RAPE MYTH ACCEPTANCE 1
BEWARE OF BIAS: RAPE MYTH ACCEPTANCE AMONGST
SOCIAL WORK STUDENTS
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A Thesis
Presented to
The Honors Tutorial College
Ohio University
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In Partial Fulfillment
Of the Requirements for Graduation
From the Honors Tutorial College with the degree of
Bachelor of Arts in Social Work
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By Heather M. Lambert April 2021
RAPE MYTH ACCEPTANCE 2
Approval Page
This thesis has been approved by
The Honors Tutorial College and the Department of Social Work
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Dr. Sarah Garlington Assistant Professor, Social Work Thesis Advisor
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Dr. Jennifer Shadik Director of Studies, Social Work
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Dr. Donal Skinner Dean, Honors Tutorial College
RAPE MYTH ACCEPTANCE 3
Acknowledgements
I have several individuals to thank for aiding me with this project and making it such a success. I thank Dr. Solveig Spjeldnes, my former Director of Studies, for supporting me during the bulk of my undergraduate career and providing me with a foundation of research. Dean Skinner, Assistant Dean Beth Novak, and Cary Roberts
Frith for believing in my project, advocating for it, and offering guidance when needed.
Dr. Patty Stokes for tutoring me, even though it meant an additional tutorial for her, to help the development and background of my project. My current Director of Studies, Dr.
Jenny Shadik, for her guidance and assistance over the last year. I especially thank Dr.
Sarah Garlington, my wonderful advisor who answered all of my questions, supported me through the rough patches, and always believed in my capabilities as a researcher and student. Finally, I thank my participants for taking the time to meet with me and their dedication to social work and helping others.
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Table of Contents
APPROVAL PAGE………………………………………………………………………. 2 ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS………………………………………………………………. 3 INTRODUCTION………………………………………………………………………... 6 LITERATURE REVIEW………………………………………………………………… 7
RAPE CULTURE…………………………………………………………………………. 7 Issues of Consent…………………………………………………………………….. 8 Rape Myths…………………………………………………………………………. 10 CULTURE, VALUES, AND PERCEPTIONS………………………………………………... 15 University as Culture……………………………………………………………….. 16 The Culture of Appalachia…………………………………………………………. 18 THE SOCIAL WORK PROFESSION………………………………………………………. 20 THEORETICAL FRAMEWORK………………………………………………………. 23
SOCIAL CONSTRUCTION THEORY……………………………………………………… 23 Gender Norms……………………………………………………………………….25 Rape Culture………………………………………………………………………... 27 Sense of Place………………………………………………………………………. 30 METHODS……………………………………………………………………………… 32
PROPOSITION…………………………………………………………………………... 32 SAMPLING AND RECRUITMENT…………………………………………………………33 INSTRUMENT…………………………………………………………………………... 33 DATA COLLECTION……………………………………………………………………. 34 DATA ANALYSIS………………………………………………………………………. 35 RESULTS……………………………………………………………………………….. 36
PARTICIPANT CHARACTERISTICS……………………………………………………….36 DEFINITIONS……………………………………………………………………………37 MEASURES OF RMA…………………………………………………………………... 38 SOCIAL WORK PROFESSION…………………………………………………………… 39 APPALACHIA AND RMA………………………………………………………………..42 DISCUSSION…………………………………………………………………………… 42
SOCIAL WORK STUDENTS AND THE COMPONENTS OF RAPE CULTURE………………... 43 Definitions and Language…………………………………………………………...43 Discussions of Consent……………………………………………………………...46 Gender Norms and Patriarchy……………………………………………………… 47 Rape Myths…………………………………………………………………………. 50 SOCIAL WORK AND SEXUAL VIOLENCE………………………………………………..52 SOCIAL WORK STUDENTS AND APPALACHIAN IDENTITY……………………………… 55
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LIMITATIONS…………………………………………………………………………... 57 FUTURE RESEARCH……………………………………………………………………. 58 CONCLUSION………………………………………………………………………….. 59 REFERENCES………………………………………………………………………….. 61 APPENDIX A…………………………………………………………………………… 74 APPENDIX B…………………………………………………………………………… 75 APPENDIX C…………………………………………………………………………… 76 APPENDIX D…………………………………………………………………………… 78
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Beware of Bias: Rape Myth Acceptance Amongst Social Work Students
One in five women experience attempted or completed rape in their lifetimes with
43.6% of these women experiencing this during their adulthood and 20% victimized during college (Krebs et al., 2007; Smith et al., 2018). The risk of rape is four times higher for women aged 16 to 24, traditionally college-aged women (Black et al., 2000).
Sexual violence has implications for individual and public health due to the potential long-term physical and mental consequences for survivors (Baldwin-White & Elias-
Lambert, 2016; Freyd & Birrell, 2013; Smith et al., 2018). Statistically, women are more likely to be the victims of rape (Smith et al., 2018); therefore, this study focused on myths that portray women as victims even though men and nonbinary individuals can also be survivors of sexual violence.
The prevalence of sexual violence amongst college students is impacted by the acceptance of rape myths (Baldwin-White & Elias-Lambert, 2016; Brownmiller, 1975;
Chiroro, Bohner, Viki, & Jarvis, 2004; Horsman & Cormack, 2018). Rape myths are defined as underlying cultural beliefs that promote violence against women
(Brownmiller, 1975; Edwards et al., 2011). Previous studies found that most college students accept some combination of rape myths (Baldwin-White & Elias-Lambert, 2016;
Edwards et al., 2011).
Social workers encounter survivors of sexual assault regardless of which population they serve. For this reason, social work professionals and students need to be aware of rape myths and the risks of providers internalizing these beliefs poses to the clients. This is especially true because social workers are part of the social institutions
RAPE MYTH ACCEPTANCE 7 that advocate for victims and provide services to help with the psychological and physical consequences of rape.
This study sought to address gaps in the literature regarding the attitudes and contexts of social work students’ rape myth acceptance (RMA) at a university in
Appalachia. The results will contribute to larger conversations about internalized bias and self-awareness amongst social work students and professionals and general knowledge of core concepts related to RMA considering the influence of the Appalachian region.
Literature Review
Sexual assault and rape are much more complex issues beyond physical force and harm. Rape myths, underlying culture beliefs promoting violence against women, and their acceptance contribute to the prevalence of sexual violence (Brownmiller, 1975;
Edwards et al., 2011). The acceptance of rape myths is most studied amongst college students with previous literature examining RMA and demographics, belief systems, and organization affiliation (Edwards et al., 2011; Haywood & Swank, 2008; Vandiver &
Dupalo, 2013; Worthen & Wallace, 2017). However, there is little research on this subject concerning social work students and students from Appalachia.
Rape Culture
Rape culture is defined as broad cultural attitudes regarding sexuality, sex, and gender that influence attitudes about rape while assuming that sexual violence is an inevitable fact of life for women (Brownmiller, 1975; Buchwald et al., 1993; Edwards et al., 2011; Rozee & Koss, 2001). Rape culture is the culmination and continuation of gender norms, microaggressions, patriarchal structures, and rape myths. Rape culture
RAPE MYTH ACCEPTANCE 8 exists because individuals believe that rape is part of life and policies, programs, and other structures do not challenge this norm (Danielson et al., 2013).
The legal definition of rape is:
completed or attempted unwanted vaginal (for women), oral, or anal penetration
through the use of physical force (such as being pinned or held down, or by the
use of violence) or threats to physically harm and includes times when the victim
was drunk, high, drugged, or passed out and unable to consent. (Smith et al.,
2018, p. 1)
This definition is focused on physical violence and excludes, therefore discredits, the power and control aspects of rape. If the assault does not fit the criteria of what is specified in the legal definition, it will not hold up in a court proceeding (Muehlenhard &
Kimes, 1999). Survivors also contribute to the definition of rape in how they classify their own experiences (Muehlenhard & Kimes, 1999). Vivid stereotypes regarding rape that stem from the media, laws, and social interactions are a barrier to survivors defining their experiences as sexual assault due to their experiences not matching the perceptions
(Muehlenhard & Kimes, 1999). In the following sections, components of rape culture including consent, rape myths, and demographics are explored.
Issues of Consent
Sexual assault is “…nonconsensual sexual activity obtained through force or threats, verbal coercion, or intoxication,” (Jozkowski & Peterson, 2013, p. 517). Consent is what separates assault from healthy sexual encounters (Jozkowski & Peterson, 2013;
Klement et al., 2017). Hickman and Muehlenhard (1999) defined consent as a contract to
RAPE MYTH ACCEPTANCE 9 engage in sexual activity without coercion. However, a consistent definition of consent does not exist in the research (Beres, 2007; Jozkowski & Peterson, 2013).
Consent, especially for college-aged individuals, ranged from verbal to nonverbal cues (Hickman & Muehlenhard, 1999; Jozkowski, 2011; Jozkowski & Peterson, 2013).
Despite the awareness of consent on college campuses, conversations of consent prior to sexual interactions are not regularly occurring between students (Jozkowski et al., 2014).
The use of aggressive tactics and ignoring consent communication by men to initiate sexual encounters were normalized by college students (Jozkowski & Peterson, 2013).
Kilmnik and Humphreys (2018) interviewed 184 college-aged women on their perceptions, beliefs, and experiences with nonconsensual sexual experiences. Of the participants, 62.82% identified having a nonconsensual sexual experience since the age of 18 but only 32.8% of them identified it as sexual assault (Kilmnik & Humphreys,
2018).
Issues of consent contribute to the perpetuation of sexual violence due to the complicated nature of consent in rape culture. Token resistance, the belief that women mean yes when they say no, is one factor (Edwards et al, 2011; Jozkowski & Peterson,
2013). Perpetrators may cite token resistance as a reason for continuing a sexual encounter despite protests from the survivor (Edwards et al., 2011; Jozkowski &
Peterson, 2013). A man’s belief in token resistance was linked to their RMA in previous studies. Men who perceived token resistance from previous sexual partners were three times as likely to engage in sexually aggressive behavior compared to those who did not perceive token resistance (Edwards et al., 2011; Loh et al., 2005).
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While legally defined as a nonconsensual sexual act, rape is a crime of violence to exert control in a personal and political context (Bowie, 2013; Brownmiller, 1975; Burt,
1980; Edwards et al., 2011; Herman, 1992). Rape is about the humiliation, degradation, and control over the survivor. (Bowie, 2013; Brownmiller, 1975) The tolerance of violence against women is associated with structural violence, male dominance, and
RMA (Edwards et al., 2011; Suarez & Gadalla, 2011).
Rape Myths
Brownmiller (1975), the first to use the term, defined rape myths as underlying cultural beliefs promoting violence against women (Edwards et al., 2011). Burt (1980) expanded on this definition and classified rape myths as “...prejudicial stereotyped, or false beliefs about rape, rape victims, and rapists,” (p. 217). Attitudes and perceptions of survivors of sexual assault are influenced by individual and societal RMA – a person’s willingness to believe and endorse rape myths. The internalization of rape myths can prevent survivors from seeking help from formal social institutions. Survivors are less likely to reach out to resources if their attack was not a stereotypical rape – violent, use of weapon, perpetrator is a stranger (Patterson et al., 2009). Rape myths that are typically portrayed in mainstream culture include stranger rape, use of physical force, a clear lack of consent, and a female victim (Vandiver & Dupalo, 2013). Below, common rape myths are described in more detail.
