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Wage Income, Migrant Labour and Livelihoods Beyond the Rural-Urban Divide in Post-Apartheid South Africa: a Case of Dunlop Durban Factory Workers

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Wage Income, Migrant Labour and Livelihoods Beyond the Rural-Urban Divide in Post-Apartheid South Africa: a Case of Dunlop Durban Factory Workers WAGE INCOME, MIGRANT LABOUR AND LIVELIHOODS BEYOND THE RURAL-URBAN DIVIDE IN POST-APARTHEID SOUTH AFRICA: A CASE OF DUNLOP DURBAN FACTORY WORKERS by SITHEMBISO BHENGU Thesis Presented for the Degree of DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY in Industrial, Organisational and Labour Studies UNIVERSITY OF KWAZULU-NATAL November 2014 DECLARATION I, Sithembiso Bhengu declare that this thesis is my own unaided and original research, except where referenced and indicated otherwise. The thesis is my own work, both in concept and execution, apart from the normal guidance from my supervisor. It has not been submitted for a degree at any other university. Signature: ______________________________________ ____________________ day of ___________________________2014 i DEDICATION To my dad, who went to be with the Lord on 20 May 2012 To Dunlop workers and worker leaders, especially the late Bombshell Khumalo, Elphias Buthelezi and Bongani Mkhungo. In memory of Nathaniel Matiwane. ii ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS First, I want to acknowledge and give praise, honour and worship to God for His goodness and unmerited favour towards me throughout the duration of the research endeavour. Truly, all the glory belongs to you Lord and this piece of work is testimony that “with God all things are possible” (Matthew 19:26). There are a myriad of people I would like to acknowledge and show my gratitude to for their variable contribution and support throughout the process of writing this thesis. Firstly, I would like to acknowledge Ari Sitas, my supervisor. You have been a true supporter and mentor in this intellectual journey. I also want to acknowledge Gillian Hart and David Szanton for their mentoring and supervisory support over the past seven years. Gill, I remember the seminars you facilitated with us in the first quarter of 2006. For me, those seminars made the difference between night and day, they moved me from a thick fog cognitively and brought clarity, culminating in the quality of my research proposal as well as rigour in the thesis. I want to thank my colleagues both past and present from Industrial, Organisational and Labour Studies (IOLS) – Debby Bonnin, Mokong Simon Mapadimeng, Shaun Ruggunan, Nomkhosi Xulu, Steven Gordon and Elias Cebekhulu, for their warm collegial support and inspiration. I will always be grateful to Ari and Debby for bringing me to IOLS, after I had been castigated as surplus to requirement by Sociology at the Pietermaritzburg campus. Although it took me a few years, I am happy that I finally recovered from the discomfort of Cape Town and Pietermaritzburg. Thanks to Ari and Simon for supporting my permanent appointment in IOLS after successfully defending my PhD proposal. I also want to thank Vukile Khumalo for being available to bounce off some of the ideas throughout the writing of the thesis. I also want to acknowledge Geoff Waters and the Language Institute for editing the thesis. I would like to acknowledge various forms of institutional support I benefited from, which contributed to the writing of the thesis. First, I acknowledge the role of the South African Sociological Association and its annual conferences in which I have presented and received useful comments on various aspects of this research. I also want to acknowledge the History and African Studies Seminar and iii the Development Studies Seminar at UKZN for allowing me to present some of my chapters and receiving constructive comments and criticism from their respective seminar series. I also want to acknowledge the Eastern Seaboard Cluster Programme for funding and facilitation during the formative stages of my PhD proposal. In the cluster programme I want to acknowledge professors who were supervising and guiding us throughout the proposal development phase – Ari Sitas, Gillian Hart, David Szanton, Lungisile Ntsebenza, Diane Scott, Shirley Brookes, Debby Bonnin and Patrick Bond. I also thank the cohort of both MA and PhD students with whom we struggled, shared, read and grew together over the two year process – Horman Chitonge, Fani Ncaphayi, Thembeka Ncebetsha, Rike Sitas, Heli Guy, Nomkhosi Xulu and Langa Zita. I also acknowledge the contribution of the University of KwaZulu-Natal through the Competitive Grant and the National Research Foundation (NRF) for Thuthuka PhD Grant. I would finally want to appreciate the support of my family, friends and my church for support, prayers and comfort throughout the lengthy process of writing the thesis. I want to thank my mother, Mrs EN Bhengu for her support and prayers that have been a constant burning flame throughout the seven years of the writing of the thesis. I want to thank my two sisters – Zukiswa and Londeka for their support and encouragement throughout. Indeed, „although delayed, we are never denied!