blessed his youngest son Joseph, he called the years of his family’s sojourn in the wilderness “the wilderness of mine affliction” and “the days of my greatest sorrow” (2 Nephi 3:1). For Lehi, it was the worst of times.34 Why? Although Lehi was well equipped for desert travel and thus must have known the rigors of living in such a clime,35 there evidently was an event—or series of events—that had soured him. As support, other indicators point to such an An ibex stands in the hot sun of northern Sinai. occurrence or situation. When Lehi speaks to his children and grand- children just before his death, he lifts to view the clashing concepts of captivity and freedom. In lan- afflictions” (Mosiah 1:17). While “famine and sore guage that recalls slavery, he pleads that his sons afflictions” occasionally characterized the family’s “shake off the awful chains” by which they “are car- trip from the first camp to Nahom, their eastward ried away captive,” being “led according to the . . . route would have brought more intense troubles captivity of the devil” (2 Nephi 1:13, 18). He then since they were leaving areas of population, cultiva- urges them to “shake off the chains . . . and arise tion, and moderate control of law. It was also a place from the dust” (1:23). Further, Lehi’s whole concern of little water. We know of no specific instances with “redemption . . . through the Holy Messiah . . . of the family not progressing in their journey on to answer the ends of the law” borrows language the way to Nahom, except for stopping because of from the freeing of slaves (2:6–7), declaring that the Nephi’s broken bow (see 1 Nephi 16:17–32). Further, Messiah is to “redeem the children of men,” mak- at no time in his narrative of the trek from the first ing them “free forever,” terminology associated with camp to Nahom did Nephi write of being “driven ending servility (2:26).36 One naturally asks, does back” or suffering from a lack of water. Whatever not the force of these concepts gather strength at King Benjamin or Mormon had in mind, the inci- least partly from Lehi’s shared experiences with his dent (or incidents) seems not to have been a part of children? In light of what we have so far reviewed, the trip to Nahom. the answer seems to be yes. Turning to Alma the Younger, we find a fourth A third key comes forward in recollections key because, like Benjamin, he knew the full story. of King Benjamin (as abridged by Mormon), who Alma recalled the kindnesses of God to Lehi and knew the full story of the desert journey. Modern his family in the desert: “[God] has also brought our readers of the Book of Mormon are able to read fathers out of the land of Jerusalem; and he has also only a very abbreviated record of the trek. As recent . . . delivered them out of bondage and captivity, studies have shown, the fuller record was preserved from time to time even down to the present day” elsewhere.37 In Mormon’s words, the party “did (Alma 36:29). The last phrase, of course, tells us not . . . progress in their journey, but were driven that Alma had in mind all of the generations from back . . . and . . . were smitten with famine and sore Lehi to his own. In my reading, Alma is saying that

journal of Book of Mormon Studies 51 the phrase “our fathers” may point to an intermedi- ate generation, nearer Alma’s time, who had suffered difficulties with “their enemies.” But the con- text also cinches down the possibility that Lehi, too, had experienced troubles with “enemies.” In fact, the notation that immediately follows—“even by the hands of their own brethren” (Alma 9:10)—opens further the possibility that the reference is to Lehi and his children since the older sons sought at least once to kill Lehi (see 1 Nephi 16:37; 17:44) and three times to kill the younger son Nephi (see 1 Nephi 7:16; 16:37; 2 Nephi 5:3–4).38 In this same speech, Alma declared that these Nephite ancestors, who were brought “out of the land of Jerusalem,” had also “been saved from famine, and from sickness, and all manner of diseases[,] . . . they having waxed strong in battle, that they might not be destroyed” (Alma 9:22). Certainly Water pours down dry wadi beds following a rainstorm in Alma had in mind more than Lehi’s party because southern Yemen. he also spoke of those “brought out of bondage time after time . . . until now” (9:22). But the fact that the Lehi’s generation had also experienced “bondage events of Lehi’s generation had triggered such remi- and captivity.” A compelling point has to do with niscences—the verb to bring out characterizes both the parallelism set up by the prior verse, wherein the Israelite exodus and that of Lehi and Sariah39— Alma notes in almost identical language that the illumines the likelihood that references to physical Lord had “delivered [our fathers] out of bondage difficulties, such as “sickness” and “diseases,”40 as and captivity from time to time,” pointing to “our well as to “enemies” and to “battle,” point to hard- fathers [in] Egypt” (Alma 36:28). Thus the phrase ships experienced in Arabia, given the a lack of “from time to time” that appears in both verses food, water, and fuel and the menacing presence of 28 and 29 strengthens the observation that, as the unfriendly tribesmen.41 Hebrew slaves, so the generation of Lehi had suf- The fifth and final key turns in the hands of fered “bondage and captivity.” We read: Isaiah. Nephi’s addition of Isaiah 48–49 to the [God] has brought our fathers out of Egypt, . . . end of his first book (see 1 Nephi 20–21) has to and he has delivered them out of bondage and do with his conviction that Isaiah spoke about his captivity from time to time. (Alma 36:28) family’s experiences. Indeed, Nephi says that the Lord showed “unto many [prophets] concerning us” [God] has also brought our fathers out of . . . (1 Nephi 19:21), a statement made after summariz- Jerusalem; and he has also . . . delivered them ing his family’s journey to the land of promise and out of bondage and captivity, from time to time. just before introducing these chapters from Isaiah. (Alma 36:29) In a word, Nephi is saying, “Isaiah knew about us.”42 As an example—and this point is important— In another reminiscence, Alma recounted that Isaiah’s words fit precisely the circumstances of the “our father, Lehi, was brought out of Jerusalem departure of Lehi’s family: by the hand of God . . . through the wilderness.” Immediately thereafter Alma asked: “Have ye for- Hearken . . . all ye that are broken off and are gotten . . . how many times he delivered our fathers driven out because of the wickedness of the out of the hands of their enemies, and preserved pastors of my people; yea, all ye that are bro- them from being destroyed . . . ?” (Alma 9:9–10). ken off, that are scattered abroad, who are of Enemies? Destroyed? How might these expressions my people, O house of Israel. (1 Nephi 21:1; fit into a picture of Lehi in the desert? To be sure, compare Isaiah 49:1)43