She Was Asking for It. The belief that women invite rape is a common rape myth that places the responsibility of the attack on the survivor (Brownmiller, 1975; Burt,
1980; Edwards et al., 2011; Vandiver & Dupalo, 2013). Victim blaming names specific behaviors of the survivor that caused the assault – she was walking alone at night, she
RAPE MYTH ACCEPTANCE 11 was promiscuous, she was dressed inappropriately. Twenty-one percent of surveyed college-aged women agreed with the idea that women who wear revealing clothing are asking for trouble (Edwards et al., 2011). If a survivor is intoxicated, many believe she is also considered to be partially responsible for the assault (Aronowitz et al., 2012).
Because this myth is so pervasive, most rape intervention strategies focus on changing women’s behavior to prevent sexual assault (Edwards et al., 2011; Patterson et al., 2009).
This mindset can cause survivors to question what they could have done differently to prevent or avoid the assault.
She Lied. The belief that women lie about rape can cause doubts about survivors’ reports of sexual violence and their credibility (Bowie, 2013; Burt, 1980; Vandiver &
Dupalo, 2013). Research shows that only two to eight percent of all reported rapes were falsified which is a much lower occurrence than presented in the media (Brownmiller,
1975; Edwards et al., 2011; Lonsway et al., 2009). Like other cultural beliefs, this myth comes from historical literature and popular media that portray women as sexually deviant, using rape to cover up their behavior (Edwards et al., 2011).
The legal system also reflects this belief. The low rates of prosecution and conviction of rape cases leads people to assume charges of rape are false instead of understanding the challenges of the legal system (Senate Judiciary Committee, 1993).
Edwards et al (2011) found “…less than one half of rape cases are convicted, 21% of convicted rapists are never sentenced to prison time, and 24% of convicted rapists receive time in local jails for less than 11 months,” (p. 768). The number of charged and convicted offenders will not match the actual number of assaults due to the existence of this and other rape myths.
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Women Want to be Raped. The foundation of this myth is the idea that women enjoy forced sex (Edwards et al., 2011). Individuals are less likely to believe survivors and view perpetrators as innocent because this belief is portrayed in popular media and reinforced historically through literature and other cultural messages. Studies found that one to four percent of women believe this myth compared to 15-16% of the surveyed men (Edwards et al., 2011). This example of a rape myth is one that benefits the perpetrator by countering any negative reactions of the survivor being raped
(Brownmiller, 1975; Edwards et al., 2011).
Rape is the only crime that society expects survivors to resist or to fight back against their attackers (Edwards et al., 2011). It is believed that a survivor should have been able to fight off the perpetrator if they did not want to have sex (Bowie, 2013;
Brownmiller, 1975; Burt, 1980; Vandiver & Dupalo, 2013). The expectation for survivors to fight back does not exist for victims of assault or robbery – two types of crime like rape (Edwards et al., 2011).
Marital Rape Does Not Exist. Throughout much of history, violence against women has been tolerated, legalized, and part of cultural norms (Brownmiller, 1975;
Edwards et al., 2011; Muehlenhard & Kimes, 1999). The belief that a husband cannot rape his wife because sex between a married couple is always consensual, still exists.
Historically, this belief was rooted in laws that stated by entering a marital contract, the wife has given consent to her husband and can never refuse his sexual advances (Edwards et al., 2011). Rape culture, once again, benefits from the complicated nature of consent and stereotypical views.
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Kirkwood and Cecil (2001) found 31% of men and 19% of women in their sample believed a husband having nonconsensual sex with his spouse was not rape despite marital rape being illegal at this time (Bennice & Resick, 2003; Edwards et al., 2011;
Muehlenhard & Kimes, 1999). The myth that perpetrators of rape are predominately strangers to their victims contributes to the idea that rape does not occur between partners
(Edwards et al., 2011).
RMA. Several structural and individual factors intersect to explain a person’s
RMA. Gender was strongly associated with RMA with men more likely than women to believe rape myths (Barnett et al., 2018; Edwards et al., 2011; Haywood & Swank, 2008;
Suarez & Gadalla, 2011; Worthen & Wallace, 2017). RMA also differs based on educational level. Individuals with higher levels of formal education were less likely to endorse rape myths compared to those with lower educational levels (Canan et al., 2016).
In addition, students farther along in their undergraduate work had lower RMA than sophomores or freshmen (Suarez & Gadalla, 2011).
Burt (1980), in her initial groundbreaking study on rape myths, determined that age, education, and occupation impact RMA the most but all variables that influence
RMA are complexly interconnected. RMA can be measured in several ways including standardized scales measuring attitudes related to rape, written open-ended responses, interviews, or an analysis of historical or modern media, crime reports, or court records
(Edwards et al., 2011). Interviews and focus groups have also been used to assess RMA
(Burt, 1980; McMahon, 2007; McMahon & Farmer, 2011; O’Conner et al., 2018;
Prabhakar & VC, 2017).
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The Attitude towards Rape Victim Scale (ARVS) was created by Ward (1988) to measure attitudes related to victim blaming, credibility, and trivialism about cross- cultural interests. The 25-item scale was modeled to achieve three objectives: 1. measure attitudes regarding survivors, not solely attitudes toward rape; 2. simplify the language and structure of questions compared to other scales; and 3. include cross-culturally relevant items to enhance the utility of the scale (Ward, 1988).
Ward (1988) used four different studies to test the reliability, validity, and cross- cultural stability of the ARVS. Three of the studies used a population of university students (two in Singapore, one in the United States) and the other had a sample of adult professionals (e.g., lawyers, social workers, police officers, doctors) from Singapore. The studies found a good construct validity and reliability for the ARVS (Ward, 1988).
The Illinois Rape Myth Acceptance Scale (IRMAS) is the most reliable and psychometrical scale to measure RMA (Klement et al., 2017; McMahon & Farmer, 2011;
Payne, Lonsway, & Fitzgerald, 1999). The scale has been used to assist in the development of sexual assault prevention interventions for formal institutions (Aosved et al., 2006; Aronowitz et al., 2012; Barnett et al., 2018; Beshers & DiVita, 2019; Canan et al., 2016; Kilimnik & Humphreys, 2018; McMahon & Farmer, 2011; Vandiver &
Dupalo, 2013).
McMahon and Farmer (2011) used the IRMAS to create the IRMAS- Short Form
(IRMAS-SF) which updated the language and subscales of the original scale to be more relatable to college students. The IRMAS had seven subscales and 45 items whereas the
IRMA-SF has four subscales with 22 items. In addition, McMahon and Farmer (2011) were hoping to capture more subtle rape myths with their scale by altering the language
RAPE MYTH ACCEPTANCE 15 used in the questions. The four subscales kept were She Asked for It (victim-blaming attitudes), It Wasn’t Really Rape (denying the assault by blaming the victim or excusing the perpetrator), He Didn’t Mean To (the perpetrator did not intend to rape), and She Lied
(the victim fabricated the rape; McMahon & Farmer, 2011).
The answers of the IRMAS-SF are ranked on a 5-point Likert scale from 1
(strongly agree) to 5 (strongly disagree). The answers are cumulated for scores ranging from 22-110. The higher the score the lower the participant’s RMA (Klement et al., 2017;
McMahon & Farmer, 2011; Payne et al., 1999). The IRMAS-SF has good construct and criterion validity as it significantly relates to other scales (Bowie, 2013; McMahon &
Farmer, 2011; Payne et al., 1999). In 2010, a meta-analysis of rape myth literature found
37 articles related to rape myths, 16% of which used the IRMAS as the measurement tool
(Suarez & Gadalla, 2011). A 2018 review included nine peer reviewed articles on rape myths, related to male-to-female sexual violence, and four of these nine utilized the
IRMAS as the measurement tool (Yapp & Quayle, 2018).
College students are the most common population used with the IRMAS-SF
(Aosved & Long, 2006; Aronowitz et al., 2012; Barnett et al., 2018; Beshers & DiVita,
2019; Bowie, 2017; Canan et al., 2016; Maier, 2013; McMahon, 2010; Vandiver, &
Dupalo, 2013; Worthen & Wallace, 2017). Researchers are often studying the connection between RMA and personality traits, belief systems, societal factors, or demographic information (e.g., gender, Greek Life association, age, student athlete).
Culture, Values, and Perceptions
A sense of culture is created by shared values, perceptions, and belief systems amongst a group of people (Ridgeway, 2009; Ryan, 2011; Witkin, 2012). Culture
RAPE MYTH ACCEPTANCE 16 operates as if there is a common knowledge that is shared by all individuals. The common knowledge is a shared system of categorizing and defining roles and identities so behavior can be anticipated, and actions coordinated appropriately (Ridgeway, 2009).
Gender is one of the systems of categorization that frames behavior based on shared cultural beliefs regarding the expectations and contrasts of the categories (Eagly &
Karau, 2002; Fiske et al., 2002; Ridgeway, 2009). The cultural beliefs are shared stereotypes that represent the prescribed view of the typical man or woman that exist and are reinforced by the dominant and wide-reaching institutions and structures (Eagly &
Karau, 2002; Fiske et al., 2002: Ridgeway, 2009).
The dominant cultural beliefs enable the continued tolerance of aggression and sexual violence towards women (Aosved & Long, 2006; Aronowitz et al., 2012). Higher levels of RMA appear in individuals who have internalized beliefs regarding gender norms. Relationships at the individual and cultural level exist between sexism, racism, homophobia, ageism, classism, and religious intolerance and RMA (Aosved & Long,
2006; Aronowitz et al., 2012). An abundance of cultural frames exists to define and shape reality, but I will specifically explore how gender and place inform individuals’ behavior.
University as Culture
Clark (1983) determined that major social entities, like universities, carry a certain symbolism, culture, and social structure that provide their participants with a concept of their identities and roles. The culture around a university can be mistaken for its academic values instead of the community interest, shared norms, and assumptions associated with the institution (Silver, 2003). Horsman and Clark (2018) defined university culture as one that encourages “...particular attitudes toward coercive sexual
RAPE MYTH ACCEPTANCE 17 behavior and young women,” (p. 120) that stem from negative attitudes regarding women, rape-supporting sexual beliefs, unclear communication, coercion-supporting organizations (e.g., fraternities, athletics), and the use of alcohol (Adam-Curtis & Forbes,
2004).
Interviewed students disclosed that the use of misogynistic statements by male students was a common practice, and a double standard existed for female students when it came to sexual expression (Horsman & Cormack, 2018; Orth et al., 2020). The culture of universities contributes to the high rates of sexual assaults on campuses and the perpetuation of rape culture, especially the management policies and procedures that are typically structured to protect the university and its reputation which protect male students instead of protecting all students (Horsman & Cormack, 2018; Orth et al., 2020).
