SOCIAL DYNAMICS OF TUBANG KARUEI VILLAGE LIFE IN MIGRATION TRADITION AND AFTER DETERMINATION A Cultural Anthropology Studies

Septriani1 Maetriyawira High School, Batam, Kepri, [email protected]

Tomi Arianto2 Universitas Putera Batam, Batam, Kepri, Indonesia [email protected]

ABSTRACT The paper aimed to explore the transformation of community traditions in Tubang Karuei village from migrating to settling down. The Dayak Ot- Danum people of Central have a tradition of migrating from generation to generation, due to various factors. Currently, this tradition is no longer being practiced and they have settled in an area called the village. The process of settling the Dayak Ot-Danum community of Tumbang Karuei Village is a result of the company's efforts to secure its concession area. The results of this study indicate that this transformation has a correlation with the development policies and economic growth proclaimed by the New Order government. In order to carry out the program, the company must draw clear boundaries between the communal rights area and the concession area. Efforts to fix this area are not carried out by force and coercion but run through compromise, persuasion and good communication. The company, through its CSR program, also has a huge impact on the local community, which then results in economic diversification, health improvement, education, etc. This further reduces the negative points of the area of origin and the positive points of the destination so that migrating is no longer the right choice.

Keywords: Migration, Determination, Tumbang Karuei village, and Cultural anthropology

1. INTRODUCTION Talking about migration is of a person from one place to another tantamount to talking about movement (Manning, 2005: 6). However, the and displacement. Broadly speaking, definition of migration does not always migration is defined as the movement mean such a rigid meaning. Riwanto

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(2013) states that migration has many Dayak people is related to the definitions where everyone has the environment and caused by rich wars right to use them according to (King: 1976). This rich war was included conditions in the field, even someone in the security factor, where the threat can form their own definition of only came from fellow Dayak tribes migration. To provide a more specific themselves. In further developments, and comprehensive picture of security threats were not only from migration, Manning classifies migration fellow tribes, but from the Dutch into four categories, namely (1) home- colonial government, especially in community migration in the form of the relation to the very high tax demands. movement of a person or individual Natural disasters, floods, and disease from one place to another, (2) outbreaks are also factors driving the colonization where the individual migration of the Dayak people. In departs from one place or another. one addition, a crucial condition that drives community group to build a new group the Dayak people to migrate is the that replaces the original group, (3) condition of the land. whole-community migration is the The case of settling in the transfer of all members of society, and highlands of Central Sulawesi was (4) cross-community migration, the carried out through a long process and movement of a person to join other involved the role of the government community groups (Manning, 2005: 5-6 through intervention. Here the people ). were forcibly resettled and this has In this paper the migration used is been done since the era of VOC (Dutch the migration of the Dayak Ot-Danum colonial) rule. The aim is to improve the people, . In the community by organizing them into context of the Dayak community in orderly residents, improving the Central Kalimantan, migration is the environment by protecting forests from movement of people from one place to use and abuse, increasing land another involving a community group productivity as a source of prosperity or village (Semedi: 2012). The migration for livelihoods. The VOC's efforts were of the Dayak people of Central not completely successful with most of Kalimantan is included in the category them returning to the mountains. of whole-community migration because During the New Order government, the it is communal (usually involving all policing system for the highlands of members of the community), not Central Sulawesi was again carried out individually. The concept of Migration through the Ministry of Social Affairs' for the Dayak people of Central “Resettlement of Isolated Kalimantan is a movement from one Communities” program (Li: 2012). settlement (village) to a new Programs like this are still pushy, settlement, not a movement from especially when they have obtained village to village. official permission from the state. The migration activities of the 2. HISTORY OF THE MIGRATION Dayak people (Kalimantan in general) SERIES OF THE DAYAK OT- have been widely studied by DANUM COMMUNITY IN THE researchers. The migration of the

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VILLAGE OF TUMBANG (photo 2). The statue is a symbol that KARUEI accompanies the spirit of the dead in Some of the migration histories the grave. When a man dies, the statue of the Dayak Ot-Danum people are still (partner) is made by a woman, and vice contained in the village custom history versa. Meanwhile, Sandung is a small books. However, this history does not house / object (not always in the form contain complete information, of a house) which has space to store especially about the time of migration. the bones of the remains of a body that Another source that can be used is has been burned. information from local traditional According to local people's leaders and their ancestral artifacts. beliefs, these objects are remnants of These remains are also called their ancestral settlement activities. traditional objects, in the form of Graves or statues are deliberately objects for religious ceremonial placed in residential areas (can be purposes such as stumbling, toras, and planted in front, side or behind the sapundu, or fruit tree plants. house) for economic reasons. Building Customary heritage can tell a lot about these objects requires a lot of money, the history of migration that was at least one pig, rice and tuak. Usually carried out from generation to they do not necessarily carry out the generation. toras erection ceremony but have to Toras is a pole with a height of save first. This is also one of the factors approximately 3 m, made of iron wood in their transfer of belief from Hindu (Eusideroxylon zwagerry), and there is a Kaharingan to Catholicism / protrusion at the very top (photo 1). Christianity. The cost of worship in the This object is used as a symbol of burial Hindu Kaharingan tradition is in the Dayak Hindu Kaharingan considered too heavy (Semedi: 2012). community before performing the From this the assumption arises that if tiwah ceremony. Sapundu is wood an area in which there is a sapundu, carved into a male or female statue toras, or stumbling block, then that complete with accessories such as area was once a residential location clothes, cloth, earrings and necklaces .

