Understanding the Sociocultural Effects of Mainstreaming Anti-Muslim Sentiment
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Approval of George W. Bush: Economic and Media Impacts Gino Tozzi Jr
Wayne State University Wayne State University Dissertations 1-1-2011 Approval of George W. Bush: Economic and media impacts Gino Tozzi Jr. Wayne State University, Follow this and additional works at: http://digitalcommons.wayne.edu/oa_dissertations Part of the Mass Communication Commons, and the Political Science Commons Recommended Citation Tozzi Jr., Gino, "Approval of George W. Bush: Economic and media impacts" (2011). Wayne State University Dissertations. Paper 260. This Open Access Dissertation is brought to you for free and open access by DigitalCommons@WayneState. It has been accepted for inclusion in Wayne State University Dissertations by an authorized administrator of DigitalCommons@WayneState. APPROVAL OF GEORGE W. BUSH: ECONOMIC AND MEDIA IMPACTS by GINO J. TOZZI JR. DISSERTATION Submitted to the Graduate School of Wayne State University, Detroit, Michigan in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY 2011 MAJOR: POLITICAL SCIENCE Approved by: _________________________________ Chair Date _________________________________ _________________________________ _________________________________ © COPYRIGHT BY GINO J. TOZZI JR. 2011 All Rights Reserved DEDICATION To my Father ii ACKNOWLEDGMENTS I want to thank my committee chair Professor Ewa Golebiowska for the encouragement and persistence on only accepting the best from me in this process. I also owe my committee of Professor Ronald Brown, Professor Jodi Nachtwey, and Professor David Martin a debt of gratitude for their help and advisement in this endeavor. All of them were instrumental in keeping my focus narrowed to produce the best research possible. I also owe appreciation to the commentary, suggestions, and research help from my wonderful wife Courtney Tozzi. This project was definitely more enjoyable with her encouragement and help. -
Chapter 4 the Right-Wing Media Enablers of Anti-Islam Propaganda
Chapter 4 The right-wing media enablers of anti-Islam propaganda Spreading anti-Muslim hate in America depends on a well-developed right-wing media echo chamber to amplify a few marginal voices. The think tank misinforma- tion experts and grassroots and religious-right organizations profiled in this report boast a symbiotic relationship with a loosely aligned, ideologically-akin group of right-wing blogs, magazines, radio stations, newspapers, and television news shows to spread their anti-Islam messages and myths. The media outlets, in turn, give members of this network the exposure needed to amplify their message, reach larger audiences, drive fundraising numbers, and grow their membership base. Some well-established conservative media outlets are a key part of this echo cham- ber, mixing coverage of alarmist threats posed by the mere existence of Muslims in America with other news stories. Chief among the media partners are the Fox News empire,1 the influential conservative magazine National Review and its website,2 a host of right-wing radio hosts, The Washington Times newspaper and website,3 and the Christian Broadcasting Network and website.4 They tout Frank Gaffney, David Yerushalmi, Daniel Pipes, Robert Spencer, Steven Emerson, and others as experts, and invite supposedly moderate Muslim and Arabs to endorse bigoted views. In so doing, these media organizations amplify harm- ful, anti-Muslim views to wide audiences. (See box on page 86) In this chapter we profile some of the right-wing media enablers, beginning with the websites, then hate radio, then the television outlets. The websites A network of right-wing websites and blogs are frequently the primary movers of anti-Muslim messages and myths. -
Robert Spencer Article
THE SPENCER SPIN “spin” v. Taking informational material, and twisting, slanting, misinterpreting, misquoting, or changing it in an effort to make it support your own personal agenda. See media, propaganda, political campaigns, racists, and Robert Spencer. INTRODUCTION The first things I asked myself in reviewing the mountain of material for this article was what possible conclusions could be reached, and how to organize all this information. Using the standard journalist’s verbiage, the best overarching explanation of such is: WHO: (The target of this article) Robert H. Spencer, aka Robert Bruce Spencer, aka Hugh Fitzgerald, aka Jihad Watch, aka Dhimmi Watch. WHY: Spencer is one of the most prolific writers of anti-Islamic claims, publishing on blogs, online and print journals, writing 6 books, appearing on television on the subject, where he is erroneously proclaimed “a scholar of Islam”, “a scholar of law” and “a scholar of history.” WHAT: What are Spencer’s his exact positions, on