While Vandiver and Dupalo (2013) found most of their sample of 584 college students did not agree with rape myths, it is still necessary to assess for any subtle myths that may be endorsed or broader connections to rape culture amongst college students.
For example, college students who have participated in LGBTQ ally programs were more likely to recognize campus sexual assault as a problem compared to other students
(Worthen & Wallace, 2017). Of the same surveyed students, 26% considered sexual assault awareness programs unhelpful, three percent said they were common sense, and the remaining 71% of students found the program to be somewhat helpful (Worthen &
Wallace, 2017). The analysis of these factors in the discussion of student RMA allows for the inclusion of broader cultural beliefs that may not be directly reflected in measures of
RMA.
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The scenarios most students were likely to consider rape included the perpetrator being a stranger, the use of physical force, and the survivor being a female (Vandiver &
Dupalo, 2013). If a survivor was intoxicated, 41% of surveyed college students believed she was partially responsible for the assault and 25-30% believed a woman does not have the right to refuse her husband’s sexual advances (Aronowitz et al., 2012; Kirkwood &
Cecil, 2001).
The literature has measured the connection between student RMA and religiosity, gender, political ideology, sexual orientation, academic year, major, age, personal experiences, race, Greek life, and student athlete status (Aronowitz et al., 2012; Barnett et al., 2018; Beshers & DiVita, 2019; Edwards et al., 2011; Haywood & Swank, 2008;
McMahon, 2010; Vandiver & Dupalo, 2013; Worthen & Wallace, 2017).
Higher levels of RMA were reported amongst male students, younger students, religious students, fraternity or sorority members, student athletes, students without previous rape education, and students without a personal connection to sexual violence
(Aronowitz et al., 2012; Barnett et al., 2018, Beshers & DiVita, 2019; Canan et al., 2016;
Kilmnik & Humphreys, 2018; McMahon, 2010; Vandiver & Dupalo, 2013). Social science majors, including social work, were more likely to view campus sexual assault as a problem (Worthen & Wallace, 2017).
The Culture of Appalachia
The Appalachian Regional Commission (2021) defines the region of Appalachia as 420 counties across 13 states that ranges from southern New York to northern
Mississippi and has approximately 25 million residents. The region is divided into five subregions – Northern, North Central, Central, South Central, and Southern (The
RAPE MYTH ACCEPTANCE 19
Appalachian Regional Commission, 2021). Due to the size of the region, the federal definition does not always match the lived experiences of the residents.
Much of the literature on Appalachian identities is dated, as it was mostly done between the 1960s and 1970s (Algeo, 2003; Coyne et al., 2006; Haywood & Swank,
2008; Swank et al., 2011). The research often included lists of theoretical traits given to the region that ranged from self-reliance, individualism, to laziness (Algeo, 2003; Coyne et al., 2006; Obermiller & Maloney, 2016; Swank et al., 2011). Appalachia is often considered a fixed and unchanging region even though cultural structures are not static, they adjust to changing social and economic factors (Algeo, 2003; Coyne et al., 2006;
Obermiller & Maloney, 2016). Obermiller and Maloney (2016) found that the stereotypical views associated with Appalachia were generalizations that only reflected the values of small, concentrated areas. For this reason, research on the region should focus on case studies and empirical data focused on personal experiences instead of fixed concepts of culture (Obermiller & Maloney, 2016).
For example, individuals from West Virginia described their communities as helpful, family-oriented, spiritual, and prideful during a qualitative study (Coyne et al.,
2006). The same group was hesitant to identify as Appalachian because they associated that word with extreme poverty and felt it did not reflect their lived experiences. Friendly,
God-fearing, and private were traits the group provided for those living in Appalachia.
Lastly, when asked about patriarchy, the consensus was older generations had a patriarchal structure, but traditional gender roles were less common in the group’s day-to- day lives (Coyne et al., 2006).
RAPE MYTH ACCEPTANCE 20
In the limited studies about college students from Appalachia and rape myths, the students from Appalachia were identified as having higher RMA than students not from
Appalachia, but not high enough to reach statistical significance (Haywood & Swank,
2008; Swank et al., 2011). The issues of conservative gender perspectives, sexism, RMA, and hostility towards women were all statistically insignificant in relation to students from Appalachia (Swank et al., 2011). Victim blaming was the most common rape myth accepted amongst participants and those who endorsed it identified being raised in authoritarian or traditional households (Haywood & Swank, 2008). A dearth in the literature exists when it comes to measuring RMA amongst Appalachian college students.
The Social Work Profession
The primary mission of social work is to enhance human well-being and aid individuals in meeting their basic needs, especially if they are an oppressed or vulnerable group (National Association of Social Workers [NASW], 2017). This protection extends to survivors of sexual violence who experience persecution, abuse, and discrimination.
Combatting this phenomenon is a social work prerogative, value, and ethic (Freedman, n.d.).
The National Association of Social Workers (NASW; 2017) Code of Ethics states that social workers need to observe and act against environmental factors that create, contribute, or address human rights violations. Social workers are bound by their ethics to obtain the knowledge, resources, and skills to appropriately respond to the needs of their clients caused by this phenomenon (Landgraff, 2011; NASW, 2017). Additionally, social workers operate under the value of social justice which contributes to addressing public health issues like rape and sexual assault (McCoy, 2019). By being informed of the
RAPE MYTH ACCEPTANCE 21 consequences of RMA, social work students and professionals can be prepared to address these issues in society whether they pertain to the specific population they work with or not.
Social workers are one of the largest groups of mental health providers in the
United States. No matter their chosen focus area, the chances are high that social workers will serve survivors of sexual violence, if not be the first professional they encounter after an assault (Campbell et al., 2006; Freedman, n.d.; Macy et al., 2005; Murphy et al., 2011;
Ullman et al., 2007). Members of the profession need to be aware of rape myths and the risks their internalization poses to clients, especially because social workers are part of the social institutions that advocate for survivors or provide services to help with the psychological and physical consequences of rape.
The psychological effects of rape can include rape trauma syndrome, insomnia, nausea, startle responses, nightmares, dissociation, or numbness, and post-traumatic stress disorder (Herman, 1992). The survivors who suffer from these symptoms often struggle to heal from the trauma and return to a sense of normalcy (Brownmiller, 1975;
Herman, 1992). The response a survivor receives when disclosing a traumatic event can also factor into their ability to heal. A positive response is associated with a healing response while a negative response further harms the survivor (Freyd & Birrell, 2013).
Therefore, the way social workers interact with survivors is essential to their ability to heal.
In a survey of social work trainees, 85% stated that social workers have a role in making social change regarding sexual violence (Prabhakar & VC, 2017). Social workers serve in the capacity of both preventing rape through educational programs and providing
RAPE MYTH ACCEPTANCE 22 services for survivors (Prabhakar & VC, 2017). For example, Boston University’s health center has the Sexual Assault Response and Prevention Center (McCoy, 2019). Three social workers and a psychologist work together to connect student survivors with counseling, a 24-hour hotline, medical care, law enforcement, and academic resources in addition to providing prevention programming for the university (McCoy, 2019).
A social worker can also serve survivors of sexual violence by being a member of a Sexual Assault Response Team (Murphy et al., 2011). Sexual Assault Response Teams are interdisciplinary teams that work together to help survivors after an assault. The social worker’s role on the team is to be an advocate and support person for the survivor
(i.e., answering the survivor’s questions, being present, and finding ways to return control to the survivor) while working with other helping professionals (Murphy et al., 2011).
Social workers are not immune from personal biases and beliefs (e.g., rape myths) that are shaped by cultural norms, despite the professional values and ethics of self- awareness and regulation. However, social workers and students tend to have lower RMA than their peers (Baldwin-White & Elias-Lambert, 2016; Landgraff, 2011; Ward, 1988).
In a sample of professionals (e.g., social workers, lawyers, doctors, and police officers), the surveyed social workers had the most favorable attitudes towards survivors of rape compared to the other professions (Ward, 1988). Male social workers and students had higher RMA than their female counterparts (Baldwin-White & Elias-Lambert, 2016;
Landgraff, 2011; Prabhakar & VC, 2017; Ward, 1988). Religion also impacted the RMA of social workers with religious individuals having higher RMA (Prabhakar & VC,
2017).
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The rape myths most endorsed by social work students were those of victim blaming and excusing the behavior of the perpetrator (Baldwin-White & Elias-Lambert,
2016; Landgraff, 2011; Prabhakar & VC, 2017). Examples of the accepted myths include the perpetrator is not completely in the wrong if a previous sexual encounter has happened, a lack of physical injuries means the assault was not as bad, and women should take steps to hide their sexuality to avoid being assaulted (Baldwin-White &
Elias-Lambert, 2016; Prabhakar & VC, 2017).
This reveals the need to analyze the prevalence of victim blaming attitudes and
RMA amongst social work students (Landgraff; 2011; Prabhakar & VC, 2017). A theoretical framework based on social construction theory was used to understand these concepts and structure the present study.
Theoretical Framework
Social Construction Theory
The postmodernist movement’s critique of historical, social, philosophical, and linguistics components of knowledge allowed for new frameworks to emerge like social construction theory (Witkin, 2012). Social construction theory does not have one uniform definition but examines how the realities of the world come into existence through social interactions and are mediated by language (Lea & Auburn, 2001; Ridgeway, 2009;
Witkin, 2012).
Language is crucial to social construction theory because it represents the world we generate, meaning that objects and individuals exist because they are named and rendered visible (Witkin, 2012). The associations between names and objects are formed through historical, cultural, and social factors and are not easily undone due to
RAPE MYTH ACCEPTANCE 24 this formation unfolding over centuries. The larger context, background assumptions, and personal beliefs must be considered when examining the relationship between a word, object, and the language used to describe it (Witkin, 2012).
Language is how people interact with one another and “...is a central form of expression for all manner of intellectual endeavors,” (Witkin, 2012, p. 16). Social construction theory considers two dimensions of language: 1. the social origins of what is true, rational, and moral and 2. how values, aesthetics, truths, and realities are constructed and understood. This process often occurs though interpersonal interactions and is examined by the micro-context of social construction theory which focuses on the ways individuals coordinate their actions with language (Witkin, 2012).
The coordination occurs because of a common, or cultural, knowledge that is believed to be shared by everyone (Ridgeway, 2009). The common knowledge categorizes and defines individuals into roles or positions that will predict and guide their behavior because of shared cultural beliefs, stereotypes, and narratives. Individuals follow this guide because coordinating their behavior with others allows them to obtain their goals and social interactions are how the realities of the world are formed (Ridgeway, 2009; Schwalbe, 2015; Witkin, 2012).
Social construction theory posits that there is no universal reality or truth (Witkin,
2012). Truths are defined by individual experiences, contextual evidence, and communal values, meaning their sustainability depends on social processes. A truth legitimizes certain behaviors and discourages others while functioning in the community in which it operates. Truths become problematic when they are seen as universal and transcendent.