52 Volume 15, number 2, 2006 Obviously, Isaiah had anticipated a time when trek from Nahom onward because Nephi offers no corrupt officials would rule the city, a situation that hint of such experiences during the trip to Nahom. Lehi experienced. And it seems evident that Nephi had seen the relevance of such passages to the fami- Directions ly’s situation.44 Without multiplying examples, we note com- Nephi’s notations about directions of travel— pelling allusions to servitude in the desert. The “nearly a south-southeast direction” (1 Nephi 16:13) reference to “children” born while one is “a cap- and “nearly eastward” (17:1)—offer opportunity to tive” (1 Nephi 21:21; compare Isaiah 49:21) could test his accuracy, at least for the south-southeast certainly be understood as pointing to Jacob and bearing of the party’s trek from the first camp to Joseph, children born to Lehi and Sariah in the wil- Nahom. We are now secure about the location of derness. Moreover, the remark about the one who both places. Indeed, consulting a map tells us that would “deal very treacherously” but from whom the when the group had reached Nahom, Nephi knew Lord will “defer [his] anger . . . that BL A C K SEA [he] cut [him] not off” could apply ARMENIA AZERBAIJAN not only to Nephi’s older brothers but Ankara m a k TURKMENIS TA N K i z i l I r CASPIAN also to a desert tribesman to whom SEA Lehi’s family owed temporary alle- TURKEY giance (1 Nephi 20:8–9; compare Isa- E u p h r CYPRUS Tehran A iah 48:8–9). We also include reference E S SYRIA a t e s T gi N A LEBANON r to those whom the Lord looses from E si N Beirut A R R Damascus prison and darkness, whom he “shall E Baghdad IRAN I T Haifa D E M IRAQ feed in the ways” because the Lord Tel Amman AJerusalemviv “will . . . not forget [them]” because ISRAEL JORDAN he has “graven [them] upon the palms Cairo Suez G S i n a i u KUWAIT l f o Kuwait of [his] hands” (1 Nephi 21:9, 15–16; f Pea risnG ufl S First Camp u e z compare Isaiah 49:9, 15–16).45 e l N i

T P Y G E

f H At this juncture, we might ven- s o it o a r r m St J I H u ture a tentative reconstruction based BAHRAIN z A E S D E R QATAR G u l f on these five keys. Lehi’s family, o f O m a n Al Madinah finding themselves without dispos- Z A UNITED A R A B Muscat EMIR ATE S able wealth when they turned “nearly SAUDI A R A B I A Sur OMAN Jiddah eastward” at Nahom, were obliged N u b i a n Mecca at some point thereafter to sell their D e s e r t R I S A services to one or more local tribes- ) h a m a h i T N i l e Rub’al Khali (Empty Quarter men for food or protection, or both. SUDAN NTI Najran U F U O L B Salalah For they entered a region, particularly r a b A t Nihm Wadi Sayq Khor Rori Tribal Area east of Shabwah, beset with tribal a ERITREA Tarim San‘a Marib rivalries. The labor was hard on all, Shabwah Al Hudaydah H a d h r a m a u t Al Mukalla particularly the women—“our women e l N i e u l B YEMEN Qana Gulf of Aden (Bir Ali) have toiled . . . and suffered all things, Aden save it were death” (1 Nephi 17:20). DJIBOUTI It was after family members tried to ETHIOPIA extract themselves from this situation SOMALIA that severe conflict arose—“battle” in Alma’s words—with “enemies,” whether tribal members whom they 0 500 1000 Miles 0 500 1000 1500 Kilometres served or members of a rival tribe.46 In my view, such difficulties arose Author’s proposed route for Lehi’s 2,200-mile journey from Jerusalem to Bountiful. during the eastward portion of the

journal of Book of Mormon Studies 53 where he was vis-à-vis their starting place at the a south-southeast direction” from the first camp Valley of Lemuel, most likelyWadi Tayyib al-Ism. (see 1 Nephi 16:13–14).49 Traveling this general That portion of the journey ran generally in a direction would have initially kept the group near south-southeasterly direction (see 16:13, 14, 33). the shore of the Red Sea. But after the family left Naturally, this part of the trip did not proceed Shazer, Nephi mentions the Red Sea for the last in a straight line. Nephi says as much: after the time (see 16:14), pointing to the likelihood that the crisis of the broken bow, “we did again take our family soon traveled into the mountains. journey, traveling nearly the same course as in the A third clue has to do with “the most fertile beginning” (1 Nephi 16:33). For example, there are parts of the wilderness” (1 Nephi 16:14). Such areas hints that the family passed through the al-Sarāt did not lie along the coastal plain immediately mountain range, which runs along almost the entire south of the base camp, because that region does west coast of the Arabian Peninsula and separates not support much plant life.50 Hence, large numbers the coastal lowlands from the uplands of the inte- of wild animals would have been absent. Such “fer- rior. A limited number of passes and valleys offer tile parts” may have lain in the mountains, perhaps access from one side of the range to the other.47 At in a season of rain,51 or were more probably the some point the party had to cross the mountains oases on the eastern side of the mountain range.52 before reaching Nahom, where the group turned Thus, from hints in Nephi’s narrative, it seems that “nearly eastward” (1 Nephi 16:34; 17:1). Otherwise, the mountains would have formed a major barrier the family went into the mountains not long after to their eastward trek.48 leaving Shazer.53 The first hint is the amazing initial success of Nephi’s directional notation “south-southeast” the hunters in the party. After leaving “Shazer,” therefore seems to carry two senses: (1) a general which lay four days’ journey from their first camp direction, with adjustments; (2) a direction from (see 1 Nephi 16:13), they traveled “for the space of beginning point to ending point. In this light, we many days, slaying food by the way” (16:15), sug- turn to Nephi’s expression “nearly eastward from gesting abundant cover for hunters in mountain- that time forth” (1 Nephi 17:1). It seems to me that ous terrain. a person should read Nephi’s two directional nota- A second clue has to do with the place that tions similarly: the “eastward” bearing carries a they called Shazer. Nephi reports that the party general sense of direction, allowing adjustments, stopped specifically to rest and hunt at Shazer and represents the locations of Nahom on the west after traveling “four days.” Shazer lay in “nearly and Bountiful on the east, relative to each other.

Because of the rugged, fractured al-Mahrah plateau in southern Yemen, the party of Lehi may have traveled north of the tableland, as shown here in the author’s proposed route.

54 Volume 15, number 2, 2006 What does this mean for understanding the eastward part of the journey? It is possible, of course, that the party traveled more or less in a straight line from Nahom to Bountiful. A person can skirt the northern edge of the dunes of the Ramlat as-Sabʿatayn desert, reaching the upper Wadi Hadramaut, then continue across the al- Mahrah plateau to the coast. But then a traveler would face the problems of water and potentially hostile tribes. If a person trudges eastward from the south side of Wadi Jawf, the locale of Nahom, the first well is 150 miles distant. If the family swung farther north, the wells at al-ʿAbr lie farther away.54 In addition, the al-Mahrah plateau seemingly saw little caravan travel in antiquity largely because of the lack of water. It seems improbable that people carrying infants traveled for days on end (excluding the Sabbath) without water for themselves or their animals. To be sure, the aid of the Liahona was S. Kent Brown examines one of the three votive altars bearing always available. Even so, they did not escape “hun- the tribal name Nihm (NHM). ger and thirst” and “famine,” chiefly—and significantly—“because of their transgressions” (Mosiah presence of combative tribesmen, the eastward 1:17; Alma 9:22; 37:42). journey was challenging indeed. We must also remember that the desert is not empty, though it may seem so. In addition, desert Burial of Ishmael people passionately claim water sources, whether springs, wells, or seasonal pools. The command- Nephi’s few words disclose only the general ment that Nephi’s party not make fire also implies area of Ishmael’s burial, nothing more. We can that the family was traveling through areas at least infer that Ishmael died at Nahom, but he may have lightly peopled by others who were hostile (see passed away beforehand. Nephi writes, “Ishmael 1 Nephi 17:12).55 Hence, access to water sources, died, and was buried in the place which was called particularly on the eastward portion of the journey, Nahom” (1 Nephi 16:34). Several aspects of ancient was both a critical need, especially for those with life appear in this line. First, we know that it was children, and a challenge to provide. In my mind, common for family members or friends to carry it was more prudent for them to follow the incense the body of a deceased person back to the person’s trail as long as they could. From the Marib area, homeland for burial.58 Although this was impossi- this route swung south and east, missing the dunes ble in Ishmael’s case, it is possible that family mem- and rocky terrain of the Ramlat as-Sabʿatayn desert, bers carried Ishmael’s remains for some distance to leading one through settlements in an eastward arc a suitable burial spot, if indeed he died before they from Marib to Shabwah where wells were in place. reached Nahom. Second, mourning customs would East of Shabwah, what would they have have led Ishmael’s family to grieve for “many days” found? All paths were difficult. The al-Mahrah (Genesis 37:34; see 50:10; Daniel 10:2).59 Third, the plateau is dangerously waterless. If they traveled deep intensity of mourning is visible: “the daugh- as far north as al-ʿAbr, turning eastward would ters of Ishmael did mourn exceedingly, because of have brought them into a desolate corridor where the loss of their father” (1 Nephi 16:35). I suspect they could walk between the high dunes of the that the intense, unsettling emotions that these Empty Quarter on their north and the fractured young women experienced, including Nephi’s wife, tableland to their south.56 Here water was at a came upon them not only because of the loss of premium since in places it was eight days’ jour- their father but also because some were awaiting ney between wells.57 If we add to this picture the the births of their first children.60