Figure 1. Toras (Sumber : Dokumentasi Septriani) Figure 2 : sapundu (Sumber : Dokumentasi Septriani)

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Figure 3. Sandung (Sumber Dokumentasi Septriani) Apart from religious objects, trees sites serve as a trajectory for the are also a marker used by residents to migration of the Dayak Ot-Danum remember their (former) territory. In people from generation to generation this regard, Peluso stated: "traveling to their settlement in Tumbang Karuei trajectory..they moved from their Village. Local people have their own place..to a new settlement" (Peluso: wisdom to calculate and determine the 1996). Fruit plants that mark the chronology of their movements. One of former settlement include Durian. them is by measuring the diameter of Durian (Durio zibethinus) is a type of the Durian tree to find out its age. Local fruit plant that is always found along people believe that this Durian tree with stumbles, sapundu, and toras. At grows along with the birth of a some sites Durian trees are neatly lined settlement. up along the Katingan river. The neat Durian trees grow by 1.5 cm per and patterned condition of Durian tree year, so to determine the age of the plants like this shows an indication of Durian tree, it is done by dividing the the activity of planting Durian trees / diameter of the tree to its growth each making Durian tree gardens. For the year. The diameter of the Durian tree at Dayak community, the Durian tree is a the Pantar Pak Sareh site is 230 cm. tree of life in which the family tree of After dividing by 1.5 cm, the result is descent is stored so that each Durian 153. This means that the durian tree tree has a name. This name is the name has been growing there since 153 years of their ancestors who previously lived ago, which is around 1860 (counted in that location (Peluso, 1996). back from 2013). At the Upstream After conducting a surface survey, Grave Site, the diameter of the durian it appears that these customary objects tree is 165 cm, divided by 1.5 cm, the and tree plants appear at several points result is 110, the initial growth was of the customary site. There are 4 around 1903.The diameter of one of points of customary sites which, based the durian trees at the Tumbang Sebiha on the artifacts, are the former site is 90 cm, divided by 1.5 cm, the ancestral settlements of the Dayak Ot- result is 60, so it is likely that growth Danum Tumbang Karuei community, around 1953. Meanwhile, the Kampung namely the Pantar Pak Sareh site, the Lama Tumbang Karuei site was only Hulu Kuburan Site, the Sebiha River occupied around the 1960s. Site, and the Old Village Site. These four

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Apart from being based on local year the community moved to wisdom, there are also written sources Kampung Lama, namely the 1960s: from previous research reports and 1969-1970. village history books. Unfortunately, The migration route for the this data does not provide the year that village of Tumbang Karuei does not people moved from one location to show a great distance (sketch 1). The another. In the report, only the year of distance between one site and another the move from the Sebiha River to site is not more than 500 meters, Kampung Lama was stated because of except for Pak Sareh's Pantar Site. The the disease outbreak, which was distance from the Pantar Pak Sareh site around 1969 (Semedi, 2012: 33-36). to the Hulu cemetery site is about 3.6 Both calculations based on local km. The distance between the Hulu wisdom and data from scientific Kuburan site and the Tumbang Sebiha research reports from various parties site is about 80 meters. From Tumba show the same results regarding the ng Sebiha to the Kampung Lama Tumbang Karuei site, about 250 meters. Meanwhile, there is no distance between Kampung Lama Tumbang Karuei and the village that is now occupied because some houses are now being built on the site. The location of each site is on the river bank. The river is the main route used by people to migrate.

