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Political Risk Alert (30 Oct. 2019)
Political Risk Alert (30 Oct. 2019) Argentina: Election outcome means early start on debt challenge Event: Alberto Fernandez achieved a comfortable first-round victory over incumbent President Mauricio Macri on October 27. Significance: Avoiding the need for a second round should help to speed up efforts to tackle the economic crisis and bring forward the start of debt renegotiations with creditors. Fernandez’s economic transition team is closer to him than to his vice-president-elect, former President Cristina Fernandez de Kirchner (CFK). However, the extent to which the populist-leaning CFK will dominate the new administration is a major concern for investors, as is the outlook for talks with the IMF. Meanwhile, the political alliance that backed Macri’s pro-business stance looks close to disintegrating. Analysis: Fernandez won a clear margin of 48% to 40%, although this was smaller than suggested by recent polling. However, the fact that Macri improved his performance by some 8 percentage points is due to the votes he won from smaller parties' candidates, increasing polarisation between his allies and those of Fernandez. Generally regarded as far more moderate than CFK, Fernandez will find himself limited in his policy choices by both economic constraints and demands of more radical Kirchnerist groups such as the youth movement La Campora. Given his own lack of an independent support base, those groups will not hesitate to emphasise that his election victory was due to Kirchnerist backing. This shift in post-election emphasis towards CFK has already begun. After first ceding the presidential candidacy and then maintaining a low profile during the campaign in a bid to downplay the controversies that surround her, CFK was very much centre stage on election night, and the Frente de Todos celebrations were dominated by images of CFK and her late husband, former President Nestor Kirchner. -
XXV ENCUENTRO DEL FORO DE SÃO PAULO Caracas, Venezuela - 25 Al 28 De Julio 2019
XXV ENCUENTRO DEL FORO DE SÃO PAULO Caracas, Venezuela - 25 al 28 de julio 2019 MEMORIA _______________________________ 1. PRESENTACIÓN El XXV Encuentro del Foro de São Paulo fue organizado en la ciudad de Caracas, Venezuela, del 25 al 28 de julio de 2019, bajo el lema “Por la Paz, la Soberanía y la Prosperidad de los Pueblos: ¡Unidad, Lucha, Batalla y Victoria!” Realizamos varias actividades: - Encuentros simultáneos: Afrodescendientes; Juventudes; Mujeres; Parlamentarios; Pueblos originarios; - Reuniones de las secretarías regionales: Andino Amazónica, Cono Sur y Mesoamérica y el Caribe; - Reuniones con los partidos políticos amigos de Asia, África y Oriente Medio; - Actividades temáticas: Debate sobre la economía mundial; Reunión de intelectuales, artistas y movimientos sociales; Taller de comunicación; - II Diálogo con las plataformas, articulaciones y redes del movimiento social y popular; - Seminario sobre las experiencias y perspectivas de los gobiernos progresistas de América Latina y el Caribe; - Plenarias del XXV Encuentro. Esta Memoria del XXV Encuentro del Foro de São Paulo reúne los documentos fundamentales aprobados o presentados durante los trabajos. Mônica Valente Secretaria Ejecutiva Foro de São Paulo ____________________________________________________________ 2. PROGRAMACIÓN REALIZADA Jueves, 25 de julio de 2019 8 a.m. 1 Reunión del Grupo de Trabajo del Foro de Sao Paulo (GT-FSP). 9h00 - Diálogo del Foro de Sao Paulo con las Plataformas, Articulaciones y Redes del Movimiento Social y Popular, en su segunda edición. - Encuentro de Centros de Estudios y Escuelas de Formación Política. - Foro: “Perspectivas y Enigmas de la Economía Mundial”. 13h00 - Almuerzo. 15h00 - Reunión del Grupo de Trabajo del Foro de Sao Paulo (GT-FSP) con el Partido de la Izquierda Europea (PIE). -
La Congruencia Aliancista De Los Partidos Argentinos En Elecciones Concurrentes (1983- 2011) Estudios Políticos, Vol