journal of Book of Mormon Studies 55 Several options for burying Ishmael were avail- and on the south by the sea. Driven by southwest able. For many people then living in that region, winds, clouds envelop the coastal plain in rain from burials occurred next to a shrine.61 But for most June into September.65 south Arabian people, burials were in large ceme On the question of pinpointing Lehi’s encamp- teries. Several such cemeteries have been identified in ment at Bountiful, I believe that we lack compel- south Arabia and surveyed in recent years, including ling evidence and therefore need to exhibit caution one with thousands of burials at the eastern end of until more data come to light. At this point, all is Wadi Nihm where it turns north and runs toward circumstantial. To be specific, no one can prove that Wadi Jawf.62 Whether Ishmael’s final resting place a foreign family moved onto any particular spot at was in such a spot, we cannot know.63 What we also one of the proposed sites for Bountiful in the early do not know is whether the party had to pay a fee sixth century bc because (1) there is no inscrip- for the burial. tional evidence of the presence of such a party, and (2) archaeology cannot prove that a certain Bountiful person or persons ever inhabited an area without such written proof. Under the right circumstances, There can be no doubt that the party of Lehi an archaeologist could show, for instance, that the and Sariah emerged from the desert at some point architecture of an area changed significantly in a along the south coast of modern Oman. The 100- certain era or that there is evidence of a sudden mile-long maritime plain is the only region in change in customs, such as food production, which southern Arabia that fits Nephi’s portrait of “much may indicate the presence of a new people. Even so, fruit,” “wild honey,” and “timbers” (1 Nephi 17:5; these indicators would not prove that the newcom- 18:1).64 The summer monsoon rains turn the area ers were Israelites from Jerusalem. That sort of con- into a Garden of Eden, enlivening an isolated eco- clusion is impossible without written materials that system that is bounded on the north by the desert were left behind. If one wants an indication that this sort of effort is fraught with difficulties, all one has to do is read about archaeology in the Holy Land. Every archaeological “fact” that a few decades ago seemed to point to the arrival of the Israelites under Joshua in the 13th century bc has been disputed, including the reason for the site-wide burn layer at the Canaanite city of Hazor (north of the Sea of Galilee), which the Bible says was burned by Joshua and the Israelites (see Joshua 11). Along the south coast of Oman, there are as many as a dozen inlet bays, any one of which could have served Nephi’s shipbuilding needs. Since antiquity, virtually all such bays have The rugged mountainous coastline of southern Arabia does not allow many safe harbors. been partially silted in, both their beds and their

56 Volume 15, number 2, 2006 access to the sea.66 Some are better situated for building a ship away from the rush of the monsoon winds;67 at least one (Khor Rori) is deep and broad enough to allow Nephi and his brothers to learn to control the vessel before going to sea;68 others are close to timbered spots (see 1 Nephi 18:1); others lie near sources of ore; still others are near natural hunting grounds where the family could have found “meat from the wilderness” before boarding the ship (18:6). In all, the region presents a surprising abundance of resources that would have supported life for many. That there would have been other people in the area is most likely. The abundance of game, fish, and fruit would have assured a constant presence of other clans. As a visual test, one has only to look at the well-worn, crisscrossing sheep and goat trails along the hillsides next to the seacoast to see that Shipbuilding and repair work have been a way of life for centuries in herdsmen and flocks have been here for millennia. places along the coast of Arabia. In addition, an important archaeological survey has determined that people have been trading along that coast from as far east as India and as far west upon two adequate sources of iron ore very near the as the Red Sea since the third millennium bc. This seacoast. Within a day or two, Nephi could have indicates waterborne shipping.69 What is missing is walked to one place or the other from any campsite clear evidence for a shipwright industry. Nephi pre- along the coastline.72 sumably could have examined seagoing vessels that plied the coastal waters. But he may have been alone Conclusions as a shipbuilder. The closest known shipbuilding centers were hundreds of miles to the west, in the The reconstructions that I have set forth will dif- Red Sea, and hundreds of miles to the north in the fer chiefly in details from those of my distinguished Persian Gulf.70 friends who have given years of their lives to study- To construct his ship, Nephi needed tools. One ing Lehi and Sariah. For me, those details spell a suspects that his party carried basic tools—axes, significant difference in interpreting the desert expe- hammers, digging implements. But tools for ship- rience of these two people and their party. First, in building were likely not among their possessions. a positive vein my investigation tells me that we can Presumably people who lived along the shore owned learn much from small indicators in the accounts. tools for repairing boats. But most of the vessels that For instance, Book of Mormon authors besides carried goods were apparently constructed from Nephi appear to have preserved broad hints of what leather or consisted of hollowed-out logs.71 Hence, Nephi needed tools that were not readily available. the party faced as they crossed Arabia. Second, in But before that, he needed “ore . . . [to] make tools” a negative vein my instincts tell me that one must (1 Nephi 17:9). Because the closest copper mines use caution when trying to pinpoint locations where lie 700 miles to the north, they were beyond reach. events occurred. For example, we cannot know He needed to find a source of ore close at hand. As exactly where Ishmael was buried, though we know was typical, Nephi prayed: “Lord, whither shall I go the general region. In an important sense, of course, that I may find ore to molten . . . ? And . . . the Lord we agree that God led the party on an exodus that told me whither I should go” (17:9–10). Here we see would be celebrated in story and song among their no indication that Nephi traveled far. Ore was evi- descendants for a thousand years. Fortunately for dently nearby. And that is exactly the case. Geolo- us, their saga is now known to the wider world and gists from Brigham Young University have come their experience enriches our experience. !