Figure 4. Jalur migrasi Desa Tumbang Karuei

Migration from one site to 17 years because the community was another occurs because of the need for stricken with a deadly disease arable land for cultivation. The cycle of outbreak. This disease is believed to displacement with the aim of accessing have originated from the anger of the fertile land is 20-30 years or 40-50 ancestors of the land they occupied. years. In a crucial condition such as a However, the tradition of burying disease outbreak, the transfer time is corpses by the Dayak people (by faster than usual. The Tumbang Sebiha burning them directly or leaving them site has only been inhabited for about for some time in stumbling) can result

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in the emergence of various types of completeness of the facilities and bacteria. At that time there was no facilities is an indicator to see whether system for preserving corpses so that the community has started to settle corpses were left to rot and the down or is still temporarily in nature. bacteria generated from these corpses For example, a permanent house will triggered disease outbreaks. Currently, be occupied for a very long time, in some people still believe that at the contrast to the hut houses made of Hulu Grave site, the disease can still bark or tents such as the Mongolian infect people who come there. Another shepherd society which always motivating factor for migration is migrates from time to time. security. The movement of the Currently, mobilization is still community from the Hulu Kuburan site being carried out, but on an individual to Tumbang Sebiha was due to a fight basis, while the definition of migration between community members that used here is the movement of people could not be resolved by local from one village as a whole. This customary officials, so to avoid mobilization, for example, is casualties they had to move to a new commuting from fields to villages, place. hunting in the forest outside the village, fishing in rivers that are far from the 3. MASYARAKAT DAYAK OT- village, continuing school to sub- DANUM SUDAH MENETAP DI districts, etc. Such mobilizations cannot DESA TUMBANG KARUEI be called migration in the context of this paper. In an afternoon conversation, an elderly man in Tumbang Karuei Village stated: 4. THE ARRIVAL OF THE HPH “Kami tidak akan pindah COMPANY PT. SBK AND THE dari desa ini, Tumbang SETTLEMENT PROCESS IN Karuei adalah desa terakhir TUMBANG KARUEI VILLAGE kami dimana kami akan The description of the history of menetap selamanya di sini” migration above can show how this "We will not move from this activity has been a tradition among the village, Tumbang Karuei is Dayak community in general, the Ot- our last village where we Danum Dayak tribe in particular. Now will stay here forever" migration activities have become a (interview Tumbang Krauei, traditional story of the past because 2013) they are no longer practiced. To be able to further explain why and how they This brief conversation can serve could stop migrating and then settle in as an illustration to see more about the a permanent settlement called a current condition of the Dayak Ot- village, we have to look at the context Danum community in Tumbang Karuei of events at that time. When the Village. Physically (buildings and community lived in the former infrastructure) Tumbang Karuei Village settlement site of the old village (circa is not much different from other 1960-70s) they joined a logging villages on the island of Java. The company holding a concession.

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The birth of the HPH company is concession extension based on a inseparable from state policy. Some decree. Minister of Forestry No. 201 / sources say that the policy is related to Kpts-II / 1998 dated 27 February 1998. efforts to control the state over forests This shows that the and natural resources (see Siscawati: implementation of a development 2014 and Li: 2012). This policy has been program and economic growth with a carried out since the colonial period trickle down effect requires a space and continued into the post-colonial which is often called a 'region'. PT. Sari period, reaching its peak during the Bumi Kusuma cannot operate without a New Order government regime. This concession area. The state through its policy was born as part of the regulation has given a concession area development and economic growth to PT. Sari Bumi Kusuma with a very efforts launched by the government. large amount. State assumption in By law, this policy has been granting concession rights to PT. Sari stated in the statutory regulations. One Bumi Kusuma is because Kalimantan is of them is Law No. 5 of 1967 a frontier area, an empty area, which concerning Basic Provisions of Forestry. can then become the basis for natural Then to implement the provisions resource extraction (Tsing: 1998). It regarding forest exploitation which seems that the state turns a blind eye if underlie the policy of granting forest in an area / land that is considered resource concessions issued PP No. 21 empty even though there are still of 1970, PP. 18 of 1975 concerning creatures that inhabit it, whether Forest Concession Rights (HPH) and humans or animals and plants. Forest Product Harvesting Rights Moreover, Kalimantan is one of the (HPHH). After the issuance of this islands inhabited by Dayak people with government regulation, forest a pattern of living in inland forests, processing (products) activities by such as the Dayak Ot-Danum people domestic and foreign investors began who live in the upstream and upstream to arrive (Nurjaya, 2005: 45-47). rivers. One of the domestic investors on The vast number of concession a national scale is a HPH company areas cannot help but intersect with called PT. Sari Bumi Kusuma (SBK). The the Dayak Ot-Danum people who live in company started operations in 1978. the fields. In this case the state has The state concession license was territorialized the area through PT. Sari obtained through Forestry Agreement Bumi Kusuma. The presence of the (FA) No. FA / N / 016 / III / 1978, dated company has an impact on the division 29 March 1978 and Decree of the of forest areas between the Dayak Ot- Minister of Agriculture No. 599 / Kpts / Danum community and PT. Sari Bumi Um / 11/1978, dated 18 November Kusuma. Forests that fall under the 1978. The concession area covers territory of the Dayak Ot-Danum Seruyan District with an area of 48,000 community are commonly known as ha and Katingan District with an area of ulayat forest rights, while forests 99,600 ha. The duration of this forest belonging to PT. Sari Bumi Kusuma is a exploitation is only 20 years. However, concession forest. PT. Sari Bumi Kusuma received a