RAPE MYTH ACCEPTANCE 25
When this occurs, social construction theorists analyze the power dynamics (Witkin,
2012).
An analysis of power is inherent to social construction theory – considering who controls language and other ways meaning is constructed, and who is left out of the dominant narrative (Witkin, 2012). Social construction theory considers the biased system of representation that forms beliefs and meanings and how they are expressed.
The system and its truths work to serve the interests of the section of society it originated within until it becomes the preferred version of the world and discredits all others (Witkin, 2012).
Gender is one of those systems and is a tool used by society to frame culture and organize social relations (Ridgeway, 2009). Gender is effective as a cultural frame because it is associated with widely shared cultural beliefs about how individuals in each category should behave—gender norms (Nes & Iadicola, 1989; Ridgeway, 2009). While social construction theory is critical of dichotomous categorizations like gender, the man- woman distinction is one of the primary categories in the United States besides race and age (Ridgeway, 2009; Witkin, 2012). The system of gender is based on culturally defined standards of difference with inherent inequality (Ridgeway, 2009).
Gender Norms
Gender and the norms expected with it are aspects of culture that are taught and learned through the construction of gender normative behavior – a strong, dominating, tough male compared to a fragile, submissive, chaste female (Ridgeway, 2009; Schwalbe,
2015; Witkin, 2012). Gender norms become rules that are considered when coordinating public behavior and are modeled in mainstream culture – media, laws, and organizations.
RAPE MYTH ACCEPTANCE 26
They go on to shape behavior and influence personality traits, domestic behaviors, occupations, and physical appearances (Nes & Iadicola, 1989; Planned Parenthood, 2020;
Ridgeway, 2009; Witkin, 2012).
The process of gender categorization is a nearly unconscious one: “Most of these acts of gender signification eventually become matters of deeply ingrained habit”
(Schwalbe, 2015, p. 209). The cycle of contextual norms regarding gender is perpetuated by parents and adult role models onto children (Carlson, 2016; Danielson et al., 2013).
Schools are institutions where children and adolescents spend the most time learning socially acceptable gender norms; for example, young girls are taught to conform to societal expectations of beauty or face isolation (Danielson et al., 2013).
Gender norms are effective in dictating behavior because of the assumption that most people hold those beliefs and pass judgement according to them (Nes & Iadicola,
1989; Planned Parenthood, 2020; Ridgeway, 2009). “Research shows that sex categorization unconsciously primes gender stereotypes in our minds and makes them cognitively available to shape behavior and judgements,” (Ridgeway, 2009, p. 150—
151). Career choice is a perfect example of this. Women are associated with health and human services, teaching, and clerical work where men are more likely to be engineers, professors, and CEOs (Fielding, 2017). When gender norms are broken, the individual is punished by society. For example, women who do not embody traditional femininity— docile, fragile, chaste—are not given the same societal protection and belief around sexual assault because they are seen as asking for it (Muehlenhard & Kimes, 1999;
Schwalbe, 2015).
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The accepted and represented gender norms are shaped by the experiences and understandings of the dominant group in society (Nes & Iadicola, 1989; Planned
Parenthood, 2020; Ridgeway, 2009; Witkin, 2012). The dominant group is men because
American society is a patriarchy, “…male dominated, male identified, and male centered,” (Schwalbe, 2015, p. 207). Men tend to benefit over women because their truth is more widely accepted. This legitimizes their dominant position in society and women’s restricted position in relation to them. The system is maintained by individuals who benefit in some form from men’s dominance and those who support the existing power structure (Ridgeway, 2009; Schwalbe, 2015).
Gender norms are not necessarily outrightly harmful but when internalized can lead to unequal and unfair treatment based on gender (Nes & Iadicola, 1989; Planned
Parenthood, 2020; Ridgeway, 2009; Witkin, 2012). Systems of patriarchy use gender norms, violence, and laws to systemically dominate and control women and maintain power (Nes & Iadicola, 1989). This dominance and control are a “continuum that stretches from minor social misery to violent silencing and violent death,” (Solnit, 2014, p. 16).
Rape Culture
Gender norms, along with microaggressions, patriarchy, and rape myths, contribute to the creation and perpetuation of rape culture. Rape culture is defined as broad cultural attitudes regarding sexuality, sex, and gender that influence beliefs about rape (Buchwald et al.,1993; Rozee & Koss, 2001). Rape culture is constructed through discourse, how language accounts for action, which pulls from the ideologies and social context of the language in an individual’s community (Lea & Auburn, 2001). The
RAPE MYTH ACCEPTANCE 28 language used in definitions of rape is a prime example because those definitions convey assumptions about power, coercion, sexuality, and gender (Muehlenhard & Kimes,
1999).
The definition of rape that currently exists reflects different values and beliefs than the definition that existed prior to the feminist movement in the 1970s (Chasteen,
1998). The movement framed rape as a problem of society which allowed for a growing space to understand and contest sexual norms, gender, and race (Muehlenhard & Kimes,
1999): “Through the many political struggles around rape’s definition and connotation that began with the feminist movement, sexual assault was brought out of silence and transformed into a social problem,” (Chasteen, 1998, p. 2).
The language used in definitions of sexual violence still has problematic connotations despite the positive changes made in the past decades. The definitions of rape that focus on physical violence exclude, therefore discredit, the power and control aspects of rape. Additionally, when defining anything related to violence, the definers will use language that avoids their own behavior (Muehlenhard & Kimes, 1999). Finally, a disconnect exists between how sexual violence is portrayed and defined with how it is experienced by survivors (Filipovic, 2008). “The construction of a dominant discourse on rape which narrowly limits what counts as a real rape helps to support the oppression of women,” (Walby et al., 1983, p. 86).
The context of rape culture and its myths matter as much as the act of sexual violence itself (Filipovic, 2008). Throughout much of history, violence against women has been tolerated, legalized, and part of culture (Brownmiller, 1975; Edwards et al.,
2011; Muehlenhard & Kimes, 1999). The shared American history has portrayed the
RAPE MYTH ACCEPTANCE 29 roles of women and men in ways that perpetuate rape culture (Filipovic, 2008).
Historically, when a heterosexual couple were married, the woman’s rights merged with her husband’s rights. Despite changes, this policy has had a lasting effect (Filipovic,
2008). In a traditional mindset, “women give sex, housework, and reproduction in exchange for financial security and social status, and sex is purely for reproductive purposes,” (Filipovic, 2008, p. 17). The pro-family structure of relationships that is traditionally supported by conservative groups contributes to the social processes that normalize rape culture (Filipovic, 2008).
Rape myths, a fundamental component of rape culture, inform people’s understanding of the world and provide their lives meaning through social processes
(Ryan, 2011). Myths are conceptualized as stories imbedded in history, religion, and culture that guide human behavior and give it meaning (Edwards et al., 2011;
Muehlenhard & Kimes, 1999; Ryan, 2011). The contextual knowledge of socially acceptable behavior predicts patterns of behavior, methods of consent, and methods of non-consent. Rape culture includes beliefs about rape itself, the roles of the individuals in the rape, boundaries of vulnerability, and the dispositions of the survivors (Ryan, 2011).
Patriarchy promotes rape culture by playing on internalized sexism that includes a double standard providing men with more sexual power (Danielson et al., 2013). Sex is constructed around the penis; something a man does to a woman instead of a mutual act
(Filipovic, 2008). A constructed myth of passivity surrounds female sexuality in addition to the myth that women are temptresses who use their bodies to ruin men. "In Western societies, women have been cloistered away, been deemed alternately ‘frigid’ or
‘hysterical,’ undergone clitoridectomies as girls to ‘cure’ chronic masturbation, been
RAPE MYTH ACCEPTANCE 30 barred from accessing contraception and event information about pregnancy prevention, been the legal property of men, been forcibly and nonconsensually sterilized, and been legally forced to continue pregnancies they did not want,” (Filipovic, 2008, p. 19). Rape continues to be constructed as a women’s issue despite most perpetrators being men.
Rape is not only a crime but is also used as a tool for social control (Filipovic,
2008). Sexual violence and the reduction of bodily autonomy are used as punishment for women who refuse to conform with the dominant group’s narrative. “Feminism and anti- rape activism challenge the dominant narrative that women’s bodies aren’t our own, they insist that sex is about consent and enjoyment, not violence and harm, and they attack a power structure that sees women as victims and men as predators,” (Filipovic, 2008, p.
20). However, challenging the existing norms means posing a direct threat to male power and its structures and risking the social backlash.
Sense of Place
The definitions of places are reflected and conditioned by cultural affiliations that emerge and evolve by interactions with others and the environment (Hay, 1998; Kyle &
Chick, 2007). The construction of place has two dimensions – place identity and place dependence (Kyle & Chick, 2007). The first is about the emotions and symbolism associated with the place and the latter focuses on the functionality of the setting. While impactful, this approach leaves out the notion that an attachment to place may stem from social relations (Low & Altman, 1992), specifically that “place meanings are socially constructed by members of a cultural group” (Kyle & Chick, 2007, p. 210).
A space becomes a place because it is known better and given a sense of value by the individuals who reside there (Kyle & Chick, 2007). Hay (1998) suggested that
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“insider status and local ancestry were important in the development of a more ‘rooted sense of place,’” (Kyle & Chick, 2007, p. 211). A place becomes a reflection and reinforcer of cultural and individual identities based on affiliation. The degree to which place identities are tied to an individual are determined by the individual’s strength of affiliation to the place and shared life experiences with the cultural group (Kyle & Chick,
2007; Stedman et al., 2004). The cultural group constructs a sense of place by associating meanings with spatial contexts that emerge from shared interactions as “perceptions of what places are like are always couched in a language of sentiment, value and personal meanings” (Kyle & Chick, 2007, p. 211).
The constructs and values surrounding Appalachian identity were not defined by individuals from the region but determined by outside researchers, artists, and writers
(Algeo, 2003; Coyne et al., 2006; Obermiller & Maloney, 2016; Swank et al., 2011). The values and beliefs that stereotype the entire region originated in small, specific areas and
“early-twentieth-century scholars shared ideas about why Appalachia was distinctive, employed a common set of images for characterizing the region, and often used similar language” (Algeo, 2003, p. 41; Obermiller & Maloney, 2016).
The constructed notions of Appalachia differed from the unified and modern identity of the United States at the time and quickly spread throughout popular culture:
“Movies, television, comic strips, and postcards feature the lanky, gun-toting, grizzle- bearded man with a jug of moonshine in one hand and a coon dog at his feet, the archetypal patriarch of the mountains,” (Algeo, 2003, p. 30). Despite the commonality of these identities, many individuals from Appalachia do not relate to the constructed stereotypes or feel they reflect their lived experiences (Coyne et al., 2006). The social
RAPE MYTH ACCEPTANCE 32 construction of Appalachian identities cannot change unless the narrative surrounding them changes which can be done by allowing individuals from the region to define their own identities and experiences (Ingram & Schneider, 2015; Obermiller & Maloney,
2016).
Social construction theory will inform how this study explores social problems such as rape and sexual assault through different cultural lenses (i.e., gender and sense of place). The historically, culturally, and socially defined factors will be reflected in participants’ language choices and assumptions of survivor and perpetrator behavior.