Estudios Políticos ISSN: 0185-1616 [email protected] Universidad Nacional Autónoma de México México Cleric, Paula La congruencia aliancista de los partidos argentinos en elecciones concurrentes (1983- 2011) Estudios Políticos, vol. 9, núm. 36, septiembre-diciembre, 2015, pp. 143-170 Universidad Nacional Autónoma de México Distrito Federal, México Disponible en: http://www.redalyc.org/articulo.oa?id=426441558007 Cómo citar el artículo Número completo Sistema de Información Científica Más información del artículo Red de Revistas Científicas de América Latina, el Caribe, España y Portugal Página de la revista en redalyc.org Proyecto académico sin fines de lucro, desarrollado bajo la iniciativa de acceso abierto La congruencia aliancista de los partidos argentinos en elecciones concurrentes (1983 -2011) Paula Clerici* Resumen El presente artículo ofrece un estudio sobre la congruencia de las alianzas electorales en Argen- tina entre 1983 y 2011. Lo anterior a partir de dos acciones: primero, ubicando empíricamente el fenómeno; segundo, conociendo el nivel de congruencia que los partidos han tenido en su política aliancista en los distintos procesos electorales que se presentaron durante el período considerado. La propuesta dedica un apartado especial al Partido Justicialista (PJ) y a la Unión Cívica Radical (UCR), por su importancia sistémica. Palabras clave: alianzas partidistas, partidos políticos, congruencia aliancista, procesos electorales, .Argentina. Abstract This article presents a study on the consistency of the electoral alliances in Argentina between 1983 and 2011. From two actions: first, locating empirically the phenomenon; and second, knowing the level of consistency that the parties have had in their alliance policy in the different electoral processes that occurred during the period. -
Figure A1 General Elections in Argentina, 1995-2019 Figure A2 Vote for Peronists Among Highest-Educated and Top-Income Voters In
Chapter 15. "Social Inequalities, Identity, and the Structure of Political Cleavages in Argentina, Chile, Costa Rica, Colombia, Mexico, and Peru, 1952-2019" Oscar BARRERA, Ana LEIVA, Clara MARTÍNEZ-TOLEDANO, Álvaro ZÚÑIGA-CORDERO Appendix A - Argentina Main figures and tables Figure A1 General elections in Argentina, 1995-2019 Figure A2 Vote for Peronists among highest-educated and top-income voters in Argentina, after controls Table A1 The structure of political cleavages in Argentina, 2015-2019 Appendix Figures - Structure of the Vote for Peronists Figure AA1 Vote for Peronists by income decile in Argentina Figure AA2 Vote for Peronists by income group in Argentina Figure AA3 Vote for Peronists by education level in Argentina Figure AA4 Vote for Peronists by age group in Argentina Figure AA5 Vote for Peronists by gender in Argentina Figure AA6 Vote for Peronists by marital status in Argentina Figure AA7 Vote for Peronists by employment status in Argentina Figure AA8 Vote for Peronists by employment sector in Argentina Figure AA9 Vote for Peronists by self-employment status in Argentina Figure AA10 Vote for Peronists by occupation in Argentina Figure AA11 Vote for Peronists by subjective social class in Argentina Figure AA12 Vote for Peronists by rural-urban location in Argentina Figure AA13 Vote for Peronists by region in Argentina Figure AA14 Vote for Peronists by ethnicity in Argentina Figure AA15 Vote for Peronists by religious affiliation in Argentina Figure AA16 Vote for Peronists by religiosity in Argentina Figure AA17 Vote for -
The Role of Political Parties in Promoting Women in Politics - Upla Women's Network Contribution
THE ROLE OF POLITICAL PARTIES IN PROMOTING WOMEN IN POLITICS - UPLA WOMEN'S NETWORK CONTRIBUTION INTRODUCTION The Women's Network of the Union of Latin American Parties (UPLA) is a political platform that seeks to promote and strengthen the participation and positioning of women in public decision-making roles in Latin America and the Caribbean. We believe that the practices, policies and values of political parties can have a profound impact on women's political participation and representation. That is why the Network decided to join the iKNOW Politics e-discussion on “The Role of Political Parties in Promoting Women in Politics” to exchange knowledge on the role of political parties in promoting women’s participation and political representation. We prepared our contribution and discussed these important topics more widely during online discussions among members of the UPLA Women’s Network in August and September 2019. COUNTRIES THAT PARTICIPATED IN THE PREPARATION OF THIS DOCUMENT (COUNTRY, NAME OF REPRESENTATIVE(S) AND POLITICAL PARTY): Argentina Congresswoman Sofía Brambilla (PRO) Bolivia Local Assemblywoman Cinthya Mendoza (Demócratas) Chile Former Congresswoman Claudia Nogueira (UDI), Congresswoman Catalina del Real MP (RN) Colombia Senator Nadya Blel (PCC), Gina Segura (PCC) Costa Rica Mariana Fernández (PRSC) Dominican Republic Daysi Sepúlveda (FNP) El Salvador Congresswoman Martha Evelyn Batres (ARENA), Claudia Alas de Ávila, Member of PARLACEN (ARENA) Honduras Congresswoman Johana Bermúdez (PNH) Panama Gina Correa (CD) Peru Nadia Ramos (PPC), Gisela Tipe (AP), Milagros López (AP) 1. DO POLITICAL PARTIES IN YOUR COUNTRY PUBLICLY EXPRESS COMMITMENT TO GENDER EQUALITY? IF SO, IS THIS COMMITMENT REFLECTED IN THEIR ACTIONS (E.G. -
