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(Stop a Douchebag) Vigilantes in Russia
© Laboratorium: Russian Review of Social Research. 2019. 11(3):16–45 16 DOI: 10.25285/2078-1938-2019-11-3-16-45 EROES OR HOOLIGANS? HMEDIA PORTRAYAL OF STOPXAM (STOP A DOUCHEBAG) VIGILANTES IN RUSSIA Rashid Gabdulhakov Rashid Gabdulhakov, Department of Media and Communication, Erasmus University Rotterdam. Address for correspondence: Erasmus University Rotterdam, Postbus 1738, 3000 DR Rotterdam, Netherlands. [email protected]. The author expresses sincere gratitude to the informants for their contributions, as well as to peer reviewers and editors of this special issue for their valuable feed- back. This work was supported by the Dutch Research Council (NWO) project num- ber 276-45-004. Several state-supported digital vigilante groups emerged in Russia at the downturn of the pro-Kremlin youth group Nashi (Ours), when its former commissars formed issue- specific movements to counter perceived legal and moral offences through exposure of targets on social media. One of such groups is StopXam (Stop a Douchebag), specializ- ing in road-traffic and parking violations. StopXam participants confront the drivers and retaliate by placing stickers that read “I spit on everyone I drive where I want” on the targets’ windshields. The retaliation is often accompanied by verbal and physical fighting; the process is filmed, edited, and shared on YouTube, receiving millions of views. While digital media made such practices possible, traditional broadcasters maintain significance in rendering meaning to the phenomenon of vigilantism and in framing vigilantes, their targets, police, and other actors. As the existing literature on digital vigilantism is predominantly focused on digital media affordances, this article aims to address this gap through a qualitative analysis of traditional media coverage of StopXam. -
Russian Private Military Companies: Continuity and Evolution of the Model
Russia Foreign Policy Papers Anna Borshchevskaya All rights reserved. Printed in the United States of America. No part of this publication may be reproduced or transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic or mechanical, including photocopy, recording, or any information storage and retrieval system, without permission in writing from the publisher. Author: Anna Borshchevskaya Eurasia Program Leadership Director: Chris Miller Deputy Director: Maia Otarashvili Edited by: Thomas J. Shattuck Designed by: Natalia Kopytnik © 2019 by the Foreign Policy Research Institute December 2019 COVER: Designed by Natalia Kopytnik. Our Mission The Foreign Policy Research Institute is dedicated to bringing the insights of scholarship to bear on the foreign policy and national security challenges facing the United States. It seeks to educate the public, teach teachers, train students, and offer ideas to advance U.S. national interests based on a nonpartisan, geopolitical perspective that illuminates contemporary international affairs through the lens of history, geography, and culture. Offering Ideas In an increasingly polarized world, we pride ourselves on our tradition of nonpartisan scholarship. We count among our ranks over 100 affiliated scholars located throughout the nation and the world who appear regularly in national and international media, testify on Capitol Hill, and are consulted by U.S. government agencies. Educating the American Public FPRI was founded on the premise that an informed and educated citizenry is paramount for the U.S. to conduct a coherent foreign policy. Through in-depth research and events on issues spanning the geopolitical spectrum, FPRI offers insights to help the public understand our volatile world. Championing Civic Literacy We believe that a robust civic education is a national imperative. -
ASD-Covert-Foreign-Money.Pdf