Methods
Proposition
Applied research contributes knowledge to help people understand the nature of a problem to effectively intervene and shape the environment. This study sought to add to the scientific understanding of RMA and improving social work education. The study will contribute to larger conversations regarding internalized bias, dominant cultural beliefs, and self-awareness and regulation amongst social work students.
This study sought to complement findings from existing research, expand on previous findings, and address gaps in the literature. The specific aim of this research was to increase the knowledge about the attitudes and contexts of social work students concerning their RMA through qualitative interviews. The qualitative exploration allowed for the understanding of attitudes and contexts of social work students at a university in Appalachia, an understudied region.
RAPE MYTH ACCEPTANCE 33
Sampling and Recruitment
Eligible participants for the study were pre-social work or social work majors at
Ohio University campuses that offered the Bachelor of Social Work degree program
(Athens, Chillicothe, Southern, Eastern, Proctorville, Lancaster, and Zanesville).
Participants were enrolled in a social work class at the 2000 level or above. Students in classes below the 2000 level (e.g., SW 1000) were excluded because of the limited exposure to social work professional values and ethics. Freshmen students may be enrolled in a SW 2000 level course if they completed the SW 1000 prerequisite while in high school or in their first semester on-campus. The ages of participants were between
18 and 24.
Social work faculty teaching 2000 level and above social work classes were contacted by email during the Fall 2020 semester. The project was explained to the faculty and they were asked for time at the beginning of their virtual classes for me to present my study to their students (see Appendix A for the faculty email message). For classes that were structured asynchronously, I distributed an email through Ohio
University’s Social Work Department to eligible participants. The email explained the study and provided contact information to schedule interviews (see Appendix B for the email recruitment message).
Instrument
An interview guide with open-ended questions was used to facilitate in-depth responses from participants. The selected interview questions corresponded with the study’s research question. The guide was divided into varying sections (e.g., definitions, social work values and ethics, Appalachian culture). For example, a question in the
RAPE MYTH ACCEPTANCE 34 definition section was, "What is the definition of rape," and a question regarding social work values and ethics was, "How do social work values and ethics relate to working with victims of rape?" (see Appendix C for the full interview guide).
The RMA section of the interview guide was influenced by the IRMAS-SF
(McMahon & Farmer, 2011). I pulled content from the four subscales to assess social work student RMA. The subtle rape myths in the scale informed the content of the questions and the language used by McMahon and Farmer (2011) aided the structuring of the section's questions.
Data Collection
I joined virtual class sessions via Microsoft Teams at the time specified by the instructor. A prepared recruitment message was read to the students in the class (see
Appendix D for the verbal recruitment message). After reading the message, I answered any student questions and provided the contact information for my advisor and I in the chat box of the meeting. Interested students were instructed to send an email to learn more about the study, ask further questions, and schedule an interview. If classes met asynchronously, an email was distributed to eligible participants with the same information as the verbal recruitment message.
Interviews were either completed over the phone or on Microsoft Teams depending on the interviewee’s preference. During the interviews, I reviewed the consent form which included the purpose of the research, how the interviewee would participate, time requirements, risks and benefits, confidentiality, participation and withdrawal, contact information and resources, and the agreement to participate.
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Data Analysis
The qualitative data analysis was structured by concepts identified in the literature and emerging themes from the contents of the interviews (Patton, 2002). The data were organized in a descriptive analytic framework of sensitizing concepts contributing to a greater theoretical understanding of RMA and social work values (Patton, 2002). After transcribing the interviews, I initially reviewed the data with line-by-line coding and identified emerging themes (e.g., consent, stereotypes, gender norms, use of force, and patriarchy). A second review of the data was completed by analyzing each question asked and pulling out similarities, differences, and themes that were missed in the initial review.
In identifying patterns, I had to determine what corresponded and the reoccurring regularities (Patton, 2002). The final step of the data analysis process was determining how the coded concepts of each identified theme intersected and gave meaning to the study's research question. Five themes were identified in this study – consent, use of force, myths/stereotypes, gender norms, and patriarchy – and are discussed further in the results section.
High-quality qualitative analysis includes relying on all relevant evidence, addressing the most significant aspects of each case, and the researcher having prior expert knowledge on the subject (Patton, 2002). During the analysis, I utilized all those principles to accurately communicate what the data from the interviews revealed. The analysis of the interviews aided in answering the study's research question regarding social work students’ attitudes and contexts regarding RMA. During the analysis, demographic information (i.e., age, Appalachian identity, gender, academic year) was taken into consideration. The qualitative approach facilitated the incorporation of
RAPE MYTH ACCEPTANCE 36 nuances, complexities, and contexts of participants’ responses and added to the depth of the study.
Results
Participant Characteristics
A total of 10 social work students were interviewed – seven women and three men (see Table 1). Five participants were not from Appalachia and the other five self- identified as being Appalachian. The ages of participants ranged from 20 to 24 years old, the average being 21.5 years old. Participants were either juniors (n=6) or seniors (n=4) in the social work program.
Table 1
Participant Characteristics
Characteristics n % Gender Men 3 30% Women 7 70% Age 20 3 30% 21 4 40% 23 1 10% 24 2 20% Academic Year Junior 6 60% Senior 4 40% Appalachian Yes 5 50% No 5 50%
RAPE MYTH ACCEPTANCE 37
Definitions
Participants were asked to define rape and sexual assault in their own words. Nine participants used gender-neutral language in their definitions, not specifying the gender of either survivor or perpetrator. The use of force was included in six participants’ definitions of rape and four participants’ definitions of sexual assault. Eight participants mentioned consent in their definitions of rape and sexual assault. Vague terms (e.g., sexual encounter, sexual act, sexual contact) were used by nine participants when defining rape.
The participants were divided on the physicality of sexual assault. Three specified that it involved physical touch while three other participants stated sexual assault does not have to be physical. One of the participants specifically stated sexual assault can include sexual harassment: “I would say it's pretty similar [to rape] ...anything sexual, even if it's not sexual contact, like harassment and stuff. So, something sexual that was done without consent from both people,” (P 8). All participants struggled to define sexual assault after defining rape: “See that’s tough, because I take- I try to be like pretty hardline and loop [sexual assault and rape] in together a lot of the time,” (P 2).
In addition to rape and sexual assault, participants were asked to define rape culture. Six defined rape culture as something that blames the survivor for the assault and is a social passivity that normalizes sexual violence and harassment: “Rape culture is definitely...the culture that...says that, um, rape and sexual harassment are normal and inevitable. And it gives people the right and feeling like they're entitled to sexually assault someone or rape someone without consequences,” (P 8).
RAPE MYTH ACCEPTANCE 38
Rape culture was described indirectly or directly by five participants as a social construct: “In other words, they’re, they’re the social constructs that we all essentially consent to operating on in our daily lives that allow for rape and sexual assault to not receive the scrutiny that they deserve,” (P 9) and
I think it comes from people saying things like, you know, “oh, boys are just
being boys,” you know, and... “You know, they get, they get horny, and they do
stupid things,” and “you should have been paying closer attention,” and it just
victim blames to the point where the person who perpetrated the act of rape or
sexual assault is just no longer blamed for it. (P 8)
When asked to describe a typical scenario where a rape could occur, five participants used gender-neutral language in their scenario. The four participants, half of whom were from Appalachia, who specified gender either labeled men as perpetrators or women as the survivors. Seven participants stated that the perpetrator and survivor knew each other (five of those seven were the ones who used gender-neutral language): “...I know that most people...are raped by people that they know, like friends, or family, or our loved ones...it's not the stranger in the dark alleyway most of the time,” (P 8). Five participants included either alcohol in their scenarios either describing a party or the scenario happening at a bar.
Measures of RMA
The participants were equally divided on if rape can be accidental. Of the five participants that said yes, four of them included alcohol as a cause of unclear consent and three stated the perpetrator could be uneducated on what constitutes consent. Two of the participants who answered yes were from Appalachia. The participants that said no
RAPE MYTH ACCEPTANCE 39 placed their emphasis on consent and the need to obtain it before continuing or engaging in a sexual encounter:
...once you say no, that should be the thing that stops at all. Like even if you're in
the middle of having sex and you say, ‘no, I don't want to anymore,’ that should
be the end of it. There shouldn't be any more continuance of sex, there shouldn't
be even a hint in someone's mind that they can continue on doing something after
you've said no. (P 7)
The participants were also divided on the myth that women lie about rape. Six participants said yes, with three being from Appalachia. Their reasoning included attention getting and revenge. Two of the participants that said yes took the question to mean that women lie, denying a rape, to protect themselves. Of the four participants that said no, three stated that there is no benefit for someone who lies about rape because of how society treats those who do: “Because of the tremendous social backlash generally for coming forward with those things. I think it would very rarely be advantageous for a woman to fabricate anything like that,” (P 9). All ten participants answered no to question eight that asked them to answer if the survivor was at fault and listed seven prompts.
Social Work Profession
The values and ethics the participants found to be related to working with survivors of sexual violence included dignity and worth of a person (n=5), safety (n=3), person-first language (n=2), importance of human relationships (n=2), empathy (n=2), active listening (n=2), confidentiality (n=2), self-determination (n=2), service, justice, and strengths-based approach.
RAPE MYTH ACCEPTANCE 40
I think just the entire, you know, values of social work of looking at it through
someone else's perspective and developing empathy for people you don't know
that really helps social workers to better help people who were assaulted 'cause
you can kind of put yourself in that person’s shoes and help them the best you
can. (P 8)
The participants stated the following as barriers to social workers realizing their biases: resistance to address or evaluate biases (n=3), not understanding the importance of addressing biases (n=2), the fear of the unknown, a lack of exposure to other beliefs, or relating too much to a client. Four participants expanded to say that self-awareness and confronting biases is a lifelong process: “...we will be working on undoing those like intrinsic biases that were like ingrained into our teeny tiny little brains since we were very young, literally, until the day we die,” (P 2). One participant specified that a lack of education is not a barrier because there are plenty of resources for people to educate themselves, especially for social workers.
Four participants stated that unchecked biases (e.g., victim-blaming attitudes) can translate into a social worker’s work and make the professional relationship harmful or uncomfortable: “...you have to be willing to accept that your value system does not apply in a given scenario or at least will prevent you from providing the best possible care and service,” (P 9) and:
...if we have some like deep engraved biases that like a victim doing, or wearing,
or being a certain way affects their chances of getting raped and therefore makes
them like responsible, that can really be detrimental to our client. So, we have to
RAPE MYTH ACCEPTANCE 41
...be self-aware to understand like our bias so...they aren't imposing on our, our
clients’ wellbeing or our work as a whole. (P 4)
Participants provided the following as reasons survivors may not seek support from social institutions: fear of disbelief (n=8), shame or fear of being blamed (n=5), self-blame (n=3), embarrassment (n=2), fear of retraumatization (n=2), stigma (n=2), previous negative experiences, fear of institutions causing more problems, fear of retaliation, or perpetrator is someone of importance in the survivor’s life.
