American Views on South Africa, 1948-1972. Patrick Henry Martin Louisiana State University and Agricultural & Mechanical College

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

American Views on South Africa, 1948-1972. Patrick Henry Martin Louisiana State University and Agricultural & Mechanical College Louisiana State University LSU Digital Commons LSU Historical Dissertations and Theses Graduate School 1974 American Views on South Africa, 1948-1972. Patrick Henry Martin Louisiana State University and Agricultural & Mechanical College Follow this and additional works at: https://digitalcommons.lsu.edu/gradschool_disstheses Recommended Citation Martin, Patrick Henry, "American Views on South Africa, 1948-1972." (1974). LSU Historical Dissertations and Theses. 2622. https://digitalcommons.lsu.edu/gradschool_disstheses/2622 This Dissertation is brought to you for free and open access by the Graduate School at LSU Digital Commons. It has been accepted for inclusion in LSU Historical Dissertations and Theses by an authorized administrator of LSU Digital Commons. For more information, please contact [email protected]. INFORMATION TO USERS This material was produced from a microfilm copy of the original document. While the most advanced technological means to photograph and reproduce this document have been used, the quality is heavily dependent upon the quality of the original subm itted. The follow ing explanation of techniques is provided to help you understand markings or patterns which may appear on this reproduction. 1. The sign or "target" for pages apparently lacking from the document photographed is "Missing Page(s)". If it was possible to obtain the missing page(s) or section, they are spliced into the film along with adjacent pages. This may have necessitated cutting thru an image and duplicating adjacent pages to insure you complete continuity. 2. When an image on the film is obliterated with a large round black mark, it is an indication that the photographer suspected that the copy may have moved during exposure and thus cause a blurred image. You will find a good image of the page in the adjacent frame. 3. When a map, drawing or chart, etc., was part of the material being photographed the photographer followed a definite method in "sectioning" the material. It is customary to begin photoing at the upper left hand corner of a large dieet and to continue photoing from left to right in equal sections with a small overlap. If necessary, sectioning is continued again - beginning below the first row and continuing on until complete. 4. The majority of users indicate that the textual content is of greatest value, however, a somewhat higher quality reproduction could be made from "photographs" if essential to the understanding of the dissertation. Silver prints of "photographs" may be ordered at additional charge by writing the Order Department, giving the catalog number, title^ author and specific pages you wish reproduced. 5. PLEASE NOTE: Some peges may have indistinct print. Filmed as received. Xerox University Microfilms 300 North Z M b Road Ann Arbor, Michigan 48106 MARTIN, Patrick Henry, 1945- AMERICAN VIEWS ON SOUTH AFRICA, 1948-1972. The Louisiana State University and Agricultural and Mechanical College, Ph.D., 1974 History* modern University Microfilms, A XEROX Company, Ann Arbor, Michigan © 1974 PATRICK HENRY MARTIN ALL RIGHTS RESERVED AMERICAN VIEWS ON SOUTH AFRICA, 19^8-1972 A Dissertation Submitted to the Graduate Faculty of the Louisiana State University and Agricultural and Mechanical College in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in The Department of History by Patrick Henry Martin B.A., Louisiana State University, 19&7 M.A., Louisiana State University, 19^9 J.D. , Duke University, 197*+ May, 197*+ PREFACE In his Cry, the Beloved Country Alan Paton commented that "the world has never let South Africa alone." The present study is one more of a great many works which have been written in recent years on topics related to South Africa; these works give continuing proof to the truth of Paton's statement. In the course of preparing this dissertation I had the very good fortune to receive an appointment to lecture in American history at the University of Natal in Durban, South Africa, for six months. For this I am deeply indebted to K. H. C. McIntyre, the Chairman of the Department of History and Political Science at the University of Natal. Jeffrey Horton, Bill Guest, Andrew Duminy, Michael Spencer, and Tony Lumbey of the same Department assisted me in gaining a better understanding of South African history and were most hospitable to an American family very far from home, I am likewise indebted to many other South Africans for what they revealed to me about their society. South Africa is still a relatively small country, and it was possible for me to meet Prime Minister B. J. Vorster and Chief Gatsha Buthelezi, and to see and hear other prominent political figures. Many South Africans were more than willing to tell me as much as they could about their country.' 