La Unión Cívica Radical Intransigente De Tucumán (1957-1962)
Andes ISSN: 0327-1676 ISSN: 1668-8090 [email protected] Instituto de Investigaciones en Ciencias Sociales y Humanidades Argentina EL PARTIDO COMO TERRENO DE DISPUTAS: LA UNIÓN CÍVICA RADICAL INTRANSIGENTE DE TUCUMÁN (1957-1962) Lichtmajer, Leandro Ary EL PARTIDO COMO TERRENO DE DISPUTAS: LA UNIÓN CÍVICA RADICAL INTRANSIGENTE DE TUCUMÁN (1957-1962) Andes, vol. 29, núm. 1, 2018 Instituto de Investigaciones en Ciencias Sociales y Humanidades, Argentina Disponible en: https://www.redalyc.org/articulo.oa?id=12755957009 Esta obra está bajo una Licencia Creative Commons Atribución-NoComercial-CompartirIgual 4.0 Internacional. PDF generado a partir de XML-JATS4R por Redalyc Proyecto académico sin fines de lucro, desarrollado bajo la iniciativa de acceso abierto ARTÍCULOS EL PARTIDO COMO TERRENO DE DISPUTAS: LA UNIÓN CÍVICA RADICAL INTRANSIGENTE DE TUCUMÁN (1957-1962) THE PARTY AS A FIELD OF DISPUTES: THE INTRANSIGENT RADICAL CIVIC UNION OF TUCUMÁN (1957-1962) Leandro Ary Lichtmajer [email protected] Instituto Superior de Estudios Sociales (UNT/CONICET) Facultad de Filosofía y Letras (UNT)., Argentina Resumen: Los interrogantes sobre el derrotero del radicalismo en la etapa de Andes, vol. 29, núm. 1, 2018 inestabilidad política y conflictividad social comprendida entre los golpes de Estado de 1955 y 1962 se vinculan a la necesidad de desentrañar la trayectoria de los partidos Instituto de Investigaciones en Ciencias Sociales y Humanidades, Argentina en una etapa clave de la historia argentina contemporánea. En ese contexto, el análisis del surgimiento y trayectoria de la Unión Cívica Radical Intransigente en la provincia Recepción: 18/10/17 de Tucumán (Argentina) procura poner en debate las interpretaciones estructuradas Aprobación: 26/12/17 alrededor de la noción de partido instrumental. -
The Transformation of Party-Union Linkages in Argentine Peronism, 1983–1999*
FROM LABOR POLITICS TO MACHINE POLITICS: The Transformation of Party-Union Linkages in Argentine Peronism, 1983–1999* Steven Levitsky Harvard University Abstract: The Argentine (Peronist) Justicialista Party (PJ)** underwent a far- reaching coalitional transformation during the 1980s and 1990s. Party reformers dismantled Peronism’s traditional mechanisms of labor participation, and clientelist networks replaced unions as the primary linkage to the working and lower classes. By the early 1990s, the PJ had transformed from a labor-dominated party into a machine party in which unions were relatively marginal actors. This process of de-unionization was critical to the PJ’s electoral and policy success during the presidency of Carlos Menem (1989–99). The erosion of union influ- ence facilitated efforts to attract middle-class votes and eliminated a key source of internal opposition to the government’s economic reforms. At the same time, the consolidation of clientelist networks helped the PJ maintain its traditional work- ing- and lower-class base in a context of economic crisis and neoliberal reform. This article argues that Peronism’s radical de-unionization was facilitated by the weakly institutionalized nature of its traditional party-union linkage. Although unions dominated the PJ in the early 1980s, the rules of the game governing their participation were always informal, fluid, and contested, leaving them vulner- able to internal changes in the distribution of power. Such a change occurred during the 1980s, when office-holding politicians used patronage resources to challenge labor’s privileged position in the party. When these politicians gained control of the party in 1987, Peronism’s weakly institutionalized mechanisms of union participation collapsed, paving the way for the consolidation of machine politics—and a steep decline in union influence—during the 1990s. -
New Victories for Kirchner LADB Staff