In specific regards to the police, a fear of disbelief (n=3), fear of blame (n=2), police pushing survivor to report, previous negative experiences, or perpetrator has a relationship with the police were given as reasons survivors may not seek services. In specific regards to counseling, survivors not thinking they need it (n=2), fear of not being respected, previous negative experiences, and fear of campus counseling involving the university were provided as reasons survivors avoid social institutions.
...it's intimidating to tell your story. It's traumatic to recount what happened to
you, even if it was 20 years ago, even it was if it was today or yesterday...So, I
think the fear of...getting that secondhand trauma,...having flashbacks, or fear of
reporting can definitely coincide. (P 8)
The provided are examples given by participants of actions and steps social workers could take to help survivors feel more comfortable seeking help from social institutions: create a safe place (n=6), make resources known (n=3), speak out against victim blaming and general stigma (n=2), emphasize confidentiality (n=2), respect clients’ self-determination (n=2), increase education on the impacts of sexual violence on a person and their environment (n=2), build trust between the social worker or institution
RAPE MYTH ACCEPTANCE 42 and the community they serve, address personal and institutional biases, increase training opportunities for this population, or boost clients’ informal support systems.
Appalachia and RMA
Appalachian culture was defined as racist, sexist, dirty, country-driven, family- oriented, faith-based, conservative, and of traditional values by the five participants from the region. The region is “lovingly confused,” (P 9). They hold tight to Christian values
(e.g., always be kind, do selfless deeds, love your neighbor) that are sometimes contradicted by their actions (e.g., the way they vote or the prejudices they have against certain populations).
The responses to sexual violence reported by participants from Appalachia were denial, victim blaming, or privacy amongst the nuclear family of the survivor. Two of the participants saw families be divided between supporting and shunning the survivor while attempting to keep the assault within the family, not involving others. The participants stated the lack of discussion leads to the survivor experiencing shame over the assault.
The five participants provided the following as rape myths they have seen endorsed in the region: the survivor liked it, clothing depicts sexual desire, intoxication does not impact consent, the survivor did not say no at first, rape is committed by strangers in a dark alley, previous sexual history voids the claim of rape, men cannot be raped, and marital rape does not exist.
Discussion
The study contributes to general knowledge of core concepts related to RMA but does not aim to be representative of all social work students or Appalachian residents.
The qualitative sample was purposefully selected to expand the depth of knowledge about
RAPE MYTH ACCEPTANCE 43 specific cases in the Appalachian context. Previous research literature has established that between six to 12 interviews are sufficient to identify core themes and reach saturation in qualitative research (Guest et al., 2020; Patton, 2002). The purpose of qualitative research is to obtain detailed information on a small number of participants to have a greater understanding of the issues being studied (Patton, 2002).
This study contributed valuable insight and depth to the concepts of RMA and rape culture in student populations, a significant area of concern (Maier, 2013; McMahon
& Farmer, 2011; Payne et al., 1999): “Rape myth acceptance is an essential concept in the understanding of sexual assault and the ultimate reduction of the prevalence of rape among college students,” (Baldwin-White & Elias-Lambert, 2016, p. 713)
Social Work Students and the Components of Rape Culture
Definitions and Language
Language is how people interact with one another and make sense of their reality
(Lea & Auburn, 2001; Witkin, 2012). The actions people take can be accounted for by the language they use which originates from ideologies and social context of their communities (Lea & Auburn, 2001). The language used in definitions of rape is a prime example because those definitions convey assumptions about power, coercion, sexuality, and gender (Muehlenhard & Kimes, 1999). In their measurement of RMA amongst social work students, Landgraff (2011), McMahon (2007), and McMahon and Farmer (2011) examined the language used by social work students while the research of Baldwin-White and Elias-Lambert (2016) and Prabhakar and VC (2017) did not. The data of this study addressed the gaps in the latter research while adding to the information of the first.
RAPE MYTH ACCEPTANCE 44
The nine participants who used vague terms like “sexual encounter, contact, act” or “encounter of a sexual nature” when defining rape demonstrated an understanding of the nuanced and complicated nature of sexual violence. Rape is not only vaginal penetration; it can include a variety of sexual acts that are not consented to by one party. By not defining a specific act, the participants did not define the sexuality of or the relationship between the perpetrator and survivor.
A commonly supported myth is that survivors of sexual violence are only women victimized by men (Edwards et al., 2011; Muehlenhard & Kimes, 1999; Patterson et al.,
2009; Vandiver & Dupalo, 2013). The study participants use of vague and gender-neutral terms in their definitions reflects that they do not endorse this myth and understand survivors and perpetrators can have any gender or sexuality. This is crucial because survivors are less likely to disclose an assault if it does not fit the stereotypes, so having a social worker that does not subscribe to the myths could make the survivor more likely to share their trauma (Freyd & Birrell, 2013; Patterson et al., 2009).
Rape culture, like other social constructs, informs people’s understanding of the world and provides their lives meaning through social processes (Ryan, 2011; Witkin,
2012). Myths are conceptualized as stories imbedded in history, religion, and culture that guide human behavior and give it meaning (Edwards et al., 2011; Muehlenhard & Kimes,
1999; Ryan, 2011). The participants explained that rape culture assumes and normalizes certain stereotypes and myths about sexual violence that can include: 1. not saying no means yes, 2. what a person wears correlates to their sexuality, and 3. men are not sexually assaulted.
RAPE MYTH ACCEPTANCE 45
Six participants clearly stated that rape culture blames the victim for the assault and originates for a variety of reasons that can include people not knowing a survivor or not wanting to believe a friend or family member could be a perpetrator. This reflects the work of previous studies that found rape culture to influence attitudes about sexual violence and label it as an inevitable fact of life for women that continues because it goes unchallenged (Brownmiller, 1975; Buchwald et al., 1993; Danielson et al., 2013;
Edwards et al., 2011; Rozee & Koss, 2001).
Rape culture is a social construction that is used for social control and is perpetuated through discourse and action (Buchwald et al., 1993; Filipovic, 2008; Lea &
Auburn, 2011; Muehlenhard & Kimes; Rozee & Koss, 2001; Walby et al., 1983; Witkin,
2012). Three participants understood this about rape culture and labelled it as a social construct that prioritizes men over women: "…there are these social constructs that we essentially consent to operating on in our daily lives that allow for rape and sexual assault to not receive the scrutiny that they deserve” (P 9).
Sexual violence does not receive the scrutiny it deserves because throughout much of history, violence against women has been tolerated and legalized and women have been portrayed in ways that perpetuate rape culture (Brownmiller, 1975; Edwards et al., 2011; Filipovic, 2008; Muehlenhard & Kimes, 1999). However, challenging these norms means posing a direct threat to the patriarchy which includes risking social backlash for breaking from the pattern of socially acceptable behaviors (Filipovic, 2008;
Ryan, 2011).
RAPE MYTH ACCEPTANCE 46
Discussions of Consent
Consent is important to discussions of sexual violence because it is what separates healthy sexual encounters from sexual assault (Jozkowski & Peterson, 2013). Consent was an emerging theme throughout all ten interviews. Eight participants referenced consent when defining sexual assault and rape: “Forced physical contact in a sexual manner…or touching them inappropriately…without their consent, or without them even having time to give consent…like smacking someone on the butt...” (P 1). The participants’ inclusion of consent in these definitions reflects previous studies commentary on the increase of awareness of and information on healthy sexual encounters on college campuses (Jozkowski et al., 2014; Jozkowski & Peterson, 2013).
Previous studies also found that consent communication used by college-aged individuals ranged from verbal to nonverbal tactics (Hickman & Muehlenhard, 1999;
Jozkowski, 2011; Jozkowski & Peterson, 2013). This view was reflected by the study’s participants who clarified that consent during a sexual encounter is not always a verbal process. Survivors may verbally say no but they can also use their body language to indicate a refusal or lack of consent. Jozkowski and Peterson (2013) found that college students, especially men, normalized aggressive sexual behaviors and ignoring consent communication, so a survivor verbally not consenting may be viewed as token resistance by the perpetrator (Edwards et al., 2011).
Passivity to a sexual encounter or token resistance being interpreted as consenting was mentioned by one participant when deciding if rape could be accidental: “They confuse their passivity to a sexual encounter or maybe the absence of a “no” as consent”
(P 9). The other four participants who answered yes to this question cited an uncertainty
RAPE MYTH ACCEPTANCE 47 around or lack of understanding consent in their rationale. However, all ten participants agreed that even if a perpetrator does not understand consent that does not take away from the harm done to the survivor.
Despite the awareness of consent on college campuses, sexual violence is still occurring due to things like token resistance complicating the nature of consent (Edwards et al., 2011; Jozkowski et al., 2014; Jozkowski & Peterson, 2013).The participants shared a mutual feeling that the United States needs better education regarding consent so it is understood to be, “an enthusiastic ongoing kind of thing...if you get anything besides a yes, that’s a no...” (P 2). This is especially true because sexual violence and consent, by association, contribute to violence against women in personal and political contexts
(Bowie, 2013; Edwards et al., 2011; Herman, 1992; Suarez & Gadalla, 2011). Klement and all (2017) found individuals that participated in a culture of consent (i.e., the BDSM community) were not as supportive of rape myths or token resistance compared to undergraduate students.
Gender Norms and Patriarchy
Gender and the norms expected with it are aspects of culture that are taught and learned through the construction of gender normative behavior (Ridgeway, 2009;
Schwalbe, 2015; Witkin, 2012). Edwards and all (2011) reviewed the connection between gender norms and rape myths in the contexts of history, religion, and media while other studies examined how RMA amongst varying populations are influenced by social norms that included gendered behavior and the presence of the patriarchy (Aronowitz et al.,
2012; Baldwin-White & Elias-Lambert, 2016; Barnett et al., 2018; Canan et al., 2016;
Danielson et al., 2013; Landgraff, 2011; Maier, 2013; McMahon, 2007; McMahon, 2010;
RAPE MYTH ACCEPTANCE 48
Mouilso & Calhoun, 2013; Prabhakar & VC, 2017; Vandiver & Dupalo, 2013; Worthen
& Wallace, 2017). While this study did not directly ask participants about gender norms or the patriarchy, the selected interview questions and their content were influenced by the social construction of gender and its power dynamic.
A few participants discussed or hinted at these systems in their responses. One participant gave the justification that “boys will be boys,” (P 8) – an excuse commonly used to explain away aggressive sexual behavior, usually demonstrated by men, when explaining rape culture and its components (Edwards et al., 2011). Terms like “boys will be boys” and subtle expressions of toxic masculinity are examples of how social constructs are learned and taught through language and social processes (Carlson, 2016;
Danielson et al., 2013; Ridgeway, 2009; Schwalbe, 2015; Witkin, 2012).
No individual is born thinking men are aggressive, especially about sex; these assumptions are learned through social interactions and the behavior of others, conversations and language, and how others react to certain actions or information.