journal of Book of Mormon Studies 57 90. See John Noble Wilford, 103. Frank Linehan, the Western lection and the obvious suit- (2000): 4–15. “Under Centuries of Sand, Region Marine Surveyor ability of the area that there 2. My own publications include a Trading Hub,” New York for United States Maritime would have been an ancient “The Exodus Pattern in the Times, 9 July 2002. Administration, an authority docking area there” (personal Book of Mormon,” BYU 91. MNHC, Oman, a Seafaring on the performance and con- communication to the authors, Studies 30/3 (Summer 1990): Nation, 20, 22. struction of deepwater sailing 14 August 2000). The harbor 111–26; “A Case for Lehi’s 92. Norbert Weismann, personal vessels, estimated that Nephi’s at Raysut faces east and so Bondage in Arabia,” JBMS 6/2 communications to authors, ship would have been of a provided protection from the (1997): 205–17; From Jerusa- 17 May 2000. “light tonnage of no less than southwest monsoon, which lem to Zarahemla: Literary 93. See MNHC, Oman, a Seafar- l00 tons” (personal communi- blows in summer but provides and Historical Studies of the ing Nation, 107–8. Solomon cations with the authors, June no protection from the winter Book of Mormon (Provo, UT: had a fleet of ships built to sail 1999). These dimensions are northeast monsoon. BYU Religious Studies Center, to Ophir. When they returned similar to the larger wooden 109. See Hilton and Hilton, Discov- 1998), 1–98; “The Place That from their three-year round- sailing vessels still found in ering Lehi, 166. Was Called Nahom,” JBMS trip journey, they brought Oman, called bughlas. These 110. The khor was associated 8/1 (1999): 66–68; “New Light peacocks, which are found in ships traded with Bombay, the with a city of the same name, from Arabia on Lehi’s Trail,” India, not Africa (The New Gulf of Bengal, and the Red which was built around the in Echoes and Evidences of the Shorter Oxford English Dic- Sea. The largest of this class 10th century ad by Persian Book of Mormon, ed. Donald tionary [1993], s.v. “peafowl”). of ships, called the bateel, has conquerors who moved the W. Parry, Daniel C. Peterson, The ships must have either an average weight of 100–200 capital to al-Balīd from Khor and John W. Welch (Provo, been to India or traded with tons, with the largest bateels Rori, some 15 miles to the UT: FARMS, 2002), 55–126; merchants from India. The weighing 300 tons. The bateels east. It would appear that the “Lehi1, journey of, to the ships also returned carrying used for trading with China harbor was in use only much promised land,” in The Book almug wood, a hardwood that carried a crew of over 100 and later than Lehi’s time. Owen of Mormon Reference Com- was used in the construction were at least 100 feet in length. states: “We believe that this panion, ed. Dennis L. Largey of the temple and was pre- By way of comparison, Colum- harbor functioned around the et al. (Salt Lake City: Deseret sumably not native to Dhofar bus’s Niña weighed between 50 turn of the Common Era. This Book, 2003), 511–16; and but imported from India. It and 60 tons and was approxi- is based on lithics and a small Voices from the Dust: Book of should be noted that almug mately 60–70 feet long (José amount of ceramics” (Jana Mormon Insights (American (1 Kings 10:11, 12; spelled María Martínez-Hidalgo, Owen, personal communica- Fork, UT: Covenant Commu- algum in 2 Chronicles 2:8; Columbus’ Ships, ed. Howard tion to the authors, 14 August nications, 2004), 1–63. 9:10, 11) appears only in the I. Chapelle [Barre, MA: Barre 2000). 3. On Nephi’s narrative pur- plural form almuggim in Publishers, 1966], 93). 111. See Aston, “The Arabian poses, see Noel B. Reynolds, the Hebrew, which biblical 104. See MNHC, Oman, a Seafar- Bountiful Discovered?” 5–11. “Nephi’s Outline,” BYU Stud- scholars have taken to mean ing Nation, 146. 112. Frank Linehan, personal com- ies 20/2 (1980): 131–49; and that the wood was delivered 105. Patai, Jewish Seafaring in munications with the authors, “The Political Dimension in in planks (see M. G. Easton, Ancient Times, 37–38. June 1999. Nephi’s Small Plates,” BYU Easton’s Bible Dictionary 106. There are a number of khors 113. Maurizio Tosi, “Early Mari- Studies 27/4 (1987): 15–37. [1897], s.v. “almug”; accessible (inlets) in Dhofar. Khor time Cultures of the Arabian 4. It is hard, for instance, to online at www.ccel.org/e/ Salalah is the third largest Gulf and the Indian Ocean,” understand a map that shows easton/ebd/ebd/T0000100. after Khor Rori and Khor al- in Bahrain through the Ages, an ancient route running html#T0000182). Balīd. Khor Salalah is a mod- ed. Khalifa and Rice, 94. along the impassable west 94. As cited in Patai, Jewish Sea- ern bird sanctuary. It is a large 114. Periplus of the Erythraean Sea, shore of the Dead Sea; see The faring in Ancient Times, 37. khor and appears quite deep, as quoted in MNHC, Oman, a Anchor Bible Dictionary, ed. 95. Patai, Jewish Seafaring in but it has, in common with all Seafaring Nation, 26. David Noel Freedman et al. Ancient Times, 47. of the khors that open directly 115. It is generally accepted that (New York: Doubleday, 1992), 96. See Severin, The Sindbad Voy- onto the beach, a relatively Joseph Smith translated the 5:780 (map), but a more cor- age, 41. narrow opening, which would Book of Mormon in 63 days, rect rendition on p. 784. 97. See MNHC, Oman, a Seafar- have made it difficult to guide or about 8.5 pages per day. 5. The family must have taken ing Nation, 113. a large ship through, not to 1 Nephi, chapters 2 and 16–19, pack animals—very probably 98. Cotton was introduced in mention the breakers. Dr. which cover the information camels—to carry tents and southern Arabia in antiquity, Jana Owen of UCLA was not about the journey, comprise other essentials (see 1 Nephi possibly as early as 4000 bc able to dive in Khor Salalah fewer than 11 pages in total 2:4). The sections of the tents (see Zarins, The Land of because it is a protected area. (see Richard L. Bushman, would have weighed more Incense, 60). Regarding its suitability as a “The Recovery of the Book of than 100 pounds each. But 99. See Huntingford, Periplus of port in Lehi’s time, she noted Mormon,” in Book of Mormon even camels cannot carry such the Erythraean Sea, chap. 32. in a personal communication Authorship Revisited, ed. burdens if they are under- 100. “World Heritage Committee to the authors, “Possible but Noel B. Reynolds [Provo, UT: fed and tired (see Bertram Inscribes 61 New Sites on is very small and we cannot FARMS, 1997], 23). Thomas, Arabia Felix [New World Heritage List” (report be sure about the depth in York: Charles Scribner’s Sons, by UNESCO’s World Heritage antiquity” (personal cor- Refining the Spotlight on Lehi 1932], 164–65). That camels Committee, 30 November respondence to the authors, and Sariah were more suited to desert 2000), http://whc.unesco.org/ 14 August 2000). S. Kent Brown travel than other animals en/news/184. 107. The khors, or inlet bays, can be seen in the offhanded 101. Ali al-Shahri took George include Kharfot, Raysut, 1. On Lehi, see Noel B. Reyn- remark of Ahmed Fakhry, Potter and 14 other Latter-day Quran al-Kabeer, Awqad, al- olds, “Lehi as Moses,” JBMS who on a trip to Yemen from Saint members to the caves on Balīd, Dhahariz, Suli, Taqah, 9/2 (2000): 26–35; on Sariah, March to May 1947 traveled 22 September 2006. Rori, and Mirbat. see Camille Fronk, “Desert through southwestern Arabia 102. See MNHC, Oman, a Seafar- 108. Jana Owen wrote of Raysut, Epiphany: Sariah and the with camels and mules: “It is ing Nation, 146. “We believe from surface col- Women in 1 Nephi,” JBMS 9/2 impossible for laden mules