1 Newsmen discussed their activities and gave me access to the clippings files of their newspaper. A Xhosa tribesman who lived in Idutywa described landholding and tribal authority to me in the Transkei. A ii student took me to visit the Cato Manor magistrate's court so that I could learn more ahout the administration of justice in South Africa. A retired Afrikaner psychologist gave me a personal tour of the Voortrekker Monument. These and many other acts of kindness contri­ buted directly and indirectly to this study and made me understand why Paton called it the beloved country. I would also like to acknowledge the assistance of John Preston Moore with whom I began this study, David H. Culbert who assumed the responsibility for advising me after the retirement of Professor Moore, and John Loos, Chairman of the History Department of Louisiana State University. Appreciation must be expressed, too, for the cooperation given me by officials at various pro- and anti- South Africa organizations including the South Africa Foundation, the South African Information Service, the American-African Affairs Association, the American Committee on Africa, the Southern Africa Committee, and the Council for Christian Social Action of the United Church of Christ, Some of these officials were understandably re­ luctant to reveal their activities to an inquisitive researcher of unknown political views, but they did provide valuable information which I have acknowledged in greater detail in my footnotes. I have also acknowledged in the footnotes the assistance of a number of newspapers which sent me, in response to my request, copies of the editorials they printed at the time of the Sharpeville crisis in South Africa in i960. The pursuit of my topic took me to several libraries where librarians were helpful in finding materials relating to South Africa. iii These included the libraries at Louisiana State University, Luke University, the University of North Carolina (Chapel Hill), North Carolina Central University, and the University of Natal, the Philadelphia Free Library, and the New York City Public Library. Finally, I wish to express my deepest gratitude to my wife, Kay, for her patience, assistance, and typing, and to my son, Patrick, who showed consideration and understanding to a busy father. iv TABLE OF CONTENTS PREFACE .............................. ii TABLE OF CONTENTS ........................................... V ABSTRACT ................................................... vii INTRODUCTION ............................................... 1 PART I. CRITICAL VIEWS AND THE MOVEMENT FOR ACTION AGAINST SOUTH AFRICA CHAPTER I. SOUTH AFRICAN POLITICS AND POLICIES: SYMBOL OF OPPRESSION ................................ 16 II. SOUTH AFRICA, UNITED STATES RACE RELATIONS, AND THE AMERICAN IMAGE ABROAD ........................ 51 III. THE NEW AFRICA AND THE SOUTH AFRICAN RACE WAR ............................................ 87 IV. THE MOVEMENT FOR AMERICAN ACTION AGAINST SOUTH AFRICAN APARTHEID ............................. 108 PART II. THE DEVELOPMENT OF AMERICAN VIEWS MORE FAVORABLE TO SOUTH AFRICA V. EFFORTS TO IMPROVE SOUTH AFRICA'S IMAGE: PIERCING THE PAPER CURTAIN .......................... IT1* VI. SOUTH AFRICA'S AMERICAN FRIENDS ..................... 213 A. THE ANTI-COMMUNIST ALLY ...................... 2lU B. THE OTHER LAAGER ............................. 233 C. THE ONLY REAL INDUSTRIAL COMPLEX SOUTH OF MILAN .......................... 255 v VII. CONCLUSION .......................................... 277 BIBLIOGRAPHY ................................................ 292 VITA ....................................................... 