overt C Foreign Covert Money Financial loopholes exploited by AUGUST 2020 authoritarians to fund political interference in democracies AUTHORS: Josh Rudolph and Thomas Morley © 2020 The Alliance for Securing Democracy Please direct inquiries to The Alliance for Securing Democracy at The German Marshall Fund of the United States 1700 18th Street, NW Washington, DC 20009 T 1 202 683 2650 E [email protected] This publication can be downloaded for free at https://securingdemocracy.gmfus.org/covert-foreign-money/. The views expressed in GMF publications and commentary are the views of the authors alone. Cover and map design: Kenny Nguyen Formatting design: Rachael Worthington Alliance for Securing Democracy The Alliance for Securing Democracy (ASD), a bipartisan initiative housed at the German Marshall Fund of the United States, develops comprehensive strategies to deter, defend against, and raise the costs on authoritarian efforts to undermine and interfere in democratic institutions. ASD brings together experts on disinformation, malign finance, emerging technologies, elections integrity, economic coercion, and cybersecurity, as well as regional experts, to collaborate across traditional stovepipes and develop cross-cutting frame- works. Authors Josh Rudolph Fellow for Malign Finance Thomas Morley Research Assistant Contents Executive Summary �������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 1 Introduction and Methodology �������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� -
The Trump-Russia Collusion Case
The Trump-Russia Collusion Case Updated to August 2020 Source: http://www.scaruffi.com/politics/trumptraitor.html For those who have been following this page for a while: my main target is not Trump, my target is Putin. Putin, not Trump, is the most dangerous person in the world. Trump is just a lackey, a small-time crook and bit-time liar whom Putin is using to attack the USA. The problem is not that there is no evidence of Trump-Putin collusion, the problem is that there is too much of it. I have added some background about the motive of Russia's interference in US politics. In my opinion, it was not only a general attempt at undermining US institutions (that came later) but originally it was a determined effort to make sure that Hillary Clinton did not become president. Putin feared her more than anyone else. For those who have NOT followed this page from the beginning: this website was one of the first to talk about the Trump-Russia collusion at a time when few dared mention the Steele dossier. Just to be very clear: this is not about whether Russia's interference changed the results of the election (i personally think that the FBI investigation into Clinton's email server had a much bigger impact). It is about Putin's strategy to attack the USA, and, secondly, it is about the extent of Trump's collaboration with Putin. And, just to be fair, Putin's Russia is not the only country that ever interfered in US politics. -
Russia's Silence Factory
Russia’s Silence Factory: The Kremlin’s Crackdown on Free Speech and Democracy in the Run-up to the 2021 Parliamentary Elections August 2021 Contact information: International Partnership for Human Rights (IPHR) Rue Belliard 205, 1040 Brussels, Belgium [email protected] Contents I. EXECUTIVE SUMMARY 4 II. INTRODUCTION 6 A. AUTHORS 6 B. OBJECTIVES 6 C. SOURCES OF INFORMATION AND METHODOLOGY 6 III. THE KREMLIN’S CRACKDOWN ON FREE SPEECH AND DEMOCRACY 7 A. THE LEGAL TOOLKIT USED BY THE KREMLIN 7 B. 2021 TIMELINE OF THE CRACKDOWN ON FREE SPEECH AND DEMOCRACY 9 C. KEY TARGETS IN THE CRACKDOWN ON FREE SPEECH AND DEMOCRACY 12 i) Alexei Navalny 12 ii) Organisations and Individuals associated with Alexei Navalny 13 iii) Human Rights Lawyers 20 iv) Independent Media 22 v) Opposition politicians and pro-democracy activists 24 IV. HUMAN RIGHTS VIOLATIONS TRIGGERED BY THE CRACKDOWN 27 A. FREEDOMS OF ASSOCIATION, OPINION AND EXPRESSION 27 B. FAIR TRIAL RIGHTS 29 C. ARBITRARY DETENTION 30 D. POLITICAL PERSECUTION AS A CRIME AGAINST HUMANITY 31 V. CONCLUSION AND RECOMMENDATIONS 37 I. EXECUTIVE SUMMARY “An overdose of freedom is lethal to a state.” Vladislav Surkov, former adviser to President Putin and architect of Russia’s “managed democracy”.1 Russia is due to hold Parliamentary elections in September 2021. The ruling United Russia party is polling at 28% and is projected to lose its constitutional majority (the number of seats required to amend the Constitution).2 In a bid to silence its critics and retain control of the legislature, the Kremlin has unleashed an unprecedented crackdown on the pro-democracy movement, independent media, and anti-corruption activists. -