116 volume 15, number 2, 2006 to walk in that loose sand, the so-called Lehi cave that and FARMS, 1988), 60; George Müller estimates that cara- and so we had to ride camels” lies southwest of Jerusalem? Potter and Richard Welling- vans starting from southwest (An Archaeological Journey Might Lehi and Sariah, or ton, Lehi in the Wilderness: 81 Arabia (a different starting to Yemen [Cairo: Govern- their sons, have stopped New, Documented Evidences place) required at least two ment Press, 1952], 1:12). there as they fled the city? It That the Book of Mormon Is a months to reach the Medi- Charles M. Doughty adds that is highly unlikely. The fact True History (Springville, UT: terranean area (see Werner donkeys “must drink every that the cave was used as a Cedar Fort, 2003), 53. Daum, ed., Yemen: 3000 Years second day” (Travels in Arabia burial chamber whose bones 15. I initially suggested this of Art and Civilisation in Ara- Deserta, with an introduction were found undisturbed abbreviated stay at the first bia Felix [Innsbruck: Pinguin- by T. E. Lawrence [New York: stands against accepting it camp in “A Case for Lehi’s Verlag, 1987], 49–50). Random House, 1936], 1:325). as a place of refuge. And the Bondage in Arabia,” 206. If a 20. Leucē Comē became a major 6. The passive-voice expres- two inscribed ships on the person holds that Lehi stayed port for the Nabateans in sion “the place which was wall of one chamber seem to a long time at his first camp, the second century bc. An called Nahom” indicates have been created at an era how long before local people archaeological survey led by that the family learned the later than Lehi’s, therefore not noticed that this family was Michael Ingraham turned name Nahom from others hinting at the ocean crossing hunting in other people’s tra- up significant numbers (see 1 Nephi 16:34). In addi- that lay ahead of the group. ditional hunting grounds? It of Nabatean artifacts at tion, when family members Moreover, the distance and does not do to say that no one ʿAynūnah. See Ingraham, were about 1,400 miles from direction are problems. The else lived there. Studies have “Saudi Arabian Comprehen- home at Nahom, some knew cave lies 20 miles from paths shown that northwest Arabia sive Survey Program,” 59–84, that it was possible to return that would have taken the was substantially populated in especially 76–78. (see 16:36), even though they family to northwest Arabia. antiquity. See Michael Lloyd 21. Strabo, Geography 16.4.23–24; had run out of food twice See LaMar C. Berrett, “The Ingraham et al., “Saudi Ara- summarized briefly in Pliny, (see 16:17–19, 39). Further, So-Called Lehi Cave,” JBMS bian Comprehensive Survey Natural History 6.32 (§160). Doctrine and Covenants 33:8 8/1 (1999): 64–66. Lehi seems Program: Preliminary Report Some scholars accept the hints that Nephi may have to have known where he was on a Reconnaissance Survey identity of Marib with Strabo’s preached to people in Arabia. going before fleeing the city. of the Northwestern Prov- Marsiaba (see Groom’s review 7. For information about the On connections with Arabia, ince (With a Note on a Brief in Frankincense and Myrrh, three trade routes that brought see my study “Jerusalem Con- Survey of the Northern Prov- 75–76). Strabo writes that goods to Jerusalem from the nections to Arabia in 600 bc,” ince),” ATLAL: The Journal of the Roman army broke off its south and the east, see M. Har- in Glimpses of Lehi’s Jerusa- Saudi Arabian Archaeology 5 siege at Marsiaba because of El, “The Route of Salt, Sugar lem, ed. John W. Welch, David (1401 ah / ad 1981): 59–84; lack of water—a detail that and Balsam Caravans in the Rolph Seely, and Jo Ann H. and M. C. A. MacDonald, would seem to argue against Judean Desert,” GeoJournal 2/6 Seely (Provo, UT: FARMS, “Along the Red Sea,” Civiliza- identifying Marib with Mar- (1978): 549–56. 2004), 625–46. tions of the Ancient Near East, siaba since the Marib dam, 8. This route is favored by 11. On the dating of Zedekiah’s ed. Jack M. Sasson et al. (New which stored water in its res- D. Kelly Ogden, “Answer- reign, see John Bright, A His- York: Charles Scribner’s Sons, ervoir, would have been only a ing the Lord’s Call (1 Nephi tory of Israel, 3rd ed. (Phila- 1995), 2:1350. few kilometers away. However, 1–7),” in Studies in Scripture, delphia: Westminster Press, 16. See Brown, “A Case for Lehi’s its water was brackish and Volume Seven: 1 Nephi to 1981), 327–30; on the length Bondage in Arabia,” 206–7. therefore not potable. Alma 29, ed. Kent P. Jackson of Lehi’s ministry, see S. Kent 17. See Brown, “The Place That 22. ʿAynūnah lies only 30 or so (Salt Lake City: Deseret Book, Brown and David R. Seely, Was Called Nahom,” 66–68; miles south of al-Badʿ oasis 1987), 17–33, especially 23. “Jeremiah’s Imprisonment Warren P. Aston, “Newly and 40 or so miles from Wadi Har-El also draws attention to and the Date of Lehi’s Depar- Found Altars from Nahom,” Tayyib al-Ism. As Lehi’s party, this route that ascends from ture,” Religious Educator 2/1 JBMS 10/2 (2001): 56–61. I so the Romans would have Ein Gedi (“Route of Salt,” 555; (2001): 15–32. For a concise have also treated the altars in crossed the mountains and also “Israelite and Roman discussion of the 600/597 bc “New Light from Arabia on traveled south-southeast along Roads in the Judean Desert,” issue, see David Rolph Seely, Lehi’s Trail,” 81–83. the incense trail because there Israel Exploration Journal 17/1 “chronology, Book of Mor- 18. Nigel Groom estimates that were wells and fodder. [1967]: 18–25, especially 19 mon,” in Largey, Book of Mor- the entire trip by land from 23. This point was made by [map], 21, and 25). mon Reference Companion, the Dhofar region of modern Camille Fronk, “Desert 9. For the routes running east 197–99. Oman to Gaza on the Medi- Epiphany,” 8; also The Inter- from Jerusalem, see Har-El, 12. See David R. Seely, “Lehi’s terranean Sea covered about preter’s Dictionary of the Bible, “Route of Salt,” 549–56. Nel- Altar and Sacrifice in the Wil- 2,110 miles (Frankincense and ed. George A. Buttrick et al. son Glueck describes a series derness,” JBMS 10/1 (2001): Myrrh: A Study of the Arabian (Nashville: Abingdon, 1962), of forts that would have pro- 62–69. Incense Trade [London: Long- s.v. “Marriage”; consult Gen- tected travelers on the eastern 13. According to Charles man Group Ltd., 1981], 213 esis 24:22, 47, 53; Isaiah 61:10. desert road, though they were Doughty, the riders of the [chart]). Proposing a slightly 24. The complaints of the two not in use in Lehi’s era (The dromedary or riding camel, different route, the Hiltons older sons, which Nephi kept Other Side of the Jordan [New without baggage, can make estimate a distance of 2,156 in his account, speaks of Haven, CT: American Schools 130 miles in “three journeys,” miles (Lynn M. Hilton and the general suffering of all of Oriental Research, 1940], or days (Travels in Arabia Hope A. Hilton, Discovering members of the party: “we 128–34). For the route of the Deserta, 1:169). Lehi [Springville, UT: Cedar have suffered in the wilder- King’s Highway, see Barry J. 14. See Lynn M. and Hope Hil- Fort, 1996], 30). ness” (1 Nephi 17:21; compare Beitzel, “Roads and Highways ton, In Search of Lehi’s Trail 19. According to Groom the the complaints of Ishmael’s (Pre-Roman),” Anchor Bible (Salt Lake City: Deseret Book, entire trip from Dhofar in daughters in 16:35). Dictionary, 5:779 and accom- 1976), 50; Hugh Nibley, Lehi southern Oman to Gaza took 25. On the number of persons, panying maps. in the Desert; The World of the no more than four months see John L. Sorenson, “The 10. One further question begs Jaredites; There Were Jaredites (see Frankincense and Myrrh, Composition of Lehi’s Fam- for an answer. What about (Salt Lake City: Deseret Book chart on p. 213). Walter W. ily,” in By Study and Also by