what does he support those positions, and what is his motivation for holding those positions? WHEN: Spencer appears to have been engaged in his campaign against Islam since 2002. My research on Spencer covers a period of roughly hours over twelve months. HOW: I utilized the Internet, religious texts, legal texts, theological dissertations, historical analyses; read many hundreds of Spencer’s writings, and engaged in an extended and intense email discussion with Spencer over a period of about 6 months. I maintained an enormous amount of notes and reference material, along with originals of all emails, online articles, references, etc. I then organized the material, found that I had enough to write a book, and went through (as of this writing, which may be before the edition that you are reading), 68 drafts to summarize my findings in a short enough article that you wouldn’t fall asleep reading it. -
In Their Own Words: Voices of Jihad
THE ARTS This PDF document was made available from www.rand.org as CHILD POLICY a public service of the RAND Corporation. CIVIL JUSTICE EDUCATION Jump down to document ENERGY AND ENVIRONMENT 6 HEALTH AND HEALTH CARE INTERNATIONAL AFFAIRS The RAND Corporation is a nonprofit research NATIONAL SECURITY POPULATION AND AGING organization providing objective analysis and PUBLIC SAFETY effective solutions that address the challenges facing SCIENCE AND TECHNOLOGY the public and private sectors around the world. SUBSTANCE ABUSE TERRORISM AND HOMELAND SECURITY Support RAND TRANSPORTATION AND INFRASTRUCTURE Purchase this document WORKFORCE AND WORKPLACE Browse Books & Publications Make a charitable contribution For More Information Visit RAND at www.rand.org Learn more about the RAND Corporation View document details Limited Electronic Distribution Rights This document and trademark(s) contained herein are protected by law as indicated in a notice appearing later in this work. This electronic representation of RAND intellectual property is provided for non-commercial use only. Unauthorized posting of RAND PDFs to a non-RAND Web site is prohibited. RAND PDFs are protected under copyright law. Permission is required from RAND to reproduce, or reuse in another form, any of our research documents for commercial use. For information on reprint and linking permissions, please see RAND Permissions. This product is part of the RAND Corporation monograph series. RAND monographs present major research findings that address the challenges facing the public and private sectors. All RAND monographs undergo rigorous peer review to ensure high standards for research quality and objectivity. in their own words Voices of Jihad compilation and commentary David Aaron Approved for public release; distribution unlimited C O R P O R A T I O N This book results from the RAND Corporation's continuing program of self-initiated research. -
Journal of Media Law & Ethics
UNIVERSITY OF BALTIMORE SCHOOL OF LAW JOURNAL OF MEDIA LAW & ETHICS Editor ERIC B. EASTON, PROFESSOR EMERITUS University of Baltimore School of Law EDITORIAL BOARD MEMBERS BENJAMIN BENNETT-CARPENTER, Special Lecturer, Oakland Univ. (Michigan) STUART BROTMAN, Distinguished Professor of Media Management & Law, Univ. of Tennessee L. SUSAN CARTER, Professor Emeritus, Michigan State University ANTHONY FARGO, Associate Professor, Indiana University AMY GAJDA, Professor of Law, Tulane University STEVEN MICHAEL HALLOCK, Professor of Journalism, Point Park University MARTIN E. HALSTUK, Professor Emeritus, Pennsylvania State University CHRISTOPHER HANSON, Associate Professor, University of Maryland ELLIOT KING, Professor, Loyola University Maryland JANE KIRTLEY, Silha Professor of Media Ethics & Law, University of Minnesota NORMAN P. LEWIS, Associate Professor, University of Florida KAREN M. MARKIN, Dir. of Research Development, University of Rhode Island KIRSTEN MOGENSEN, Associate Professor, Roskilde University (Denmark) KATHLEEN K. OLSON, Professor, Lehigh University RICHARD J. PELTZ-STEELE, Chancellor Professor, Univ. of Mass. School of Law JAMES LYNN STEWART, Professor, Nicholls State University CHRISTOPHER R. TERRY, Assistant Professor, University of Minnesota DOREEN WEISENHAUS, Associate Professor, Northwestern University UB Journal of Media Law & Ethics, Vol. 8, No. 2 (Fall/Winter 2020) 1 Submissions The University of Baltimore Journal of Media Law & Ethics (ISSN1940-9389) is an on-line, peer- reviewed journal published quarterly by the University of Baltimore School of Law. JMLE seeks theoretical and analytical manuscripts that advance the understanding of media law and ethics in society. Submissions may have a legal, historical, or social science orientation, but must focus on media law or ethics. All theoretical perspectives are welcome. All manuscripts undergo blind peer review. -
Who Is the Attorney General's Client?