Connecting the Dots of PMC Wagner Strategic Actor Or Mere Business Opportunity? Author: Niklas M
University of Southern Denmark 1 June 2019 Faculty of Business and Social Sciences Connecting the dots of PMC Wagner Strategic actor or mere business opportunity? Author: Niklas M. Rendboe Date of birth: 04.07.1994 Characters: 187.484 Supervisor: Olivier Schmitt Abstract Russia has commenced a practice of using military companies to implement its foreign policy. This model is in part a continuation of a Russian tradition of using non-state act- ors, and partly a result of the contemporary thinking in Russia about war and politics as well as a consequence of the thorough reform process of the Russian military which began in 2008 under Anatolii Serdiukov. By using the subcontracting firms of business leader Evgenii Prigozhin as a channel for funding Wagner, the Kremlin has gained an armed structure which is relatively independent of its ocial military structures. The group was formed as part of a project to mobilise volunteers to fight in Ukraine in 2014- 15. The following year, Wagner went to Syria and made a valuable contribution to the Assad government’s eort to re-establish dominance in the Syrian theatre. Since then, evidence has surfaced pointing to 11 additional countries of operations. Of these, Libya, Sudan, Central Africa and Madagascar are relatively well supported. In all these coun- tries, Wagner’s ability to operate are dependent on Russia for logistics, contracts and equipment. Wagner is first and foremost a tool of Russian realpolitik; they will not win wars nor help bring about a new world order, but they further strategic interests in two key ways; they deploy to war where Russia has urgent interests, and they operate in countries where the interests of Russia are more diuse and long-term to enhance Rus- sian influence. -
CY2020 China Database Online Chapter Final.Xlsx
2020 Data on Chinese Official MLT Export and Trade-related Programs EXIM’s Charter1 instructs EXIM to estimate foreign ECA activity and include it in the annual Competitiveness Report. Therefore, EXIM gathers data and then estimates the size and scope of China’s official MLT export credit and trade-related programs. Since China EXIM and Sinosure publish their annual reports under a 2-year time -lag with data that is not detailed enough, often difficult to decipher, and missing information, the true scope, scale, and details of the Chinese government’s official export and trade-related activity is unknown. For example, the reporting from China EXIM had been on exposure basis by sector then their reporting excluded sectoral information the next year. Therefore, each year EXIM utilizes multiple open sources and research techniques to gather information on China’s official activity. EXIM generates a list of potential projects for inclusion in the Competitiveness Report based on online tools. EXIM’s research pulls information from English and certain Mandarin sources when possible, including newspapers, press releases, official websites, academic papers, and government reports from across the globe. EXIM uses the web search tools below, among others, to compile a database of potential Chinese export and trade-related projects: • Emerging Markets Information Service (EMIS) Intelligence • Google Alerts • Bloomberg • EBSCO Information Services • Lexis Nexis (Lexis Advance) • TXF Although EXIM found specific Sinosure transactions, Sinosure’s official export credit numbers were estimated using their 2019 annual report. For more details on the methodology EXIM used for the CY 2020 China database, visit the Methodological Note in the Introduction section (pages 22-23) of the Competitiveness Report. -
The Fluctuating Relationship Between Russia and the Wagner Group