journal of Book of Mormon Studies 117 Faith: Essays in Honor of Hugh His drive for peace culminated 32. The full discussions of gûr Quest for a Missing Source,” W. Nibley, ed. John M. Lun- in a three-year truce, later (“to sojourn”) in the following BYU Studies 24/1 (Winter dquist and Stephen D. Ricks extended for ten years, which sources are instructive: Theo- 1984): 19–42; and Brown, (Salt Lake City: Deseret Book was signed by 1400 tribal lead- logical Dictionary of the Old From Jerusalem to Zarahemla, and FARMS, 1990), 2:174–96. ers—an indication of the scope Testament, ed. G. Johannes 28–37. Sorenson estimates that 43 of his task” (J. G. T. Shipman, Botterweck and Helmer 38. Omni 1:6 also mentions persons boarded Nephi’s ship “The Hadhramaut,” Asian Ringgren (Grand Rapids, MI: “enemies.” when it was ready to sail. Affairs: Journal of the Royal Eerdmans, 1975), 2:439–49; 39. For the Israelite exodus, see 26. The Periplus of the Ery- Society for Asian Affairs 15/2 and Theological Lexicon of the Daube, Exodus Pattern in the thraean Sea, an anonymous [June 1984]: 159). Old Testament, ed. Ernst Jenni Bible, 24, 31–34; for Lehi and work dated to about ad 150, 28. See Wilfred Thesiger, Arabian and Claus Westermann, trans. Sariah, consult 1 Nephi 17:14, describes places and peoples Sands (New York: E. P. Dut- Mark E. Biddle (Peabody, MA: 40; 2 Nephi 1:9; Alma 9:9. of Arabia, chiefly those near ton, 1959), 155–56, 179–80; Hendrickson, 1997), 1:307–10. 40. The Roman geographer the coastline, and calls the Eduard Glaser, My Journey The sense that I am suggest- Strabo, writing of an ill-fated people of the northwest coastal through Ar˙ab and Óāshid, ing for the term in the Book of military expedition to western area, where Lehi’s family first trans. David Warburton Mormon is that, in preexilic Arabia in 25–24 bc, said that a camped, “rascally men” who (Westbury, New York: Ameri- Israel, the sojourner “is usu- majority of the original army “plundered” ships and took can Institute for Yemeni ally the servant of an Israel- of 10,000 died from “hunger “for slaves” those who survived Studies, 1993), 5; and Bertram ite, who is lord and patron” and fatigue and diseases,” a shipwrecks. The south coast Thomas, Alarms and Excur- (Theological Lexicon 1:308). tragedy that he attributed to was characterized by traffic sions in Arabia (Indianapolis: On this point, see Daube, the “water and herbs” of the in “slaves,” including “female Bobbs-Merrill Co., 1931), Exodus Pattern in the Bible, region (Geography 16.4.23– slaves,” and its “inhabitants 289–90. Thomas, in Arabia 24–26. Diether Kellermann’s 24). Referring to the area are a treacherous lot, very little Felix, makes these typical rendition of the term sojourn- inland and along the southern civilized” (cited in Groom, observations: “lack of rain ers as “protected citizens” coast of Arabia almost 200 Frankincense, 90, 93, 94, quot- and the merciless heat of the while enslaved in Egypt years later, the author of the ing the translation of W. H. Arabian desert permit of but (Leviticus 19:34) is naïve at Periplus of the Erythraean Sea Schoff). From the Islamic scattered and semi-barbarous best (Theological Dictionary of recorded that “these places period, the Qur