315 vi ABSTRACT Since the Nationalist Party gained political control in South Africa in 19^8, the South African government has been criticized for its policy of apartheid (or separate development) by nearly every country in the world. Many countries have endorsed the use of economic sanctions or other measures against South Africa. Except for implementing an arms embargo, the United States has opposed the use of collective measures to bring about change in South Africa. It is the purpose of this study to develop the reasons why some Americans in the 1960s came to believe that the United States should take strong action against South Africa, to discuss the views of other Americans who opposed such actions, and to examine various factors affecting American views on South Africa. Source material for this study in­ cluded news magazines, journals of opinion and reportage, newspapers, books, Congressional hearings, brochures and pamphlets of organizations both hostile and favorable to South Africa, publications of the South African government, and personal interviews. After an introduction which suggests
Recommended publications
  • 200 1. Voortrekkers Were Groups of Nineteenth- Century Afrikaners Who
    Notes 1. Voortrekkers were groups of nineteenth- century Afrikaners who migrated north from the Cape colony into the South African interior to escape British rule. 2. ‘Township’ is the name given by colonial and later apartheid authorities to underdeveloped, badly resourced urban living areas, usually on the outskirts of white towns and cities, which were set aside for the black workforce. 3. See, for example, Liz Gunner on Zulu radio drama since 1941 (2000), David Coplan on township music and theatre (1985) and Isabel Hofmeyr on the long- established Afrikaans magazine Huisgenoot (1987). 4. In 1984 the NP launched what it called a ‘tricameral’ parliament, a flawed and divisive attempt at reforming the political system. After a referendum among white voters it gave limited political representation to people classi- fied as coloured and Indian, although black South Africans remained com- pletely excluded. Opposition to the system came from both the left and right and voting rates among non- whites remained extremely low, in a show of disapproval of what many viewed as puppet MPs. 5. The State of Emergency was declared in 1985 in 36 magisterial districts. It was extended across the whole country in 1986 and given an extra year to run in 1989. New measures brought in included the notorious 90- day law, in which suspects could be held without trial for 90 days, after which many were released and then re- arrested as they left the prison. 6. According to André Brink, ‘The widespread notion of “traditional Afrikaner unity” is based on a false reading of history: strife and division within Afrikanerdom has been much more in evidence than unity during the first three centuries of white South African history’ (1983, 17).
    [Show full text]
  • The Gordian Knot: Apartheid & the Unmaking of the Liberal World Order, 1960-1970
    THE GORDIAN KNOT: APARTHEID & THE UNMAKING OF THE LIBERAL WORLD ORDER, 1960-1970 DISSERTATION Presented in Partial Fulfillment for the Degree Doctor of Philosophy in the Graduate School of the Ohio State University By Ryan Irwin, B.A., M.A. History ***** The Ohio State University 2010 Dissertation Committee: Professor Peter Hahn Professor Robert McMahon Professor Kevin Boyle Professor Martha van Wyk © 2010 by Ryan Irwin All rights reserved. ABSTRACT This dissertation examines the apartheid debate from an international perspective. Positioned at the methodological intersection of intellectual and diplomatic history, it examines how, where, and why African nationalists, Afrikaner nationalists, and American liberals contested South Africa’s place in the global community in the 1960s. It uses this fight to explore the contradictions of international politics in the decade after second-wave decolonization. The apartheid debate was never at the center of global affairs in this period, but it rallied international opinions in ways that attached particular meanings to concepts of development, order, justice, and freedom. As such, the debate about South Africa provides a microcosm of the larger postcolonial moment, exposing the deep-seated differences between politicians and policymakers in the First and Third Worlds, as well as the paradoxical nature of change in the late twentieth century. This dissertation tells three interlocking stories. First, it charts the rise and fall of African nationalism. For a brief yet important moment in the early and mid-1960s, African nationalists felt genuinely that they could remake global norms in Africa’s image and abolish the ideology of white supremacy through U.N.