\\jciprod01\productn\N\NDL\87-3\NDL305.txt unknown Seq: 1 20-APR-12 11:03 WHO IS THE ATTORNEY GENERAL’S CLIENT? William R. Dailey, CSC* Two consecutive presidential administrations have been beset with controversies surrounding decision making in the Department of Justice, frequently arising from issues relating to the war on terrorism, but generally giving rise to accusations that the work of the Department is being unduly politicized. Much recent academic commentary has been devoted to analyzing and, typically, defending various more or less robust versions of “independence” in the Department generally and in the Attorney General in particular. This Article builds from the Supreme Court’s recent decision in Free Enterprise Fund v. Public Co. Accounting Oversight Board, in which the Court set forth key principles relating to the role of the President in seeing to it that the laws are faithfully executed. This Article draws upon these principles to construct a model for understanding the Attorney General’s role. Focusing on the question, “Who is the Attorney General’s client?”, the Article presumes that in the most important sense the American people are the Attorney General’s client. The Article argues, however, that that client relationship is necessarily a mediated one, with the most important mediat- ing force being the elected head of the executive branch, the President. The argument invokes historical considerations, epistemic concerns, and constitutional structure. Against a trend in recent commentary defending a robustly independent model of execu- tive branch lawyering rooted in the putative ability and obligation of executive branch lawyers to alight upon a “best view” of the law thought to have binding force even over plausible alternatives, the Article defends as legitimate and necessary a greater degree of presidential direction in the setting of legal policy. -
MIAMI UNIVERSITY the Graduate School
MIAMI UNIVERSITY The Graduate School Certificate for Approving the Dissertation We hereby approve the Dissertation of Bridget Christine Gelms Candidate for the Degree Doctor of Philosophy ______________________________________ Dr. Jason Palmeri, Director ______________________________________ Dr. Tim Lockridge, Reader ______________________________________ Dr. Michele Simmons, Reader ______________________________________ Dr. Lisa Weems, Graduate School Representative ABSTRACT VOLATILE VISIBILITY: THE EFFECTS OF ONLINE HARASSMENT ON FEMINIST CIRCULATION AND PUBLIC DISCOURSE by Bridget C. Gelms As our digital environments—in their inhabitants, communities, and cultures—have evolved, harassment, unfortunately, has become the status quo on the internet (Duggan, 2014 & 2017; Jane, 2014b). Harassment is an issue that disproportionately affects women, particularly women of color (Citron, 2014; Mantilla, 2015), LGBTQIA+ women (Herring et al., 2002; Warzel, 2016), and women who engage in social justice, civil rights, and feminist discourses (Cole, 2015; Davies, 2015; Jane, 2014a). Whitney Phillips (2015) notes that it’s politically significant to pay attention to issues of online harassment because this kind of invective calls “attention to dominant cultural mores” (p. 7). Keeping our finger on the pulse of such attitudes is imperative to understand who is excluded from digital publics and how these exclusions perpetuate racism and sexism to “preserve the internet as a space free of politics and thus free of challenge to white masculine heterosexual hegemony” (Higgin, 2013, n.p.). While rhetoric and writing as a field has a long history of examining myriad exclusionary practices that occur in public discourses, we still have much work to do in understanding how online harassment, particularly that which is gendered, manifests in digital publics and to what rhetorical effect. -
The Case of the “Ground Zero Mosque” Controversy