118 volume 15, number 2, 2006 words] unto yourselves” Encyclopaedia of Islam, 9:39). (see Grohmann and van Don- able hardships” and attack (19:24; compare Jacob’s obser- Importantly, Joseph Smith’s zel, “Al-Sarāt,” Encyclopaedia others, leaving none alive. vation in 2 Nephi 6:5). only known statement about of Islam, 9:39). Those in the Consult Travels in Arabia 43. The passage quoted here the geography of Arabia and southeast see rain usually only Deserta, 1:164, 322; see also stands neither in the Hebrew the route of Lehi and Sariah during the summer monsoons 166, 174, 179, 308, and 387–93 nor in the Greek text of Isaiah shows no knowledge of the (see, for example, Brian Doe, for accounts of raiding, rob- 49:1. mountain chain, or other Southern Arabia [London: bing, killing, and restoring 44. One finds further possible geographical features for that Thames and Hudson, 1971], property. Thomas paints a reference to the corruption matter. He simply said that 18–21). similar picture of life in south and iniquity in the city that the party traveled from “the 52. Strabo, quoting Eratosthenes Arabia (see Arabia Felix, xxiv, met Lehi when he began his Red Sea to the great Southern of Cyrene, who lived about 9, 13, 36, 149–50, 165, 173–74). preaching. Of such a day, Ocean,” a rather singular 275–194 bc, wrote that “farm- Nibley suggested that the Isaiah holds that the citizens statement when compared ers” inhabited the northern Lord commanded members of Jerusalem will “swear by to Nephi’s complex narra- parts of Arabia. In the central of Lehi’s party not to “make the name of the Lord, and tive (Teachings of the Prophet region were “tent-dwellers much fire” (1 Nephi 17:12) in make mention of the God of Joseph Smith, comp. Joseph and camel-herds,” and water order to conceal them from Israel, yet they swear not in Fielding Smith [Salt Lake was obtained “by digging.” In marauders (see Lehi in the truth nor in righteousness. City: Deseret News Press, the “extreme parts towards Desert, 63–67). Nevertheless, they call them- 1938], 267). the south” one finds “fertile” 56. About this vast tableland selves of the holy city, but they 48. I have dealt with this aspect of lands (Geography 16.4.2). The in south Yemen we read, do not stay themselves upon the trek in “New Light from suggestion that the “fertile “‘[W]ords cannot express the the God of Israel” (1 Nephi Arabia on Lehi’s Trail,” 77–79, parts” described by Nephi lay desolate aspect of this vast 20:1–2; Isaiah 48:1–2). Of such 108–11. east of the mountains is that tableland.’ . . . It is as if the wickedness among persons in 49. The Hiltons suggest that of Potter and Wellington (Lehi landscape had been sprinkled Jerusalem, Nephi will later say Shazer was an oasis at Wadi in the Wilderness, 53–93). with some corrosive liquid, that “their works were works al-Azlan near the Red Sea that Presumably, the expression which, having eaten through of darkness, and their doings lay about 100 miles south of “fertile parts” meant on one the top protective layer, was were doings of abominations” the al-Badʿ oasis (In Search of level that there was adequate able to bite deeply into the (2 Nephi 25:2). The Book of Lehi’s Trail, 77). This site lies fodder and water. soft core underneath. The Mormon text of Isaiah 48:1–2, about midway between the 53. There is a problem here. It result is a maze of narrow by the way, differs in impor- modern coastal towns of al- has to do with how far the gorges, some 1000 feet or tant ways from that of the Muwaylih and al-Wajh, which extended family continued more deep, winding and Hebrew text underlying the serve Muslim pilgrims travel- southward along the coastline. twisting around buttresses of King James Version. ing from Egypt to Mecca and If they did not continue far, rock” (Shipman, “The Hadh- 45. Another strong statement on Medina. From my reconstruc- how did Nephi know that the ramaut,” 156–57, quoting at difficulties in the desert has to tion, the Hiltons’ identifica- mountain—the “borders”?— first Mabel and Theodore do with the refining process tion seems possible but not continued to run near the Red Bent). See also the photo of in “the furnace of affliction,” the only possibility. A person Sea farther south? For Nephi Shibam and surrounding area which of course can allude to can travel through the moun- wrote that, after leaving in National Geographic 168/4 the heat that one experiences tains from both al-Muwaylih Shazer, his party followed “the (October 1985): 476–77. either in the desert or a place and al-Wajh. In an era later same direction” and traveled 57. See Phillips, Unknown Oman, of trial. I “do this,” the Lord than that of Lehi and Sariah, a “in the borders [mountains?] 220; and Groom, Frankincense says, because “I will not suf- spur of the incense trail con- near the Red Sea” (1 Nephi and Myrrh, 165–66. fer my name to be polluted” nected al-Badʿ eastward and 16:14). But in my view, family 58. “Some bodies were placed (see 1 Nephi 20:10–11; Isaiah southward to the main road members apparently turned in tombs in a mass of disar- 48:10–11). I follow here the near Dedan (modern al-ʿUla). into the mountains rather ticulated burials indicating reading of 1 Nephi, not that of See Groom, Frankincense and soon, near Shazer, leaving the nomadic groups, who car- the King James Version. Myrrh, 192 (map) and 206. Red Sea behind. My hypoth- ried with them in bags or 46. The note about “enemies” 50. The only classical source esis is that the party met oth- clay coffins those who died arises both in Omni 1:6 and to describe this area in any ers along their trail, and these during seasonal migrations, Alma 9:10. detail notes the presence of people evidently knew some- burying them in tombs only 47. See George Rentz, who says “eaters of fish” (the transla- thing about the geography when the tribe returned to that the average elevation of tion of Ikhthuophaqoi in of the coast of the Red Sea. its traditional burial place. the peaks in the mountain Huntingford’s rendition) and Party members could not have It is also possible that, if the chain is less than 2,000 meters “nomadic encampments.” avoided such contact. person was killed somewhere (about 6,500 feet) and that The same source pointedly 54. See Groom, Frankincense and far away from his traditional the highest in the south is omits any mention of markets Myrrh, 174–75; and A. F. L. burial place, what was left about 3,760 meters (about along the west coast of Arabia Beeston, Warfare in Ancient of him was carried in a con- 12,300 feet). He also writes until one reaches Mouza, South Arabia, Qahtan: Studies tainer (clay coffin) to the that “passes across al-Sarāt almost at the southern end in Old South Arabian Epigra- traditional burial place, since . . . are few and far between, of the Red Sea. See G. W. B. phy, Fasc. 3 (London: Luzac & the bones of those found were and are usually difficult of Huntingford, The Periplus of Co., 1976), 6–7. very incomplete. The third transit” (“Djazīrat, al-ʿArab,” the Erythrean Sea (London: 55. Doughty wrote of the “hostile possibility is that the bodies The Encyclopaedia of Islam Hakluyt Society, 1980), 31–34, and necessitous life of the were first exposed at a desig- [Leiden: E. J. Brill, 1960–], §§20–24. Beduw” who “devour one nated spot until the flesh had 1:536). Adolf Grohmann 51. The mountains of the west another” and go for days decayed. The bones were then and Emeri van Donzel note generally receive rain dur- without water and food. He gathered up and placed in a that “there are only a few ing two periods each year, in wrote of others who were container (clay coffin, anthro- gaps in the al-Sarat chain March and April and again known as “desert fiends” poid coffin, wide mouthed [of mountains]” (“Al-Sarāt,” from June through September and who endure “intoler- storage jars, or bags).” Khair