    [Show full text]
  • Restricting Hate Speech Against Private Figures: Lessons in Power-Based Censorship from Defamation Law Victor C
    Penn State Law eLibrary Journal Articles Faculty Works 2001 Restricting Hate Speech against Private Figures: Lessons in Power-Based Censorship from Defamation Law Victor C. Romero Penn State Law Follow this and additional works at: http://elibrary.law.psu.edu/fac_works Part of the Civil Rights and Discrimination Commons, Constitutional Law Commons, First Amendment Commons, and the Law and Race Commons Recommended Citation Victor C. Romero, Restricting Hate Speech against Private Figures: Lessons in Power-Based Censorship from Defamation Law, 33 Colum. Hum. Rts. L. Rev. 1 (2001). This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the Faculty Works at Penn State Law eLibrary. It has been accepted for inclusion in Journal Articles by an authorized administrator of Penn State Law eLibrary. For more information, please contact [email protected]. RESTRICTING HATE SPEECH AGAINST "PRIVATE FIGURES": LESSONS IN POWER-BASED CENSORSHIP FROM DEFAMATION LAW by Victor C. Romero* I. THE PROBLEM: THE GROWING, SEAMLESS WEB OF HATE Last fall, the quiet town of Carlisle, Pennsylvania was the scene of a Ku Klux Klan (Klan) rally.! Although the Klan is now but a shadow of its former self,2 the prospect of a Klan rally in the * Professor of Law, The Pennsylvania State University, Dickinson School of Law. E-mail: <[email protected]>. An earlier version of this Article was presented at the Mid-Atlantic People of Color Legal Scholarship Conference in February 2001. Thanks to Marina Angel, David Brennen, Jim Gilchrist, Phoebe Haddon, Christine Jones, Charles Pouncy, Carla Pratt, and Frank Valdes for their thoughtful comments which have greatly improved this piece; Matt Hughson, Gwenn McCollum, and Raphael Sanchez for their expert research assistance; and most of all, my wife, Corie, and my son, Ryan, as well as my family in the Philippines for their constant love and support of this and many other projects.
    [Show full text]
  • Advancing Transformative Justice? a Case Study of a Trade Union, Social Movement and NGO Network in South Africa
    Advancing transformative justice? A case study of a trade union, social movement and NGO network in South Africa Matthew Hamilton Evans PhD University of York Politics October 2013 Abstract Transitional justice mechanisms have largely focused upon individual violations of a narrow set of civil and political rights and the provision of legal and quasi-legal remedies, typically truth commissions, amnesties and prosecutions. In contrast, this thesis highlights the significance of structural violence in producing and reproducing violations of socio-economic rights. The thesis argues that there is a need to utilise a different toolkit, and a different understanding of human rights, to that typically employed in transitional justice in order to remedy structural violations of human rights such as these. A critique of the scope of existing models of transitional justice is put forward and the thesis sets out a definition of transformative justice as expanding upon and providing an alternative to the transitional justice mechanisms typically employed in post-conflict and post-authoritarian contexts. Focusing on a case study of a network of social movements, nongovernmental organisations and trade unions working on land and housing rights in South Africa, the thesis asks whether networks of this kind can advance transformative justice. In answering this question the thesis draws upon the idea of political responsibility as a means of analysing and assessing network action. The existing literature on political responsibilities and transnational advocacy networks is interrogated and adapted to the largely domestic case study network. Based on empirical research on the case study network and an analysis of its political responsibilities the thesis finds that networks of this kind can contribute to transformative justice.
    [Show full text]
  • The Role and Application of the Union Defence Force in the Suppression of Internal Unrest, 1912 - 1945
    THE ROLE AND APPLICATION OF THE UNION DEFENCE FORCE IN THE SUPPRESSION OF INTERNAL UNREST, 1912 - 1945 Andries Marius Fokkens Thesis presented in partial fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Military Science (Military History) at the Military Academy, Saldanha, Faculty of Military Science, Stellenbosch University. Supervisor: Lieutenant Colonel (Prof.) G.E. Visser Co-supervisor: Dr. W.P. Visser Date of Submission: September 2006 ii Declaration I, the undersigned, hereby declare that the work contained in this thesis is my own original work and that I have not previously submitted it, in its entirety or in part, to any university for a degree. Signature:…………………….. Date:………………………….. iii ABSTRACT The use of military force to suppress internal unrest has been an integral part of South African history. The European colonisation of South Africa from 1652 was facilitated by the use of force. Boer commandos and British military regiments and volunteer units enforced the peace in outlying areas and fought against the indigenous population as did other colonial powers such as France in North Africa and Germany in German South West Africa, to name but a few. The period 1912 to 1945 is no exception, but with the difference that military force was used to suppress uprisings of white citizens as well. White industrial workers experienced this military suppression in 1907, 1913, 1914 and 1922 when they went on strike. Job insecurity and wages were the main causes of the strikes and militant actions from the strikers forced the government to use military force when the police failed to maintain law and order.
