The Sources of Conflicting Relations with Russia in Armenia and Georgia
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Mid-Year Update: 10 Conflicts to Worry About in 2021
Red Lines: Up- heaval and Con- tainment in the Horn of Afri- ca Red Lines: Up- heaval and Con- tainment in the Horn of Afri- ca MID-YEAR jhkjUPDATE: 10 CONFLICTS TO WORRY ABOUT IN 2021 The Armed Conflict Location & Event Data Project (ACLED) August 2021 TABLE OF CONTENTS (in no particular order) ETHIOPIA 2 INDIA AND PAKISTAN 5 MYANMAR 8 HAITI 11 BELARUS 14 COLOMBIA 17 ARMENIA AND AZERBAIJAN 20 YEMEN 23 MOZAMBIQUE 27 THE SAHEL 30 EDITED BY: Timothy Lay, Roudabeh Kishi, and Sam Jones GRAPHICS BY: Adam Miller, Josh Satre, and Elliott Bynum LAYOUT BY: Sogand Afkari WITH CONTRIBUTIONS BY: Braden Fuller and Clionadh Raleigh (Ethiopia) Ashik KC (India and Pakistan) Elliott Bynum (Myanmar) Sandra Pellegrini and Maria Fernanda Arocha (Haiti) Franklin Holcomb (Belarus) Bhavani Castro (Colombia) Franklin Holcomb (Armenia and Azerbaijan) Valentin d'Hauthuille (Yemen) Sam Ratner (Mozambique) Héni Nsaibia (The Sahel) ACLED ANALYSIS | ACLEDDATA.COM | 1 ANALYSIS Ethiopia: Administrative contests in the context of rising ethno-nationalism Braden Fuller and Clionadh Raleigh The summer of 2021 has been the most destabilizing efforts by the central government to govern the re- time yet in Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed’s tenure. While gion (VOA Amharic, 1 June 2021; Office of the Prime the general election resulted in the Prosperity Par- Minister – Ethiopia, 3 June 2021). As federal soldiers ty’s (PP) overwhelming victory, violence from multi- struggled to maintain territorial control, Ethiopia’s ple active insurgencies in Ethiopia has overwhelmed top officials have faced heavy diplomatic pressure federal resources, with the threat posed by the Tigray — including sanctions — over the involvement of Er- People’s Liberation Front (TPLF) most apparent in re- itrean troops, civilian targeting, and sexual violence cent summer months. -
Asala & ARF 'Veterans' in Armenia and the Nagorno-Karabakh Region
Karabakh Christopher GUNN Coastal Carolina University ASALA & ARF ‘VETERANS’ IN ARMENIA AND THE NAGORNO-KARABAKH REGION OF AZERBAIJAN Conclusion. See the beginning in IRS- Heritage, 3 (35) 2018 Emblem of ASALA y 1990, Armenia or Nagorno-Karabakh were, arguably, the only two places in the world that Bformer ASALA terrorists could safely go, and not fear pursuit, in one form or another, and it seems that most of them did, indeed, eventually end up in Armenia (36). Not all of the ASALA veterans took up arms, how- ever. Some like, Alex Yenikomshian, former director of the Monte Melkonian Fund and the current Sardarapat Movement leader, who was permanently blinded in October 1980 when a bomb he was preparing explod- ed prematurely in his hotel room, were not capable of actually participating in the fighting (37). Others, like Varoujan Garabedian, the terrorist behind the attack on the Orly Airport in Paris in 1983, who emigrated to Armenia when he was pardoned by the French govern- ment in April 2001 and released from prison, arrived too late (38). Based on the documents and material avail- able today in English, there were at least eight ASALA 48 www.irs-az.com 4(36), AUTUMN 2018 Poster of the Armenian Legion in the troops of fascist Germany and photograph of Garegin Nzhdeh – terrorist and founder of Tseghakronism veterans who can be identified who were actively en- tia group of approximately 50 men, and played a major gaged in the conflict over Nagorno-Karabakh (39), but role in the assault and occupation of the Kelbajar region undoubtedly there were more. -
Should Ukraine Aim to Join the EU's Customs Union?