THE FLUCTUATING RELATIONSHIP BETWEEN RUSSIA AND THE WAGNER GROUP by Preston Feinberg A research study submitted to Johns Hopkins University in conformity with the requirement for the degree of Master of Arts in Global Security Studies Baltimore, Maryland December 2020 © 2020 Preston Feinberg All Rights Reserved Abstract This study analyzes how the Wagner Group’s behavior in various geographic locations has affected their fluctuating relationship with the Russian government and how it has changed over time. This research is important for policymakers and scholars alike because it provides insight into how the Russians conduct their foreign policy to accomplish their geopolitical objectives. The research reviews the Russian-Wagner relationship through the prism of the principal-agent theory. The study hypothesized that as the Wagner Group has become more dispersed in various locations around the world that it would act more independently of the stated objectives of the Kremlin. The data used for this research illuminated the complicated relationship between the Wagner Group and the Russian Ministry of Defense. The study further hypothesized that there would be a greater deal of turmoil within the principal-agent relationship between Russia and the Wagner Group than the data ended up showing. This study has shown that the Kremlin and Putin himself find many more benefits than costs by using the Wagner Group to achieve his foreign policy goals. Looking into the future, one should expect to see the continued proliferation of Private Military Companies (PMCs) like the Wagner Group to continue operating on behalf of or in support of the Russian government’s geopolitical objectives. -
US Sanctions on Russia
U.S. Sanctions on Russia Updated January 17, 2020 Congressional Research Service https://crsreports.congress.gov R45415 SUMMARY R45415 U.S. Sanctions on Russia January 17, 2020 Sanctions are a central element of U.S. policy to counter and deter malign Russian behavior. The United States has imposed sanctions on Russia mainly in response to Russia’s 2014 invasion of Cory Welt, Coordinator Ukraine, to reverse and deter further Russian aggression in Ukraine, and to deter Russian Specialist in European aggression against other countries. The United States also has imposed sanctions on Russia in Affairs response to (and to deter) election interference and other malicious cyber-enabled activities, human rights abuses, the use of a chemical weapon, weapons proliferation, illicit trade with North Korea, and support to Syria and Venezuela. Most Members of Congress support a robust Kristin Archick Specialist in European use of sanctions amid concerns about Russia’s international behavior and geostrategic intentions. Affairs Sanctions related to Russia’s invasion of Ukraine are based mainly on four executive orders (EOs) that President Obama issued in 2014. That year, Congress also passed and President Rebecca M. Nelson Obama signed into law two acts establishing sanctions in response to Russia’s invasion of Specialist in International Ukraine: the Support for the Sovereignty, Integrity, Democracy, and Economic Stability of Trade and Finance Ukraine Act of 2014 (SSIDES; P.L. 113-95/H.R. 4152) and the Ukraine Freedom Support Act of 2014 (UFSA; P.L. 113-272/H.R. 5859). Dianne E. Rennack Specialist in Foreign Policy In 2017, Congress passed and President Trump signed into law the Countering Russian Influence Legislation in Europe and Eurasia Act of 2017 (CRIEEA; P.L. -
Kadyrovism: Hardline Islam As a Tool of the Kremlin?
Notes de l’Ifri Russie.Nei.Visions 99 Kadyrovism: Hardline Islam as a Tool of the Kremlin? Marlène LARUELLE March 2017 Russia/NIS Center The Institut français des relations internationales (Ifri) is a research center and a forum for debate on major international political and economic issues. Headed by Thierry de Montbrial since its founding in 1979, Ifri is a non-governmental, non-profit organization. As an independent think tank, Ifri sets its own research agenda, publishing its findings regularly for a global audience. Taking an interdisciplinary approach, Ifri brings together political and economic decision-makers, researchers and internationally renowned experts to animate its debate and research activities. With offices in Paris and Brussels, Ifri stands out as one of the few French think tanks to have positioned itself at the very heart of European and broader international debate. The opinions expressed in this text are the responsibility of the author alone. This text is published with the support of DGRIS (Directorate General for International Relations and Strategy) under “Observatoire Russie, Europe orientale et Caucase”. ISBN: 978-2-36567-681-6 © All rights reserved, Ifri, 2017 How to quote this document: Marlène Laruelle, “Kadyrovism: Hardline Islam as a Tool of the Kremlin?”, Russie.Nei.Visions, No. 99, Ifri, March 2017. Ifri 27 rue de la Procession 75740 Paris Cedex 15—FRANCE Tel.: +33 (0)1 40 61 60 00—Fax : +33 (0)1 40 61 60 60 Email: [email protected] Ifri-Bruxelles Rue Marie-Thérèse, 21 1000—Brussels—BELGIUM Tel.: +32 (0)2 238 51 10—Fax: +32 (0)2 238 51 15 Email: [email protected] Website: Ifri.org Russie.Nei.Visions Russie.Nei.Visions is an online collection dedicated to Russia and the other new independent states (Belarus, Ukraine, Moldova, Armenia, Georgia, Azerbaijan, Kazakhstan, Uzbekistan, Turkmenistan, Tajikistan and Kyrgyzstan). -