    [Show full text]
  • Critical Perspectives on Southern Africa
    critical perspectives on Southern Africa EDITORS: Bill Freund, Gerhard Mar6, Mike Morris (University of Natal), John Daniel, Vishnu Padayachee (University of Durban-Westville) CORRESPONDING EDITORS: Colin Bundy (University of the Western-Cape), Stephen Gelb, Shireen Hassim (Univer- sity of Durban-Westville), Peter Hudson, Debbie Posel (University of the Wit- watersrand), David Kaplan, Dave Lewis, Mary Simons (University of Cape Town), Francie Lund, Nic Amin (University of Natal), Mala Singh (CSD). INTERNATIONAL ASSOCIATE EDITORS: Henry Bernstein (SOAS, University of London), Gillian Hart (University of Califor- nia, Berkeley), Mahmood Mamdani (Centre of Basic Research, Kampala), Martin Murray (SUNY Binghamton), Dan O'Meara (University de Quebec a Montreal), Terence Ranger (University of Oxford), John Saul (York University), Elling N Tj0nneland (Christian Michelsen Institute, Norway), Gavin Williams (University of Oxford). LAYOUT BY: Rob Evans PUBLICATION GUIDELINES: We ask contributors to submit two (2) typed copies, following the format (on such issues as references and notes) of articles in this issue of TRANSFORMATION. Whilst the journal will cater for work at any level of abstraction, or detail, a number of criteria will guide the editors in selection of material for inclusion. Articles should aim for academic rigour but also clarify the political implications of the issues discussed. We are concerned not to compete with other South African journals that may cover related ground but in different ways - this will govern our selection principles. All articles will be assessed anonymously by the referees. Contributions should preferably not exceed the following lengths: Analytical articles: 7 000 words Debates and review articles: 3 000 words The views expressed in TRANSFORMATION do not necessarily reflect those of the editors.
    [Show full text]
  • Struggle for Liberation in South Africa and International Solidarity A
    STRUGGLE FOR LIBERATION IN SOUTH AFRICA AND INTERNATIONAL SOLIDARITY A Selection of Papers Published by the United Nations Centre against Apartheid Edited by E. S. Reddy Senior Fellow, United Nations Institute for Training and Research STERLING PUBLISHERS PRIVATE LIMITED NEW DELHI 1992 INTRODUCTION One of the essential contributions of the United Nations in the international campaign against apartheid in South Africa has been the preparation and dissemination of objective information on the inhumanity of apartheid, the long struggle of the oppressed people for their legitimate rights and the development of the international campaign against apartheid. For this purpose, the United Nations established a Unit on Apartheid in 1967, renamed Centre against Apartheid in 1976. I have had the privilege of directing the Unit and the Centre until my retirement from the United Nations Secretariat at the beginning of 1985. The Unit on Apartheid and the Centre against Apartheid obtained papers from leaders of the liberation movement and scholars, as well as eminent public figures associated with the international anti-apartheid movements. A selection of these papers are reproduced in this volume, especially those dealing with episodes in the struggle for liberation; the role of women, students, churches and the anti-apartheid movements in the resistance to racism; and the wider significance of the struggle in South Africa. I hope that these papers will be of value to scholars interested in the history of the liberation movement in South Africa and the evolution of United Nations as a force against racism. The papers were prepared at various times, mostly by leaders and active participants in the struggle, and should be seen in their context.