Understanding the EU’s Association Agreements and Deep and Comprehensive Free Trade Areas with Ukraine, Moldova and Georgia Should Ukraine aim to join the EU’s customs union?1 Michael Emerson and Veronika Movchan 8 September 2017 1 This paper was prepared at the invitation of Rasmussen Global. Michael Emerson is Associate Senior Research Fellow at CEPS, Brussels. Veronika Movchan is Academic Director at the Institute for Economic Research and Policy Consulting, Kyiv. Available for free downloading at http://www.3dcftas.eu/ Research and policy advice project supported by the Swedish International Development Cooperation Agency (Sida). Contents Executive summary .................................................................................................................... 1 1. Introduction ........................................................................................................................ 2 2. The customs union in economic theory and integration models ....................................... 3 3. Current political context for customs unions in the wider European and Eurasian space 5 4. More on economic and political costs and benefits for Ukraine ........................................ 7 5. The other DCFTA cases – Georgia and Moldova ............................................................... 10 6. Conclusions ....................................................................................................................... 11 List of Tables Table 1. Different stages of economic integration ................................................................... -
The EU and South Caucasus: Learning Lessons from Moldova and Ukraine
Nicu Popescu ________________________________________________________________________ IPF Policy Brief 2 (draft) The EU and South Caucasus: learning lessons from Moldova and Ukraine Nicu Popescu , [email protected] Armenia, Azerbaijan and Georgia, included into the European Neighbourhood Policy (ENP) in 2004, started recently their negotiations on Action Plans with the European Union. This will allow them to foster cooperation and integration with the EU in the framework of the ENP. In order to make the ENP Action Plans (AP) exercise more effective the countries of the South Caucasus can learn from the experience of first wave ENP countries such as Ukraine and Moldova, which have been at the implementation stage of the Action Plans for more than a year. The present paper discusses the ENP for the South Caucasus and makes a number of recommendations for the countries of the region on how to proceed with the negotiation and eventual implementation of the ENP Action Plans. The objective of the paper is rather limited. Its aim is not to describe all the actions that the countries of the South Caucasus have to undertake. The objective of the paper is to highlight a number of challenges that arise at the very start of the implementation period. Thus, the recommendations of the paper concern the negotiation phase, and the efforts of the governments of Armenia, Azerbaijan and Georgia to start the process of ENP AP implementation, while keeping in mind the experiences of Moldova and Ukraine. Nicu Popescu is an International Policy Fellow at the Centre for European Policy Studies in Brussels and PhD candidate at the Central European University in Budapest. -
Appeasement and Autonomy | Armenian
APPEASEMENT AND AUTONOMY BRIEF / 2 Jan 2021 Armenian-Russian relations from revolution to war by GEOPOLITICALSERIES Narek Sukiasyan PhD candidate and teaching associate at Yerevan State University, Armenia Summary › Armenia’s 2018 Velvet Revolution did not INTRODUCTION change the country’s foreign and secu- rity policy priorities: a close security al- Armenia’s foreign policy and its role in the post-Soviet liance with Russia has been used to bal- space are often characterised as ‘pro-Russian’. While ance its regional adversaries Turkey and such a description is partially true, it is overly sim- Azerbaijan; however, the revolutionary plistic. This Brief analyses the main trends and evolu- prime minister Nikol Pashinyan has also at- tions in Armenia’s Russia policy after the 2018 Velvet tempted to increase Armenia’s autonomy Revolution: how the changes have influenced Russia’s vis-à-vis Russia. approach towards Armenia, how these dynamics af- › Pashinyan’s attempts to address the for- fect Armenia’s autonomy and what the consequences mer presidents’ abuses of power and cur- of the 2020 Nagorno-Karabakh war are for Armenia’s tail Russian influence in Armenia, coupled regional security and alliances. with moves that could have been interpret- ed as anti-Russian, have created tensions After the revolution and up until the 2020 with Moscow. Nagorno-Karabakh war, no substantial strategic changes were made to Armenian foreign policy. The › The need to sustain the strategic alliance leadership has avoided framing its external affairs in circumstances in which the Kremlin has in geopolitical ‘pro or against’ terms, promoting a been deeply mistrustful of Armenia’s new ‘pro-Armenian’ policy that aims to maintain good re- leadership has forced Pashinyan’s govern- lations in all directions and prioritises sovereignty as ment to appease Russia. -
Economic and Social Council