journal of Book of Mormon Studies 119 Yassine, “Social-Religious Skyscraper Architecture, there, and there is mention of of the Book of Mormon in Distinctions in Iron Age and Lehi’s Dream,” JBMS 11 ‘the shipwrights of Magan’” the Twentieth Century,” BYU Burial Practice in Jordan,” (2002): 102–3. (George F. Hourani, Arab Sea- Studies 38/2 (1999), particu- in Midian, Moab and Edom: 66. One exception is that “the faring [Princeton: Princeton larly 34–37. Also see Eugene The History and Archaeology results of a cyclone in the mid- University Press, 1951], 6). England’s study “Through the of Late Bronze and Iron Age 19th century were said to have Shipbuilding is noted only Arabian Desert to a Bounti- Jordan and North-West Ara- been that ‘the [coastal] plain in two locales along the Ara- ful Land: Could Joseph Smith bia, ed. John F. A. Sawyer and had been flooded, sweeping bian shores, one in “Mouza” Have Known the Way?” in David J. A. Clines (Sheffield: camels, goats and cattle out to near the southern end of the Noel B. Reynolds, ed., Book JSOT Press, 1983), 32. the sea and scouring the creek Red Sea and the other in the of Mormon Authorship: New 59. On mourning customs, see and clearing away the [sand] northeast at a “mart of Persis Light on Ancient Origins Lawrence H. Schiffman, bar’” (Janzen, Nomads in the called Ommana.” None are (Provo, UT: BYU Religious “mourning rites,” Harper’s Sultanate of Oman, 29–30, cit- noted along the south shore Studies Center, 1982), 143–56. Bible Dictionary, ed. Paul J. ing Miles, 1919). (see Huntingford, Periplus, 32, 6. Significant publications on Achtemeier et al. (New York: 67. Wind is a concern. Janzen §21, and 40, §36). Potter and this topic by these authors HarperCollins, 1985), 661–62. writes that the monsoon Wellington argue for a ship- include Warren P. Aston and 60. See Brown, Voices from the winds average “20–25 knots building industry in southern Michaela Knoth Aston, In Dust, 35–37. between June and Septem- Oman (see Lehi in the Wilder- the Footsteps of Lehi: New 61. About a temple to the moon ber” while the weaker trade ness, 148–50). Evidence for Lehi’s Journey god Wadd between Marib winds from the north and 71. Hourani says that the earliest across Arabia to Bountiful and Sirwah, west of Marib east “predominate during boats were made “of skins, (Salt Lake City: Deseret Book, and dated to 700 bc, Jürgen the remainder of the year.” hollowed tree trunks” and the 1994); and George Potter and Schmidt writes that “the Moreover, there are “frequent “earliest sailing ships . . . were Richard Wellington, Lehi in area surrounding the temple sandstorms during these [lat- not nailed but stitched” (Arab the Wilderness (Springville, contains a large number of ter] months, particularly in Seafaring, 3–4). UT: Cedar Fort, 2003). S. Kent memorials, possibly graves; the Salalah plain” (Janzen, 72. See Wm. Revell Phillips, Brown’s many significant it appears that the custom of Nomads in the Sultanate of “Metals of the Book of Mor- publications are listed in his burying the dead within the Oman, 30, 22). mon,” JBMS 9/2 (2000): 36–41. article in this issue of JBMS, sphere of influence of a holy 68. See Potter and Wellington, but of special interest here is shrine is a time-hallowed Lehi in the Wilderness, 152–55. “We Did Again Take Our his study “New Light from one. . . . [The shrine] stands 69. See Juris Zarins, Dhofar— Journey” Arabia on Lehi’s Trail,” in far away from any human Land of Incense: Archaeologi- David A. LeFevre Donald W. Parry, Daniel C. settlements . . . [and] may be cal Work in the Sultanate of Peterson, and John W. Welch, termed to be the prototype of Oman 1990–1995 (Muscat, The title quotes 1 Nephi 16:33; 17:1. eds., Echoes and Evidences of the Sabean temple” (Daum, Sultanate of Oman; unpub- 1. “Lehi in the Desert,” Improve- the Book of Mormon (Provo, Yemen, 81). lished manuscript). For early ment Era 53 (January–Octo- UT: FARMS, 2002), 55–125; 62. The tombs consist of a rect- cave paintings of watercraft, ber 1950), available today in his first two chapters of Voices angle of stones with long flat see Ali Ahmed al-Shahri, Hugh Nibley, Lehi in the Des- from the Dust (American stones laid on top to hold the The Language of Aad (Abu ert; The World of the Jaredites; Fork, UT: Covenant, 2004); corpse. A mound of stones Dhabi, United Arab Emir- There Were Jaredites (Salt and the excellent DVD that marked the burial was ates: National Packaging and Lake City: Deseret Book and Journey of Faith (2005) and then placed over the corpse. Printing Est., 2000), 135–42, FARMS, 1988). its accompanying book (by 63. Presumably, foreigners could 155–56 in the Arabic section. 2. Nibley, Lehi in the Desert, 6. Brown and coauthor Peter be buried in these cemeteries. 70. The lack of local shipbuild- 3. Nibley, Lehi in the Desert, Johnson) Journey of Faith: Groom notes an extensive ing may explain the brothers’ 110, 112 (map). Nibley’s map From Jerusalem to the Prom- burial area between Shabwah skepticism (see 1 Nephi 17:17). is remarkably similar to the ised Land (Provo, UT: Neal A. and Wadi Jawf that may point Of other shipbuilding centers, most current ones suggested Maxwell Institute for Reli- to earlier settlement (before in the “mart of Persis called by Aston, Brown, and Wel- gious Scholarship, Brigham 2500 bc). The burial chambers Ommana” one finds “local lington and Potter, whose lat- Young University, 2006). are circular in shape, differing sewn boats called madarate est views appear in this issue 7. See Noel B. Reynolds, “Lehi’s from the rectangular forms of [which] are exported to Ara- of JBMS. Arabian Journey Updated,” in the south Arabian kingdoms. bia” (Huntingford, Periplus, 4. Nibley’s additional writings Book of Mormon Authorship There are also “similar graves 40, §36; see appendix 4 for about the early chapters of the Revisited: The Evidence for and grave mounds in other Huntingford’s notes on boats Book of Mormon appeared Ancient Origins (Provo, UT: places near Nagrān” (Frankin- and ships in Arabia). On the in 1957 in An Approach to FARMS, 1997), 388. cense and Myrrh, 224–25). east African coast at a place the Book of Mormon (Salt 8. For mention of this phrase 64. See Phillips, Unknown Oman, called “Rhapta” (exact locale Lake City: Deseret Book and in the Old Testament, see 169; and Jörg Janzen, Nomads unknown), and on an island FARMS, 1988); in 1967 in Exodus 13:18; Deuteronomy in the Sultanate of Oman: called “Menouthias” (Pemba Since Cumorah (Salt Lake 2:8; Joshua 8:15; Judges 20:42; Tradition and Development in or Zanzibar), one finds the City: Deseret Book and and 2 Samuel 2:24; 15:23. Dhofar (Boulder and London: manufacture of sewn boats FARMS, 1988); and over the Note that this trail is not Westview Press, 1986), 38. and, possibly, boats made course of nearly four decades mentioned again in scripture 65. The clouds appear as mists, from one log (Huntingford, in other Book of Mormon after 2 Samuel 15 (the time recalling the mist of Lehi’s Periplus, 29–30, §§15–16, also writings since 1953, collected of David), and there it refers dream (see 1 Nephi 8:23). For 96–101 [three maps]). “Sume- in The Prophetic Book of Mor- to a trail near Jerusalem, not connections between Lehi’s rian and Akkadian inscrip- mon (Salt Lake City: Deseret on the other side of the Dead dream and features of Arabia, tions of the third millennium Book and FARMS, 1989). Sea. Bible atlases confirm that see Brown, “New Light from bc. . . . [mention] Magan 5. For an insightful discussion there was something called Arabia on Lehi’s Trail,” 64– . . . [and]ʿUmān. Timber and of this point, see Noel B. “The Way of the Wilderness 69; and “The Queen of Sheba, copper are said to be found Reynolds, “The Coming Forth of Edom” and “The Way of

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