Europe & Eurasia
Vibrant EUROPE & EURASIA Information Barometer 2021 Vibrant Information Barometer VIBRANT INFORMATION BAROMETER 2021 Copyright © 2021 by IREX IREX 1275 K Street, NW, Suite 600 Washington, DC 20005 E-mail: [email protected] Phone: (202) 628-8188 www.irex.org Managing editor: Linda Trail IREX project and editorial support: Stephanie Hess and Ben Brewer Editorial support: Alanna Dvorak, Barbara Frye, Elizabeth Granda, and Dayna Kerecman Myers Copyeditors: Melissa Brown Levine, Brown Levine Productions; Carolyn Feola de Rugamas, Carolyn.Ink; Kelly Kramer Translation support: Capital Linguists, LLC; Media Research & Training Lab Design and layout: Anna Zvarych Notice of Rights: Permission is granted to display, copy, and distribute VIBE in whole or in part, provided that: (a) the materials are used with the acknowledgment “The Vibrant Information Barometer (VIBE) is a product of IREX with funding from USAID.”; (b) VIBE is used solely for personal, noncommercial, or informational use; and (c) no modifications of VIBE are made. Disclaimer: This publication is made possible by the support of the American People through the United States Agency for International Development (USAID). The opinions expressed herein are those of the panelists and other project researchers and do not necessarily reflect the views of USAID, the United States Government, or IREX. 2 USAID leads international development and humanitarian efforts to IREX is a nonprofit organization that builds a more just, prosperous, and save lives, reduce poverty, strengthen democratic governance and help inclusive world by empowering youth, cultivating leaders, strengthening people progress beyond assistance. institutions, and extending access to quality education and information. U.S. foreign assistance has always had the twofold purpose of furthering IREX delivers value to its beneficiaries, partners, and donors through its America’s interests while improving lives in the developing world. -
The Fast Approval and Slow Rollout of Sputnik V: Why Is Russia's Vaccine
Article The Fast Approval and Slow Rollout of Sputnik V: Why Is Russia’s Vaccine Rollout Slower than That of Other Nations? Elza Mikule 1,*,† , Tuuli Reissaar 1,† , Jennifer Villers 1,† , Alain Simplice Takoupo Penka 1,† , Alexander Temerev 2 and Liudmila Rozanova 2 1 Global Studies Institute, University of Geneva, 1205 Geneva, Switzerland; [email protected] (T.R.); [email protected] (J.V.); [email protected] (A.S.T.P.) 2 Institute of Global Health, University of Geneva, 1202 Geneva, Switzerland; [email protected] (A.T.); [email protected] (L.R.) * Correspondence: [email protected] † These authors contributed equally. Abstract: The emergence of the SARS-CoV-2 pandemic in the beginning of 2020 led to the deployment of enormous amounts of resources by different countries for vaccine development, and the Russian Federation was the first country in the world to approve a COVID-19 vaccine on 11 August 2020. In our research we sought to crystallize why the rollout of Sputnik V has been relatively slow considering that it was the first COVID-19 vaccine approved in the world. We looked at production capacity, at the number of vaccine doses domestically administered and internationally exported, and at vaccine hesitancy levels. By 6 May 2021, more first doses of Sputnik V had been administered Citation: Mikule, E.; Reissaar, T.; abroad than domestically, suggesting that limited production capacity was unlikely to be the main Villers, J.; Takoupo Penka, A.S.; reason behind the slow rollout. What remains unclear, however, is why Russia prioritized vaccine Temerev, A.; Rozanova, L.