UNITED E NATIONS Economic and Social Distr. GENERAL Council TRANS/WP.24/2005/6 18 August 2005 ENGLISH Original: ENGLISH, FRENCH and RUSSIAN ECONOMIC COMMISSION FOR EUROPE INLAND TRANSPORT COMMITTEE Joint ECMT/UNECE Working Party/Group on Intermodal Transport and Logistics1 (26-28 September 2005) Working Party on Intermodal Transport and Logistics (Forty-fourth session, 27 and 28 September 2005, agenda item 6 (b)) EUROPEAN AGREEMENT ON IMPORTANT INTERNATIONAL COMBINED TRANSPORT LINES AND RELATED INSTALLATIONS (AGTC Agreement) Amendment proposals adopted by the Working Party on 8 March 2005 Note: At the forty-third session of the Working Party (Paris, 8 March 2005), the Contracting Parties to the AGTC Agreement present and voting adopted unanimously and in accordance with the relevant provisions of Article 15 of the AGTC Agreement, the amendment proposals to Annexes I and II to the AGTC Agreement as contained below (TRANS/WP.24/107, paragraph 11)2. 1 ECMT and UNECE have adopted cooperative arrangements in establishing the “Joint ECMT/UNECE Working Party/Group on Intermodal Transport and Logistics” consisting of separate ECMT and UNECE segments, the UNECE segment consisting of its Working Party on Intermodal Transport and Logistics (WP.24). 2 The consolidated and updated text of the AGTC Agreement is contained in document ECE/TRANS/88/Rev.3. http://www.unece.org/trans/conventn/legalinst.html#4. This document contains in a single, non-official document the consolidated text of the AGTC Agreement including the basic instrument, its amendments and corrections that have come into force by the dates indicated. However, only the text kept in custody by the Secretary General of the United Nations, in his capacity as depositary of the AGTC Agreement, constitutes the authoritative text of the AGTC Agreement. -
"From Ter-Petrosian to Kocharian: Leadership Change in Armenia
UC Berkeley Recent Work Title From Ter-Petrosian to Kocharian: Leadership Change in Armenia Permalink https://escholarship.org/uc/item/0c2794v4 Author Astourian, Stephan H. Publication Date 2000 eScholarship.org Powered by the California Digital Library University of California University of California, Berkeley FROM TER-PETROSIAN TO KOCHARIAN: LEADERSHIP CHANGE IN ARMENIA Stephan H. Astourian Berkeley Program in Soviet and Post-Soviet Studies Working Paper Series This PDF document preserves the page numbering of the printed version for accuracy of citation. When viewed with Acrobat Reader, the printed page numbers will not correspond with the electronic numbering. The Berkeley Program in Soviet and Post-Soviet Studies (BPS) is a leading center for graduate training on the Soviet Union and its successor states in the United States. Founded in 1983 as part of a nationwide effort to reinvigorate the field, BPSs mission has been to train a new cohort of scholars and professionals in both cross-disciplinary social science methodology and theory as well as the history, languages, and cultures of the former Soviet Union; to carry out an innovative program of scholarly research and publication on the Soviet Union and its successor states; and to undertake an active public outreach program for the local community, other national and international academic centers, and the U.S. and other governments. Berkeley Program in Soviet and Post-Soviet Studies University of California, Berkeley Institute of Slavic, East European, and Eurasian Studies 260 Stephens Hall #2304 Berkeley, California 94720-2304 Tel: (510) 643-6737 [email protected] http://socrates.berkeley.edu/~bsp/ FROM TER-PETROSIAN TO KOCHARIAN: LEADERSHIP CHANGE IN ARMENIA Stephan H. -
ON the EFFECTIVE USE of PROXY WARFARE by Andrew Lewis Peek Baltimore, Maryland May 2021 © 2021 Andrew Peek All Rights Reserved
ON THE EFFECTIVE USE OF PROXY WARFARE by Andrew Lewis Peek A dissertation submitted to Johns Hopkins University in conformity with the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy Baltimore, Maryland May 2021 2021 Andrew Peek All rights reserved Abstract This dissertation asks a simple question: how are states most effectively conducting proxy warfare in the modern international system? It answers this question by conducting a comparative study of the sponsorship of proxy forces. It uses process tracing to examine five cases of proxy warfare and predicts that the differentiation in support for each proxy impacts their utility. In particular, it proposes that increasing the principal-agent distance between sponsors and proxies might correlate with strategic effectiveness. That is, the less directly a proxy is supported and controlled by a sponsor, the more effective the proxy becomes. Strategic effectiveness here is conceptualized as consisting of two key parts: a proxy’s operational capability and a sponsor’s plausible deniability. These should be in inverse relation to each other: the greater and more overt a sponsor’s support is to a proxy, the more capable – better armed, better trained – its proxies should be on the battlefield. However, this close support to such proxies should also make the sponsor’s influence less deniable, and thus incur strategic costs against both it and the proxy. These costs primarily consist of external balancing by rival states, the same way such states would balance against conventional aggression. Conversely, the more deniable such support is – the more indirect and less overt – the less balancing occurs. -
Country Report on Infrastructure and Finance Armenia
COUNTRY REPORT ON INFRASTRUCTURE AND FINANCE ARMENIA COUNTRY REPORT ON INFRASTRUCTURE AND FINANCE ARMENIA TABLE OF CONTENT I. COUNTRY INFRASTRUCTURE AND POLICY DIRECTIONS ........................................ 2 1.1 IMPLEMENTATION PROCESS .............................................................................. 4 1.2 LEGAL AND REGULATORY FRAMEWORK FOR INFRASTRUCTURE ................. 5 II. GOVERNMENT PERSPECTIVE ON THE ROLE OF PRIVATE SECTOR INVOLVEMENT ............................................................................................................... 6 2.1 RESPONSIBLE AGENCY FOR PRIVATE SECTOR INFRA-STRUCTURE PROCUREMENT ............................................................................................................... 7 2.2 LEGISLATIVE CONSTRAINTS REGARDING PRIVATE SECTOR PARTICIPATION 7 III. SOURCES OF FINANCING ............................................................................................ 9 -1- COUNTRY REPORT ON INFRASTRUCTURE AND FINANCE ARMENIA I. COUNTRY INFRASTRUCTURE AND POLICY DIRECTIONS In Armenia there is a law on State budget, which defines the annual expenditures of the state budget, including those allocated for investing in infrastructure. As for the transport sector, there is a Transport Sector Development Strategy, which has been elaborated by the assistance of the Asian Development Bank and it defines investment priorities in transport sector. The Strategy pursues improved management, infrastructure, and technology to maximize the transport sector’s performance until 2020, -