Gender norms are effective in dictating behavior because of the assumption that the majority of people hold those beliefs and pass judgement according to them (Nes &
Iadicola, 1989; Planned Parenthood, 2020; Ridgeway, 2009).
Social constructs, like gender norms, have been around and developed for centuries but are more apparent today because of individuals challenging them. Chasteen
(1998) discussed the impact the feminist movement had on framing rape as a societal problem which opened the doors to understanding and contesting sexual norms, gender norms, and race (Muehlenhard & Kimes, 1999).
RAPE MYTH ACCEPTANCE 49
The accepted and perpetuated gender norms and myths are shaped by the experiences and understandings of the dominant group in society (Nes & Iadicola, 1989;
Planned Parenthood, 2020; Ridgeway, 2009; Witkin, 2012). The United States is a patriarchy, a system where men have more power than women which legitimizes their dominant position in society and women’s submissive position in relation to them: “It’s just people [in Appalachia] view women so low on the totem pole and for their benefit”
(P 10).
This system is maintained by individuals who benefit in some form from male dominance (Ridgeway, 2009; Schwalbe, 2015). In rape culture, patriarchy is visible in the treatment and support around the perpetrator while the survivor often faces denial and personal attacks (Adams-Curtis & Forbes, 2004; Burt, 1980; Canan et al., 2016; Edwards et al., 2011; Freyd & Birrell, 2013; O’Connor et al., 2018; Patterson et al., 2009; Suarez
& Gadalla, 2011). This is demonstrated by institutions, like universities, protecting the perpetrator instead of the survivor:
I see stories where women…[are] raped by someone that's maybe a really
big popular athlete or a big asset to the college, and then go and try to get help
and it's kind of written off and brushed under the rug because the person who did
it to them is seen as more valuable than they are. (P 1)
A survivor is more likely to experience victim-blaming attitudes if they do not subscribe to gender norms and traditional femininity because they are not given the same societal protection and belief regarding sexual violence (Muehlenhard & Kimes, 1999; Schwalbe,
2015; Witkin, 2012).
RAPE MYTH ACCEPTANCE 50
Rape Myths
The majority of previous studies that examined RMA used college students as their population (Aosved & Long, 2006; Aronowitz et al., 2012; Barnett et al., 2018;
Beshers & DiVita, 2019; Bowie, 2017; Canan et al., 2016; Landgraff, 2011; Maier, 2013;
McMahon, 2010; Vandiver, & Dupalo, 2013; Worthen & Wallace, 2017). Baldwin-White and Elias-Lambert (2016), Landgraff (2011), Maier (2013), Murphy and all (2011), and
Prabhakar and VC (2017) were the studies that specifically focused on social work students or survivor advocates and their acceptance of rape myths. This collection of studies found male and religious social work students had higher RMA than their counterparts. Additionally, the rape myths most accepted by the samples were ones that blamed the survivor for the assault or excused the behavior of the perpetrator (Baldwin-
White & Elias-Lambert, 2016; Landgraff, 2011; Prabhakar & VC, 2017).
The two myths that were accepted by this study’s participants coincide with the results of previous studies. The first was that rape can be accidental, with five participants agreeing with the question. One participant believed that sexual assault was more likely to be perceived as accidental it is more encompassing than rape: “... I think sexual assault could sometimes be accidental..., like people didn't get clear consent 'cause they didn't know how to do that. But I don't think rape can be accidental,” (P 8). The participants that did not believe rape can be accidental provided the reasoning that clear verbal consent free of hesitation should be given prior to and during a sexual encounter. If that consent is missing or stops, so should the sexual encounter: “…if someone isn't receiving that clear verbal consent, then…I don't feel like there's consent there,” (P 4).
RAPE MYTH ACCEPTANCE 51
The notion that women lie about rape was another myth that had a higher endorsement with six participants agreeing with the question. The participants described the person lying about an assault as jealous, vindictive, or mentally unstable:
...if women saw that they could, …depending on their personality, so vindictive
women.... If they see that … an ex-boyfriend is doing good, or, you know, they're
just jealous and... they might make up a lie and, “well, he's not as good as he says
because he actually raped me.” (P 10)
The myth that women lie about rape is extremely popular in the mainstream media with characters lying about rape to cover up their sexually deviant behavior (Edwards et al.,
2011). However, the reality is that only between two and eight percent of all reported rapes are falsified (Edwards et al., 2011; Lonsway et al., 2009). Social work students supporting this myth should raise concerns due to the additional harm a survivor may experience due to a negative response to a trauma disclosure (Freyd & Birrell, 2013). A negative response could occur if a social worker believes the survivor is lying about what happened to them.
While use of force was included in half of the participants’ definitions of rape or sexual assault, all ten stated that the survivor shares no fault for the attack if the perpetrator did not use force. A perpetrator could use coercion or verbal threats against the survivor to make them comply. Regarding promiscuity: “...people are permitted to engage in consensual sexual encounters at any frequency in any way they would like that should not have implications for whether or not they can be the victims of a non- consensual sexual encounter.” (P 9). When asked about a prior sexual relationship
RAPE MYTH ACCEPTANCE 52 between the survivor and the perpetrator, participants discussed abusive relationships where the perpetrator feels entitled to sex or holds power over the survivor:
I know a lot of times um people get into relationships that end up being abusive
either emotionally, or physically, or sexually. And just because they did before, it
doesn't mean necessarily want to again or at a specific moment. (P 1)
Additionally, interviewees believed others may not consider martial rape an issue but in their personal opinions “if it’s unwanted or they feel uncomfortable in the situation, I still believed it’s considered rape,” (P 3).
Social Work and Sexual Violence
The primary mission of social work is to enhance human well-being and aid individuals in meeting their basic needs (NASW, 2017). Social work ethics hold professionals accountable for obtaining the knowledge, resources, and skills to adequately respond to the needs of their clients, which includes regulating personal biases and being self-aware (Landgraff, 2011; NASW, 2017). Social workers are not immune from personal biases and beliefs (e.g., rape myths) that are shaped by cultural norms, but previous research found social workers and students to have lower RMA than their peers
(Baldwin-White & Elias-Lambert, 2016; Landgraff, 2011; Ward, 1988).
The previous research to study RMA amongst social work students did not question the participants on how sexual violence and social work relate (Baldwin-White
& Elias-Lambert, 2016; Landgraff, 2011; Prabhakar & VC, 2017). The participants of this study were able to find a connection between social work, working with survivors of sexual violence, and regulating personal biases when questioned. Most of the participants provided answers that revolved around respecting the client and providing a safe space:
RAPE MYTH ACCEPTANCE 53
“I would say...being respectful…being respectful of... the victim's story and like being cognizant of like the trauma that they hold...when telling the story,” (P 4). Safety was discussed by three participants, confidentiality mentioned by two participants, and two participants discussed the use of person-first language.
The dignity and worth of a person was the social work value mentioned the most with five participants including it in their answers: “The dignity and worth of a person helps [survivors] feel like, you know, they're worth something 'cause a lot of rape victims feel like they deserved it, or that they did something wrong by being raped,” (P 3). The value of dignity and worth of a person is rooted in respecting a client’s intersectionality and enabling their self-determination (NASW, 2017).
Self-determination, the ability to address and change one’s own needs, was mentioned by two participants (NASW, 2017). The practice of self-determination is central to working with survivors of sexual violence because they can often feel stripped of control after an assault. By allowing them to make their own decisions, the social worker helps to rebuild their sense of control (Freyd & Birrell, 2013). This process is a strength of social work and is better served when a professional can recognize their own strengths and weaknesses. If a social worker understands their biases and how they may limit them, they will better serve their clients:
…I've always thought that being self-aware helps you know your own strengths…
which will help you identify the client’s strengths. And being aware of who you
are and the experiences that you had will help you identify situations that you may
or may not be able to work with. (P 6)
RAPE MYTH ACCEPTANCE 54
The world view and personal experiences one has can impact how they treat others and develops into their personal biases. Our shared culture is one that promotes sexual violence and overcoming those constructs of rape culture can be difficult if that is all a person knows:
It's hard to be self-aware because how you were raised…you don't question it.
You think you're just right just because that's how the things have always been.
And so, if you don't challenge your beliefs, you can think that everyone else is
wrong and you are correct all the time. (P 5)
Three participants discussed that if personal beliefs are not challenged, people will assume they are always right and everyone else is wrong. This attitude can damage the helping relationship between a social worker and client:
...rape culture is a really good example, because like if we have some like deep
engraved biases that like a victim doing, or wearing, or being a certain way affects
their chances of getting raped and therefore makes them like responsible that can
really be detrimental to our client. (P 4)
The view that education on sexual violence needs expanded to understand the damage rape myths can cause was a shared solution by participants. The education efforts should go beyond professionals who serve survivors and reach the general public to help remove the stigma and myths. Additionally, an increased presence of institutions in the community may lead more survivors to feel they can reach out when they need services:
I think that can only be remedied by institutions actually being able to build trust
and solve more problems than they create and…the foundation for that is real
RAPE MYTH ACCEPTANCE 55
human relationships within a community. You…simply have to build trust on an
almost individual basis, especially at first, to change someone's perception. (P 9)
Social Work Students and Appalachian Identity
Previous research has viewed Appalachia as an unchanging region with fixed generalizations (Coyne et al., 2006; Obermiller & Maloney, 2016). However, the widely accepted stereotypes originated in small, concentrated areas and tend to not reflect the values and experiences of the entire region. For this reason, this study focused on case studies and empirical data centered on personal experiences instead of fixed concepts of culture (Obermiller & Maloney, 2016).
The five participants from Appalachia described the region as family-oriented, typically rural, faith-based, and with traditional views: “...you grow up, you go to work, you get a job, you marry someone of the opposite sex [but typically same race], and you have kids,” (P 6). This outlook on Appalachia was supported by participants from previous research on the region (Algeo, 2003; Coyne et al., 2006). Two of the participants had particularly negative views when describing Appalachia from their points of view while the other three participants had a more neutral or detached way of discussing the region. The participants used words like “racist, disgusting, dirty, and sexist” (P 7 and P 10) which previous samples of Appalachians did not identify with and felt was not a fair description of their lives. (Coyne et al., 2006).
One participant used the phrase "lovingly confused,” (P 9) to describe their experiences with the region:
…something that was held by all of [my family members] was a very…rigid set
of Christian values…And then I got a little bit older and realized...how things are
RAPE MYTH ACCEPTANCE 56
done systemically in regions like Appalachia and how the people of those regions
support and consent to, you know, what I perceived to be real breaches of those
values. (P 9)
The participant clarified that they believe the individuals truly meant to have those values and did not understand how their actions sometimes failed to reflect them. The values this participant provided were similar to those given by other individuals from Appalachia in previous studies (Algeo, 2003; Coyne et al., 2006).
The myths the participants have seen accepted in Appalachia included the survivor liked it, clothing depicts sexual desire, intoxication does not impact consent, the survivor did not say no at first, rape is committed by strangers in a dark alley, previous sexual history voids the claim of rape, men cannot be raped, and marital rape does not exist. In previous research, victim blaming was the most common rape myth accepted amongst Appalachian participants and those who endorsed it identified being raised in authoritarian or traditional households (Haywood & Swank, 2008).