A Theoretical Study of Solidarity in American Society: The Case of the “Ground Zero Mosque” Controversy Fatemeh Mohammadi1 * , Hamed Mousavi2 1. PhD Candidate in Anthropology, Carleton University, Canada (Corresponding Author: [email protected]) 2. Assistant Professor, Department of Regional Studies, University of Tehran, Tehran, Iran ([email protected]) (Received: 5 Mar. 2017 Accepted: 8 Aug. 2017) Abstract The paper uses the case study of the controversy regarding the construction of a mosque near the site of the 9/11 terrorist attacks in Manhattan, New York, to analyze the different theoretical approaches to the concept of solidarity. It is argued that the presence of affectional solidarity which is based on feelings of caring, friendship and love was very limited in the case under study. Instead the primary form of solidarity present in the ground zero mosque debate was conventional solidarity, which is based primarily on common interests and concerns that are established through shared traditions and values. Nevertheless, conventional solidarity uses membership within a group to advocate for solidarity. In many instances however, people in need of solidarity might fall outside of the boundaries of “we,” and as a result limiting the utility of the approach. This is why the paper advocates for a revised form of Jodi Dean’s reflective solidarity, which is based on mutual responsibility toward each other despite our differences. It is argued that in its current form this approach is a normative universal ideal which holds great potential but is unclear, underspecified and impractical. However, by injecting some “realism” into this theoretical approach, reflective solidarity is superior to affectional and conventional approaches. -
Colorado Survey of 500 Likely Voters Conducted September 14, 2008 by Rasmussen Reports for FOX News
Colorado Survey of 500 Likely Voters Conducted September 14, 2008 By Rasmussen Reports for FOX News 1* How do you rate the way that George W. Bush is performing his role as President? Excellent, good, fair, or poor? 13% Excellent 20% Good 16% Fair 50% Poor 1% Not sure 2* How do you rate the way that Bill Ritter is performing his role as Governor? Excellent, good, fair, or poor? 14% Excellent 30% Good 30% Fair 24% Poor 1% Not sure 3* If the Presidential Election were held today, would you vote for Republican John McCain, Democrat Barack Obama, Libertarian Bob Barr or Independent Ralph Nader 48% McCain 46% Obama 1% Barr 3% Nader 0% McKinney 2% Not sure 4* Favorable Ratings Obama McCain Very Favorable 37% 26% Somewhat Favorable 15% 29% Somewhat Unfavorable 15% 18% Very Unfavorable 31% 24% Not sure 2% 3% 5* In terms of how you will vote for President, are you primarily interested in National Security issues such as the War with Iraq and the War on Terror, Economic issues such as jobs and economic growth, Domestic Issues like Social Security and Health Care, Cultural issues such as same-sex marriage and abortion, or Fiscal issues such as taxes and government spending? 27% National Security Issues 35% Economic Issues 13% Domestic Issues 7% Cultural Issues 12% Fiscal Issues 6% Not sure 6* Overall, which candidate do you trust more -- Barack Obama or John McCain? 46% Obama 48% McCain 6% Not sure Colorado Survey of 500 Likely Voters continued 7* Regardless of how you would vote, how comfortable would you be with Barack Obama as president? 32% -
Pdf Anti-Defamation League
ghs15-1_cv_ghs15-1_cv 8/7/2019 2:35 PM Page 2 COLOR IS FOR APPROXIMATION ONLY – DO NOT USE FOR COLOR APPROVAL JOURNAL OF HATE STUDIES JOURNAL OF HATE J OURNAL OF H ATE S TUDIES Volume 15, No. 1 15, No. Volume 1 - 278 Pages 2019 Gonzaga University I NSTITUTE FOR H ATE S TUDIES E NGAGING WITH C OMMUNITIES FOR J USTICE Gonzaga Institute for Hate Studies | Spokane, WA 99258-0043 | 509.313.3665 www.gonzaga.edu/hatestudies Volume 15 2019 Number 1 Journal of Hate Studies Gonzaga University Institute for Hate Studies Copyright © 2019 By Gonzaga University Institute for Hate Studies The Journal of Hate Studies is published by the Gonzaga University Institute for Hate Studies. The purpose of the Journal is to promote the sharing of interdisciplinary ideas and research relating to the study of what hate is, where it comes from, and how to combat it. The Institute for Hate Studies operates under the auspices of Gonzaga University in Spokane, Washington. The views expressed in the Journal are those of the authors and should not be attributed to the Institute for Hate Studies, Gonzaga University, the institutions with which the authors are affiliated, or the editors. The Journal welcomes unsolicited manuscripts (including essays and shorter pieces) and suggestions for improving the Journal. Manuscripts and other communications should be sent to Director, Gonzaga University Institute for Hate Studies, Gonzaga University, Spokane, WA USA 992580099. For more information about the Gonzaga University Institute for Hate Studies and the Journal of Hate Studies, please visit www.gonzaga.edu/ hatestudies. -