Dynamics of Regionalism in the Post-Cold War Era: the Case of Southeastern Europe
Dynamics of Regionalism in the Post-Cold War Era: The Case of Southeastern Europe Daphne Papahadjopoulos Submitted for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy European Institute, The London School of Economics and Political Science 2004 UMI Number: U194851 All rights reserved INFORMATION TO ALL USERS The quality of this reproduction is dependent upon the quality of the copy submitted. In the unlikely event that the author did not send a complete manuscript and there are missing pages, these will be noted. Also, if material had to be removed, a note will indicate the deletion. Disscrrlation Publishing UMI U194851 Published by ProQuest LLC 2014. Copyright in the Dissertation held by the Author. Microform Edition © ProQuest LLC. All rights reserved. This work is protected against unauthorized copying under Title 17, United States Code. ProQuest LLC 789 East Eisenhower Parkway P.O. Box 1346 Ann Arbor, Ml 48106-1346 LiOf-tiy British üorwy ui rOHucat and Economic Science TH cS c S F To my uncle Demetrios Papahadjopoulos Who would have been so pleased Abstract The thesis seeks to understand why in the post-Cold War era regionalism in Southeastern Europe has been largely ineffective. First, it examines the theoretical preconditions for the emergence of the phenomenon. It finds that two separate levels of analysis exist for explaining its sources, namely the international - divided between rationalist and reflectivist schools - and the domestic. Rationalist schools of thought are arranged along a continuum between those focusing on sources of regionalism external (systemic) and internal to regions. Subsequently, the research project provides a historical perspective of cooperation in Southeastern Europe. -
Foreign Policy Strategy 2006-2009
Foreign Policy Strategy 2006-2009 Ministry of Foreign Affairs www.mfa.gov.ge 1 TABLE OF CONTENTS Message from the Minister ................................................................................. 3 Foreword ............................................................................................................ 4 Mission of the Foreign Service............................................................................ 5 Strategic Objectives and Goals ....................................................................... 7 Independent, Secure and Stable country ............................................................ 7 Territorial Integrity .................................................................................... 7 Strengthen National Security .................................................................... 8 Regional Stability ...................................................................................... 8 European and Euro-Atlantic Integration .................................................... 9 Prosperity and Democracy ................................................................................ 11 Economic Development and Security ..................................................... 11 Democracy, Civil Society and Human Rights ..........................................12 Georgia’s Role in the International System ........................................................13 Georgia’s Outreach ................................................................................. 13 Consolidation -
2021:Time to Upgrade Us-Moldova Relations
2021: TIME TO UPGRADE USPolicy – M BridgesOLDOVA with RELATIONS the EU: Securing Europeanisation process of the Republic of Moldova DEC 2020 NICU POPESCU AND CRISTINA GHERASIMOV 2021: TIME TO U PGRADE US -MOLDOVA RELAT IONS POLICY BRIEF Nicu Popescu and Cristina Gherasimov EXECUTIVE SUMMARY Considering the start of a new political cycle both in Washington and Chisinau, time is ripe for a major upgrade in US-Moldova relations . But partnerships are truly sustainable if they are a two-way street. Moldova can, of course, continue being a major beneficiary of US support, but it is important for it to bring more to this bilateral partnership as well. An upgraded US-Moldova partnership could rely on even stronger US support for the rule of law and anti-corruption efforts: the fight against money laundering, investigations of financial crimes, recovery of stolen assets, increase the efficiency and reform of the justice sector. The US and Moldova should deepen their cooperation in the field of security by seeking ways to intensify institutional partnerships between their respective security sectors on several policy fronts such as cyber security, defense cooperation and intelligence matters. Continued support for civil society and independent media, not least through medium and long-term institutional funding, will play a key role in defining the extent of success of reforms in the following years. Should Moldovan authorities be able to pursue several years of sustained anti-corruption reforms it is important for both parties to look into ways to open the possibility for Moldova to benefit from a second Millennium Challenge Corporation program.