    [Show full text]
  • THE AFRICA FUND(Associated with the American Committee on Africa) 198 Broadway, New York, New York 10038 Tel (212) 962-1210
    THE AFRICA FUND(associated with the American Committee on Africa) 198 Broadway, New York, New York 10038 Tel (212) 962-1210 CONTACT: Paul Irish U.S. Coal-to-Oil Technology to Go to South Africa New York, N.Y. September 17, 1979 ........ At a time of energy crisis, a U.S. corporation has a billion dollar contract to provide critical coal-to-oil technology to a country whose policies our government describes as "abhorrent". The South African government's Coal, Oil and Gas Corporation (SASOL) has contracted with the Fluor corporation of Los Angeles for $4.2 billion to oversee construction of two coal-to-oil conversion plants. Research by The Africa Fund, a non-profit group in New York, charges that Fluor's contract is "lending direct support to apartheid", South Africa's racial policies of white minority rule. "Oil is the one key resource which South Africa does not possess" the report notes. This alarming state of affairs for the white minority government was exacerbated by the decision of the new Iranian government to adhere to oil sanctions against South Africa. Iran formerly supplied 90% of South Africa's requirements. The Fluor Corporation is the major contractor overseeing construction of the largest and most expensive project ever undertaken by South Africa. By 1982, SASOL plants are expected to account for 35% of the country's oil production. Fluor lobbied heavily a few years ago to receive U.S. government credits to help finance the project. These were rejected in a high level decision in June 1976 following the Soweto rebellion where hundreds of African schoolchildren were shot by South African police.
    [Show full text]
  • School Leadership Under Apartheid South Africa As Portrayed in the Apartheid Archive Projectand Interpreted Through Freirean Education
    University of Montana ScholarWorks at University of Montana Graduate Student Theses, Dissertations, & Professional Papers Graduate School 2021 SCHOOL LEADERSHIP UNDER APARTHEID SOUTH AFRICA AS PORTRAYED IN THE APARTHEID ARCHIVE PROJECTAND INTERPRETED THROUGH FREIREAN EDUCATION Kevin Bruce Deitle University of Montana, Missoula Follow this and additional works at: https://scholarworks.umt.edu/etd Let us know how access to this document benefits ou.y Recommended Citation Deitle, Kevin Bruce, "SCHOOL LEADERSHIP UNDER APARTHEID SOUTH AFRICA AS PORTRAYED IN THE APARTHEID ARCHIVE PROJECTAND INTERPRETED THROUGH FREIREAN EDUCATION" (2021). Graduate Student Theses, Dissertations, & Professional Papers. 11696. https://scholarworks.umt.edu/etd/11696 This Dissertation is brought to you for free and open access by the Graduate School at ScholarWorks at University of Montana. It has been accepted for inclusion in Graduate Student Theses, Dissertations, & Professional Papers by an authorized administrator of ScholarWorks at University of Montana. For more information, please contact [email protected]. SCHOOL LEADERSHIP UNDER APARTHEID SCHOOL LEADERSHIP UNDER APARTHEID SOUTH AFRICA AS PORTRAYED IN THE APARTHEID ARCHIVE PROJECT AND INTERPRETED THROUGH FREIREAN EDUCATION By KEVIN BRUCE DEITLE Dissertation presented in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in International Educational Leadership The University of Montana Missoula, Montana March 2021 Approved by: Dr. Ashby Kinch, Dean of the Graduate School
    [Show full text]
  • 4 Annual Report on Black/Jewish Relations in the United States in 1999
    4th Annual Report on Black/Jewish Relations in the United States in 1999 · Cooperation · Conflict · Human Interest · Shared Experiences Foreword by Hugh Price, President, The National Urban League Introduction by Rabbi Marc Schneier, President, The Foundation For Ethnic Understanding 1 The Foundation for Ethnic Understanding 1 East 93rd Street, Suite 1C, New York, New York 10128 Tel. (917) 492-2538 Fax (917) 492-2560 www.ffeu.org Rabbi Marc Schneier, President Joseph Papp, Founding Chairman Darwin N. Davis, Vice President Stephanie Shnay, Secretary Edward Yardeni, Treasurer Robert J. Cyruli, Counsel Lawrence D. Kopp, Executive Director Meredith A. Flug, Deputy Executive Director Dr. Philip Freedman, Director Of Research Tamika N. Edwards, Researcher The Foundation for Ethnic Understanding began in 1989 as a dream of Rabbi Marc Schneier and the late Joseph Papp committed to the belief that direct, face- to-face dialogue between ethnic communities is the most effective path towards the reduction of bigotry and the promotion of reconciliation and understanding. Research and publication of the 4th Annual Report on Black/Jewish Relations in the United States was made possible by a generous grant from Philip Morris Companies. 2 FOREWORD BY HUGH PRICE PRESIDENT OF THE NATIONAL URBAN LEAGUE I am honored to have once again been invited to provide a foreword for The Foundation for Ethnic Understanding's 4th Annual "Report on Black/Jewish Relations in the United States. Much has happened during 1999 and this year's comprehensive study certainly attests to that fact. I was extremely pleased to learn that a new category “Shared Experiences” has been added to the Report.