The reactions to sexual violence ranged from victim-blaming to denial or avoidance. Four of the participants discussed witnessing victim-blaming attitudes:
Just kind of pretending like they don't happen in a lot of context which creates,
you know, a lot of shame on the victim's part. So yeah, I'd say, like ignoring a
problem, and then if not that, victim blaming. (P 6)
Additionally, the knowledge of the assault would be kept private amongst the nuclear family and would untouchable by outsiders was shared by three participants. One participant shared they had seen different reactions depending on the identity of the survivor. If the survivor was a child or a “good member of the community,” the reaction
RAPE MYTH ACCEPTANCE 57 was one of support and empathy. If the survivor was someone known to have an addiction to drugs, the claim may not have been taken seriously. Shame was a reaction three of the participants have seen survivors feel because of the community’s and families’ reactions provided above.
I think people who are kind of passive observers of the issue are exactly that. I
don't think they, I actually don't think they understand or are interested in
addressing kind of the root issue of its cause, because they've already explained
away its cause generally as a result of the victim's actions. (P 9)
Limitations
Due to the nature of this study, the results cannot be generalized beyond this sample and the small sample size needs to be considered when interpreting the results.
While the current sample was evenly divided between students identifying from
Appalachia and those not, the study is limited by the small size of those groups. A larger sample size would allow for a greater impact in comparing social work students from
Appalachia to those who are not.
A lack of gender diversity was another limitation. The participants were all upperclassmen (i.e., juniors and seniors), so this study could not assess any differences between them and lowerclassmen (i.e., freshmen and sophomores). Selection bias could also be a limitation because participants self-selected and they may have lower RMA or more knowledge about rape culture (Baldwin-White & Ellias-Lambert, 2016).
This study was additionally limited by social desirability bias. The inclusion of an instrument to measure social desirability bias would strengthen this study. Regarding
Appalachian identity, the study was limited. The study would be stronger if it included
RAPE MYTH ACCEPTANCE 58 more questions about students’ perceptions of their region and the social construction of place.
Future Research
This study contributes to the knowledge of RMA amongst social work students and Appalachian students and provides a foundation for future studies to build from.
Future studies need to assess the accepted rape myths by different and larger samples of social work students and Appalachian students in addition to expanding the measures of demographic and situational factors (e.g., race, ethnicity, major, religion) that influence RMA (Baldwin-White & Ellias-Lambert, 2016). Another step future research can take is to be more inclusive and assess all gender identities, not just men and women. The results of the study would be strengthened by the inclusion of a comparison group to see the differences in RMA between social work students and students of other majors (McMahon, 2010).
Due to the conflicting narratives between popular culture and individuals from
Appalachia, more research needs to be done on the region. The region will continue to be misunderstood until the voices of those who identify as Appalachian are included in the narrative. Future research should evaluate RMA at universities in Appalachia across all majors in addition to social work students. The current study did not address the situational factors that may influence if a myth is believed or not (McMahon, 2010). I mention this because the two myths most supported – women lie and rape can be accidental – were supported by participants with rationale that involved situational factors (e.g., previous relationship, alcohol, consent).
RAPE MYTH ACCEPTANCE 59
The results of this study reveal a need for future research to explore sexual violence and the attitudes that perpetuate it. A mixed-methods approach using a quantitative instrument to assess RMA, social desirability bias, and other victim-blaming attitudes and qualitative interviews to explore the more nuanced and subtle rape myths would be the best practice. Lastly, the results show a need for social work education to deconstruct rape myths in addition to other internalized biases knowing that students may still endorse subtle rape myths.
Conclusion
Survivors of sexual violence will be better served if social work students are aware of and actively work to overcome biases they have regarding rape, survivors, and perpetrators (Baldwin-White & Elias-Lambert, 2016; McMahon, 2007; McMahon, 2010;
McMahon & Schwartz, 2011; Prabhakar & VC, 2017). An education setting would be the best place to address those potential biases as social work education strives teach students empathy in their work. However, the results of this study and previous literature demonstrate social work students can have potentially harmful views regarding sexual violence (Baldwin-White & Elias-Lambert, 2016; McMahon, 2007; McMahon, 2010;
Prabhakar & VC, 2017).
The acceptance of rape myths by a social worker can lead to them dismissing a client’s claim of sexual assault which can have negative impacts of the client (Baldwin-
White & Elias-Lambert, 2016; Freyd & Birrell, 2013). Additionally, stereotypes of the
Appalachian region carry negative connotations for the region and its residents. More research needs done on college students from Appalachia to better evaluate the previous research which found students from Appalachia to have higher RMA than other students
RAPE MYTH ACCEPTANCE 60
(Haywood & Swank, 2008; Swank et al., 2011). This study reinforces the need for more research on the factors that influence RMA and how to lower rape-supportive beliefs amongst social work students.
RAPE MYTH ACCEPTANCE 61
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Appendix A
Faculty Message:
Hello all, My name is Heather Lambert, and I am a senior in the social work program here at Ohio University. I am an Ohio University student researcher completing my senior thesis. My research will examine rape myth acceptance amongst social work students (IRB Number 20-F-25). I intend for this study to explore how internalized bias influences the ability of students to work with victims of sexual assault. I plan to examine this by interviewing undergraduate social work students. If you are willing, I would appreciate the opportunity to join one of your online class sessions to present my research to your students and provide them with my contact information. This process would take no more than 15 minutes. Please reach out to me or my advisor, Dr. Sarah Garlington, if you have further questions or would like to know more about the research project. I have attached to this email the consent form for to review and our contact information is provided below.
Thank you for your time and I look forward to hearing your response!
Best,
Heather Lambert
Heather Lambert – [email protected], 419-602-1550
Dr. Sarah Garlington – [email protected], 740-597-1728
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Appendix B
Faculty Email Recruitment: To Whom it May Concern: My name is Heather Lambert. I am a senior in the social work program and am an Ohio University student researcher conducting my senior research project (IRB Number 20-F- 25) on rape myth acceptance amongst social work students. I would greatly appreciate it if you could distribute this email to students in undergraduate social work classes at the 2000 level and above at your campus. Thank you for your time and your help! Best, Heather Lambert ------Dear all, My name is Heather Lambert. I am a senior in the social work program and am an Ohio University student researcher conducting my senior research project. Thank you for taking the time to read my proposal. My study, IRB number 20-F-25, examines rape myth acceptance amongst social work students in hopes of contributing to larger conversations regarding social work education and the understanding of rape myth acceptance. If you agree to participate, you will be interviewed and asked to answer questions about rape myths, social work values and ethics, and a few demographic questions. The interview will take approximately an hour to complete. You should not participate in this study if you are majoring in something other social work, not an Ohio University student, younger than 18, or older than 24. Rape and sexual assault may be difficult topics to discuss due to the societal stigma around sex and violence and personal experiences. Questions about sexual assault and rape may cause you stress, especially if you or a close one has experienced sexual violence. If you experience distress at any point, the interview will be stopped, and resources will be provided for you to seek support from. If you have any questions, want to know more about the study, or are willing to participate, please email me or my advisor. Our contact information is provided below. Thank you for your time! Best, Heather Lambert Heather Lambert – [email protected], 419-602-1550 Dr. Sarah Garlington – [email protected], 740-597-1728
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Appendix C
Interview Guide: Rape Myth Acceptance The Impact of RMA on Social Work Students’ Practice Abilities Heather Lambert and Sarah Garlington IRB Number: 20-F-25 My name is Heather, and I am a social work student at OU. I am conducting research on rape myths and social work students at Ohio University. The interview should take approximately an hour but may last longer. Do you need to stop at a certain time for scheduling reasons? You can stop the interview at any point. If you would like, I can send you more specific information about my research or answer any initial questions that you have. Thank you for taking the time today to participate in my study. I greatly appreciate it. (Review consent form and receive verbal consent.) Study ID:
1. What are the first two letters of your last name and the year you were born? Definitions:
2. How would you define rape in one sentence?
3. How would you define sexual assault in one sentence?
4. Describe a typical situation in which rape occurs?
5. What do you think “rape culture” means? RMA:
6. Do you think rape can be accidental? 6.1. If the interviewee says yes: Can you give me an example of accidental rape? 6.2. If the interviewee says no: Why not?
7. Do you think women often lie about rape? 7.1. If the interviewee says yes: Can you give me an example of when women lie about rape? 7.2. If the interviewee says no: Why not?
8. Do you think the person who was raped is at all at fault if: 8.1. They did not physically fight back 8.2. There was no use of force 8.3. The person who was raped has a promiscuous reputation 8.4. A weapon was used
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8.5. The person who was raped was under the influence of drugs or alcohol 8.6. The person who was raped did not say no 8.7. The two people have already had sex Social Work Values and Ethics:
9. How do social work values and ethics relate to working with victims of rape? 9.1. Why is being self-aware of personal values and beliefs essential to social work? 9.2. What are barriers to recognizing personal bias?
10. What would prevent victims of sexual assault from seeking help from social institutions, like the police or counseling services?
11. What actions can social workers take to improve victims’ reactions or opinions of these social institutions? Demographic Information:
12. What is your gender identity?
13. How old are you?
14. What is your academic year?
15. Do you identify as Appalachian? Appalachian Culture (only for interviewees who have identified as Appalachian). Discussing culture can be complicated because it requires generalizations to be made about communities. However, these discussions are important because they shed light on context of the community we operate in. 16. How do you define Appalachian culture?
17. How do individuals from Appalachia generally respond to rape or sexual assault? 18. Do you think there are rape myths in Appalachian culture? 18.1. If the interviewee says yes: What are they? 18.2. If the interviewee says no: Why not?
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Appendix D
Verbal Recruitment Message: Hi everyone. My name is Heather, and I am an Ohio University student researcher completing my senior research project. I am a social work student like you, and I thank you for taking the time today to listen to my proposal. My study, IRB number 20-F-25, examines rape myth acceptance amongst social work students in hopes of contributing to larger conversations regarding social work education and the understanding of rape myth acceptance. If you agree to participate, you will be interviewed and asked to answer questions about rape myths, social work values and ethics, and a few demographic questions. The interview will take approximately an hour to complete. You should not participate in this study if you are majoring in something other than social work, not a student at Ohio University, younger than 18, or older than 24. Rape and sexual assault may be difficult topics to discuss due to the societal stigma around sex and violence and personal experiences. Questions about sexual assault and rape may cause you, the participant, stress, especially if you or a close one has experienced sexual violence. If you experience distress at any point, the interview will be stopped, and resources will be provided for you to seek support from. If you have any questions you don’t feel comfortable asking now or want to know more about the study, I have provided my advisor’s and my contact information in the chat. Does anyone have any questions they would like to ask now? Thank you again for taking the time to listen to me today and I hope I hear from you about setting up an interview!
Heather Lambert – [email protected], 419-602-1550
Dr. Sarah Garlington – [email protected], 740-597-1728