Donald Trump, the Changes: Aanti
Ethnic and Racial Studies ISSN: 0141-9870 (Print) 1466-4356 (Online) Journal homepage: https://www.tandfonline.com/loi/rers20 Donald Trump, the anti-Muslim far right and the new conservative revolution Ed Pertwee To cite this article: Ed Pertwee (2020): Donald Trump, the anti-Muslim far right and the new conservative revolution, Ethnic and Racial Studies, DOI: 10.1080/01419870.2020.1749688 To link to this article: https://doi.org/10.1080/01419870.2020.1749688 © 2020 The Author(s). Published by Informa UK Limited, trading as Taylor & Francis Group Published online: 17 Apr 2020. Submit your article to this journal Article views: 193 View related articles View Crossmark data Full Terms & Conditions of access and use can be found at https://www.tandfonline.com/action/journalInformation?journalCode=rers20 ETHNIC AND RACIAL STUDIES https://doi.org/10.1080/01419870.2020.1749688 Donald Trump, the anti-Muslim far right and the new conservative revolution Ed Pertwee Department of Sociology, London School of Economics, London, UK ABSTRACT This article explores the “counter-jihad”, a transnational field of anti-Muslim political action that emerged in the mid-2000s, becoming a key tributary of the recent far- right insurgency and an important influence on the Trump presidency. The article draws on thematic analysis of content from counter-jihad websites and interviews with movement activists, sympathizers and opponents, in order to characterize the counter-jihad’s organizational infrastructure and political discourse and to theorize its relationship to fascism and other far-right tendencies. Although the political discourses of the counter-jihad, Trumpian Republicanism and the avowedly racist “Alt-Right” are not identical, I argue that all three tendencies share a common, counterrevolutionary temporal structure. -
Florida's A++ Plan: an Expansion and Expression of Neoliberal and Neoconservative Tenets in State Educational Policy
Florida's A++ Plan: An Expansion and Expression of Neoliberal and Neoconservative Tenets in State Educational Policy Author: Matthew Dana Laliberte Persistent link: http://hdl.handle.net/2345/bc-ir:104495 This work is posted on eScholarship@BC, Boston College University Libraries. Boston College Electronic Thesis or Dissertation, 2015 Copyright is held by the author. This work is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial 4.0 International License (http://creativecommons.org/ licenses/by-nc/4.0). FLORIDA’S A++ PLAN Boston College Lynch School of Education Department of Teacher Education/ Special Education, Curriculum and Instruction Curriculum and Instruction FLORIDA’S A++ PLAN: AN EXPANSION AND EXPRESSION OF NEOLIBERAL AND NEOCONSERVATIVE TENETS IN STATE EDUCATIONAL POLICY Dissertation by MATTHEW D. LALIBERTE submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy May, 2015 FLORIDA’S A++ PLAN © Copyright by Matthew Dana Laliberte 2015 2 FLORIDA’S A++ PLAN ABSTRACT FLORIDA’S A++ PLAN: AN EXPANSION AND EXPRESSION OF NEOLIBERAL AND NEOCONSERVATIVE TENETS IN STATE EDUCATIONAL POLICY by Matthew D. Laliberte Doctor of Philosophy Boston College, May 2015 Dissertation Committee Chair: Dr. Curt Dudley-Marling This critical policy analysis, informed by a qualitative content analysis, examines the ideological orientation of Florida’s A++ Plan (2006), and its incumbent impact upon social reproduction in the state. Utilizing a theoretical framework that fuses together critical theory (Horkheimer, 1937; Marcuse, 1964; Marshall, 1997), Bernstein’s (1971, 1977) three message systems of education and dual concepts of classification and frame, and Collins‘ (1979, 2000, 2002) notion of the Credential Society, the study examines the ideological underpinnings of the A++ Plan’s statutory requirements, and their effects on various school constituencies, including students, teachers, and the schools themselves.