    [Show full text]
  • "DEADLY MEDICINE: Creating the Master Race"
    TAMÁSTSLIKT CULTURAL INSTITUTE "DEADLY MEDICINE: Creating the Master Race" Pendleton, Oregon For immediate release The United States Holocaust Memorial Museum’s traveling exhibition Deadly Medicine: Creating the Master Race examines how the Nazi leadership, in collaboration with individuals in professions traditionally charged with healing and the public good, used science to help legitimize persecution, murder, and ultimately, genocide. The exhibition opens at Tamástslikt Cultural Institute on November 11, 2016 and will be on display through January 7, 2017. Opening day is free to the public. “Deadly Medicine explores the Holocaust’s roots in then-contemporary scientific and pseudo-scientific thought,” explains exhibition curator Susan Bachrach. “At the same time, it touches on complex ethical issues we face today, such as how societies acquire and use scientific knowledge and how they balance the rights of the individual with the needs of the larger community.” Eugenics theory sprang from turn-of-the-20th-century scientific beliefs asserting that Charles Darwin’s theories of “survival of the fittest” could be applied to humans. Supporters, spanning the globe and political spectrum, believed that through careful controls on marriage and reproduction, a nation’s genetic health could be improved. The Nazi regime was founded on the conviction that “inferior” races, including the so- called Jewish race, and individuals had to be eliminated from German society so that the fittest “Aryans” could thrive. The Nazi state fully committed itself to implementing a uniquely racist and antisemitic variation of eugenics to “scientifically” build what it considered to be a “superior race.” By the end of World War II, six million Jews had been murdered.
    [Show full text]
  • Black Power, Black Consciousness, and South Africa's Armed Struggle
    Binghamton University The Open Repository @ Binghamton (The ORB) Graduate Dissertations and Theses Dissertations, Theses and Capstones 6-2018 UNCOVERING HIDDEN FRONTS OF AFRICA’S LIBERATION STRUGGLE: BLACK POWER, BLACK CONSCIOUSNESS, AND SOUTH AFRICA’S ARMED STRUGGLE, 1967-1985 Toivo Tukongeni Paul Wilson Asheeke Binghamton University--SUNY, [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: https://orb.binghamton.edu/dissertation_and_theses Part of the Sociology Commons Recommended Citation Asheeke, Toivo Tukongeni Paul Wilson, "UNCOVERING HIDDEN FRONTS OF AFRICA’S LIBERATION STRUGGLE: BLACK POWER, BLACK CONSCIOUSNESS, AND SOUTH AFRICA’S ARMED STRUGGLE, 1967-1985" (2018). Graduate Dissertations and Theses. 78. https://orb.binghamton.edu/dissertation_and_theses/78 This Dissertation is brought to you for free and open access by the Dissertations, Theses and Capstones at The Open Repository @ Binghamton (The ORB). It has been accepted for inclusion in Graduate Dissertations and Theses by an authorized administrator of The Open Repository @ Binghamton (The ORB). For more information, please contact [email protected]. UNCOVERING HIDDEN FRONTS OF AFRICA’S LIBERATION STRUGGLE: BLACK POWER, BLACK CONSCIOUSNESS, AND SOUTH AFRICA’S ARMED STRUGGLE, 1967-1985 BY TOIVO TUKONGENI PAUL WILSON ASHEEKE BA, Earlham College, 2010 MA, Binghamton University, 2014 DISSERTATION Submitted in partial fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in Sociology in the Graduate School of Binghamton University State University of New
    [Show full text]