University of New Mexico UNM Digital Repository NotiSur Latin America Digital Beat (LADB) 9-19-2003 New Victories for Kirchner LADB Staff Follow this and additional works at: https://digitalrepository.unm.edu/notisur Recommended Citation LADB Staff. "New Victories for Kirchner." (2003). https://digitalrepository.unm.edu/notisur/13188 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the Latin America Digital Beat (LADB) at UNM Digital Repository. It has been accepted for inclusion in NotiSur by an authorized administrator of UNM Digital Repository. For more information, please contact [email protected]. LADB Article Id: 52610 ISSN: 1089-1560 New Victories for Kirchner by LADB Staff Category/Department: Argentina Published: 2003-09-19 With little more than 100 days in office, Argentine President Nestor Kirchner has new reasons to celebrate. He signed a deal with the International Monetary Fund (IMF), one day after failing to meet a payment, that most analysts saw as a coup for the president. And, his political strength has increased with the victory of candidates he endorsed in elections in several provinces and the city of Buenos Aires. Kirchner, who marked 100 days in office Sept. 1, has seemed a far cry from recent Argentine political leaders, whether on issues of IMF renegotiations, human rights, relations with the US, trade, or domestic policies. Kirchner continues to enjoy high public support. He has the most prestige of any president in recent years, and few people have much negative to say about him, said political consultant Enrique Zuleta Puceiro of the firm OPSM. In a recent OPSM poll, respondents gave Kirchner high marks for initiative, independence of criteria, and leadership, with percentages near 70%. -
“Bringing Militancy to Management”: an Approach to the Relationship
“Bringing Militancy to Management”: An Approach to the Relationship between Activism 67 “Bringing Militancy to Management”: An Approach to the Relationship between Activism and Government Employment during the Cristina Fernández de Kirchner Administration in Argentina Melina Vázquez* Consejo Nacional de Investigaciones Científicas y Técnicas (CONICET); Instituto de Investigaciones Gino Germani; Universidad de Buenos Aires, Argentina Abstract This article explores the relationship between employment in public administration and militant commitment, which is understood as that which the actors themselves define as “militant management.” To this end, an analysis is presented of three groups created within three Argentine ministries that adopted “Kirchnerist” ideology: La graN maKro (The Great Makro), the Juventud de Obras Públicas, and the Corriente de Libertación Nacional. The article explores the conditions of possibility and principal characteristics of this activism as well as the guidelines for admission, continuing membership, and promotion – both within the groups and within government entities – and the way that this type of militancy is articulated with expert, professional and academic capital as well as the capital constituted by the militants themselves. Keywords: Activism, expert knowledge, militant careers, state. * Article received on November 22, 2013; final version approved on March 26, 2014. This article is part of a series of studies that the author is working on as a researcher at CONICET and is part of the project “Activism and the Political Commitment of Youth: A Socio-Historical Study of their Political and Activist Experiences (1969-2011)” sponsored by the National Agency for Scientific and Technological Promotion, Argentine Ministry of Science, Technology and Productive Innovation (2012-2015), of which the author is the director. -
Cómo Citar El Artículo Número Completo Más Información Del Artículo
deSignis ISSN: 1578-4223 ISSN: 2462-7259 [email protected] Federación Latinoamericana de Semiótica Organismo Internacional Dagatti, Mariano; Gómez Triben, Mariana Como la cigarra. Imagen, espectáculo y narración en la campaña presidencial de Todos (Argentina, 2019) deSignis, vol. 33, 2020, Julio-, pp. 179-203 Federación Latinoamericana de Semiótica Organismo Internacional DOI: https://doi.org/10.35659/designis.i33p179-203 Disponible en: https://www.redalyc.org/articulo.oa?id=606064829013 Cómo citar el artículo Número completo Sistema de Información Científica Redalyc Más información del artículo Red de Revistas Científicas de América Latina y el Caribe, España y Portugal Página de la revista en redalyc.org Proyecto académico sin fines de lucro, desarrollado bajo la iniciativa de acceso abierto http://dx.doi.org/10.35659/designis.i33p179-203 COMO LA CIGARRA. IMAGEN, ESPECTÁCULO Y NARRACIÓN EN LA CAMPAÑA PRESIDENCIAL DEL FRENTE DE TODOS (ARGENTINA, 2019) Como la cigarra. Relatos