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Territorialization is a process to resources in the forest (Peluso and exclude or incorporate people into Vandergeest: 1995). certain geographic boundaries and is related to controlling what they can 5. THE DAYAK OT-DANUM and cannot do and their access to BETAH COMMUNITY LIVE IN natural resources within those TUMBANG KARUEI VILLAGE territorial boundaries (Peluso and “Sementara sebagian besar Vandergeest: 1995). The stages in kelompok yang patuh territorialization include: dipindahkan juga tidak 1. Claiming land which he said does not mampu bertahan lama. belong to anyone to belong to the ketika terbukti proyek state (usually politically through pemerintah kolonial law), tersebut tidak layak dari segi 2. Define boundaries via map, and kesehatan dan 3. Launch programs that divide the use penghidupan, para pejabat of an area including HPH concession tidak punya pilihan lain areas. kecuali membiarkan para

petani kembali ke The state's interests in territorial pegunungan” territorialization have economic "Meanwhile, most of the interests, including strengthening groups that complied with population claims, taxes, and potential being moved were also natural resources. Furthermore, unable to last long. when it increasing the efficiency of tax was proven that the colonial collection that is used for state needs. government project was not This can be seen from the amount of feasible in terms of health tax paid by PT. Sari Bumi Kusuma every and livelihoods, the officials year. For example, in 2004, PT. Sari had no other choice but to Bumi Kusuma has paid the tax arrears let the farmers return to the of Rp. 37.47 billion of the total Rp. mountains ”(Li: 2012). 38.80 billion. Currently, there are even rumors that the Katingan The above quotation shows that government is mostly supplied with after people "obey" to be established in funds from PT. Sari Bumi Kusuma. one area, further steps are still needed Apart from economic interests, so that they do not return to their place territoriality has produced a force to of origin. This is what territorial actors restrict access, including determining often forget. They still have an boundaries. Territorialization in terms obligation to create a place and of forest control is the way in which conditions, which are feasible from any state power over forest areas applies perspective (health, trust, economy, within politically determined forest education). In the case of Tumbang boundaries. Just like the concept of Karuei village, this “Homework” was territoriality in general, state power done through a CSR (Corporate Social over certain forest areas applies to Responsibility) program in the PMDH control the people who use the division.

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Territorialization began in the XIX and hunting activities (table 2). The century with the making of the first source of income / income for the laws during the Dutch administration community is not only from field rice that separated the boundary between but also cash from entrepreneurial forest and agricultural land. During the activities. This means that, although New Order era, this policy was farming activities are not as intense as combined with the concept of before, people still survive because industrial-scale forestry. The concept of they have economic income in other CSR was born starting from the history sectors. People also do not become of the emergence of an industry that dependent on fertile land, so they don't only focused on profit. At this time, the have to industry (the business world) thinks that contributions to the community, 6. CONCLUSION especially the community around the The aforementioned description operating / concession area, are can answer some of the main questions sufficient in the form of providing labor, that have been formulated. The meeting needs through company phenomenon of resettlement of products, and paying taxes to the state. traditional communities has occurred The responsibility of corporations / since the conlonial era with the aim of companies to society has been development. The Ot-Danum Dayak submitted to the government in the community in Tumbang Karuei Village is form of income tax payments an example. Those who are known as (Wibisono in Alfitri, 2011: 79). the migrating society have now settled However, with the development of the and left this tradition. Unlike other industrial world and the exploitation of traditional communities (such as resources that are rife lately, every highland communities in Central corporate (company) is required to Sulawesi), they are not directly subject have a social responsibility. to the 'resettlement of isolated Furthermore, CSR began to focus its communities' program. Their programs on improving the welfare of settlement in one village coincided with the community around the concession the arrival of PT. Sari Bumi Kusuma. area, especially in alleviating poverty Therefore, the answer to the question and underdevelopment which was why they do not migrate is tried to be strengthened by inducing the explained by using the concept of improvement of the economic sector of territorialization by state actors and the surrounding community (Alfitri, companies. Whereas the resettlement 2011: 80). was deliberately carried out to fix the In their current development, real boundaries between the local these programs have a huge impact on community's rights area and the state's the lives of the Dayak Ot-Danum rights which became the concession community of Tumbang Karuei village. area of PT. Sari Bumi Kusuma. Its One thing that is striking is the purpose is to control access to emergence of diversification of resources in it. The stopping of this livelihoods, where their economic migration activity is not only up to the resources do not only focus on farming territorial process, but there are other

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