‟ Lastly, I want to thank and appreciate my wife Lieketseng and my son Joshua for being the fuel, which lit the fire and energy that sustained me throughout the difficult and lonely journey. We have made it Sweetie, thank you for your unending support and companionship. Ngiyabonga Mepho wami! iv ABSTRACT This thesis investigates the reproduction of the African working class in post- apartheid South Africa. The research examines the relationship between wage income and the mobilisation of livelihoods of working class households across the rural-urban divide. Through an ethnographic study with Dunlop workers, the research examines rural-urban linkages of African workers, interrogating how these linkages are maintained and how they play out in mobilisation and struggles for livelihoods in everyday life. Based on literature on workers and livelihoods in South Africa, the research hypothesis argues that wage income remains the main pillar and source of the reproduction of life and the mobilisation of livelihoods of working class households, both rural and urban. To interrogate these propositions three areas of evidence needed to be developed into key questions: 1. The centrality of wage labour to the mobilisation of livelihoods in extended familial households across the rural-urban divide. 2. Secondly, establishing the degree of these rural-urban linkages and networks and the form they take. 3. Lastly, working life and struggles, and the everyday life of African workers and their household networks. In answering these questions the thesis explores three major arguments. The first argument is that social reproduction, lives and livelihoods of working class South Africans are organised and reorganised across the rural-urban divide. Wage income remains the most important resource in the production, reproduction of the African working class in post-apartheid South Africa. The thesis argues that Dunlop workers have and continue to service dual (and some instances multiple) familial networks across the rural-urban divide. These familial networks are serviced through visits, remittances, the supporting of adult children to find accommodation in the city when looking for employment and through the performance of traditional rituals. v The second key argument is that Dunlop‘s institutional production regimes continue to be organised through what I call a racialised ordering and lack of substantive transformation on the shop floor. These precipitate antagonistic relations between workers and management as well as a militant workforce. As a result, despite the contradictions and contestations noted in the literature about trade unions in post-apartheid South Africa (Buhlungu, 2006, 2010; Social Development, 2004, 2006; Kenny, 2004; Seekings, 2004; Seekings and Nattrass, 2002, 2005), workers continue to identify them as their bona fide voice. Shop floor militancy is constructed by invoking the popular history of trade unions and through shop floor socialisation of younger workers by their older familial networks. The third argument is that workers‘ narratives are complex. The thesis explores Sitas‘ (2004a) assertion that the narratives of workers‘ lives and their struggles are not simple, neat, straightforward and predictable, as generalist theorists would argue. Instead, they are complex and articulated with class, race, gender, rural- urban milieu, culture, struggle, violence and identity-making meaning in everyday life. vi ABBREVIATIONS AIDS : Acquired Immunodeficiency Syndrome ANC : African National Congress ASGISA : Accelerated and Shared Growth Initiative for South Africa CMP : Capitalist Mode of Production COOP : Cooperatives COSATU : Congress of South African Trade Unions COSAW : Congress of South African Writers CSG : Child Support Grant DSD : Department of Social Development EAP : Economically Active Population EPWP : Expanded Public Works Programme GDS : Growth and Development Summit GHS : General Household Survey GEAR : Growth, Employment and Redistribution HIV : Human Immunodeficiency Virus IFP : Inkatha Freedom Party KIDS : KwaZulu-Natal Income Dynamics Survey LFS : Labour Force Survey KZN : KwaZulu-Natal MAWU : Metal and Allied Workers Union MEC : Minerals-Energy Complex NIDS : National Income Dynamics Survey NUMSA : National Union of Metal Workers of South Africa OAP : Old Age Pension OHS : October Household Survey PCMP : Pre-Capitalist Mode of Production PSLSD : Project for Statistics on Living Standards and Development SACP : South African Communist Party Stats SA : Statistics South Africa TURP : Trade Union Research Project UDF : United Democratic Front vii TABLE OF CONTENTS DECLARATION .............................................................................................................................I DEDICATION
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