de ilusión y desencanto en la campaña presidencial del Frente de Todos (Argentina, 2019). Sounds of the cicada. Stories of illusion and disenchantment in the presidential campaign of the Frente de Todos (Argentina, 2019) Mariano Dagatti y Mariana Gómez Triben (pág 179 - pág 203) La campaña presidencial del Frente de Todos en las elecciones nacionales de 2019 fue novedosa en muchos aspectos. Los candidatos de la fórmula, Alberto Fernández y Cristina Fernández de Kirchner, dos políticos de fuste y de larga trayectoria, privilegiaron diferentes estrategias de comunicación con el fin de alcanzar a diferentes sectores de la ciu- dadanía. Compartieron apenas cuatro actos antes del rotundo triunfo en primera vuelta, y un quinto para celebrar la asunción al cargo máximo del Poder Ejecutivo. -
REVISTA SAAP V8 N2 D.Pmd
Unidos y diversificados: la construcción del partido PRO en la CABA GABRIEL VOMMARO Universidad Nacional de General Sarmiento, Argentina Consejo Nacional de Investigaciones Científicas y Técnicas, Argentina [email protected] SERGIO DANIEL MORRESI Universidad Nacional de General Sarmiento, Argentina Consejo Nacional de Investigaciones Científicas y Técnicas, Argentina [email protected] El presente trabajo intenta cumplir dos objetivos. El primero es mos- trar y explicar los motivos de las dificultades que los partidos centro-dere- cha han tenido en la política argentina durante las últimas décadas. El segundo es exponer de qué modo el partido Propuesta Republicana (PRO) se ha enfrentado a esas dificultades a través de una estrategia subnacional y un posicionamiento que se presenta como posmaterial y no antiperonista. Se presentan argumentos analíticos y se exponen datos obtenidos mediante un trabajo de campo realizado durante 2011-2012 con cuadros políticos y dirigentes de la Ciudad Autónoma de Buenos Aires. Desde que se reinstaló la democracia en 1983, varios partidos políticos de centro-derecha intentaron exorcizar la maldición de su contumaz fracaso electoral acudiendo a diferentes estrategias, tales como utilizar al Congreso Nacional como caja de resonancia, usar de forma sistemática a los medios de comunicación como sustitutos del trabajo territorial y el acercamiento a determinadas fracciones del peronismo. Por distintos motivos, estas estrate- gias resultaron infructuosas o no pudieron ser sostenidas en el tiempo. Sin embargo, con posterioridad a la crisis de 2001, surgió la Alianza Propuesta Republicana (más conocida por su forma abreviada PRO) que, en muy poco tiempo cosechó un éxito destacable a partir de una estrategia subnacional con base en la Ciudad Autónoma de Buenos Aires (CABA). -
Macro Report Comparative Study of Electoral Systems Module 4: Macro Report September 10, 2012
Comparative Study of Electoral Systems 1 Module 4: Macro Report Comparative Study of Electoral Systems Module 4: Macro Report September 10, 2012 Country: Argentina Date of Election: October 25, 2015 Prepared by: Noam Lupu, Carlos Gervasoni, Virginia Oliveros, and Luis Schiumerini Date of Preparation: December 2016 NOTES TO COLLABORATORS: . The information provided in this report contributes to an important part of the CSES project. The information may be filled out by yourself, or by an expert or experts of your choice. Your efforts in providing these data are greatly appreciated! Any supplementary documents that you can provide (e.g., electoral legislation, party manifestos, electoral commission reports, media reports) are also appreciated, and may be made available on the CSES website. Answers should be as of the date of the election being studied. Where brackets [ ] appear, collaborators should answer by placing an “X” within the appropriate bracket or brackets. For example: [X] . If more space is needed to answer any question, please lengthen the document as necessary. Data Pertinent to the Election at which the Module was Administered 1a. Type of Election [ ] Parliamentary/Legislative [X] Parliamentary/Legislative and Presidential [ ] Presidential [ ] Other; please specify: __________ 1b. If the type of election in Question 1a included Parliamentary/Legislative, was the election for the Upper House, Lower House, or both? [ ] Upper House [ ] Lower House [X] Both [ ] Other; please specify: __________ Comparative Study of Electoral Systems 2 Module 4: Macro Report 2a. What was the party of the president prior to the most recent election, regardless of whether the election was presidential? Frente para la Victoria, FPV (Front for Victory)1 2b.