An Overview of the Research on the Dark Figure of Crime in Germany

SIAK-Journal – Journal for Police Science and Practice

Haverkamp, Rita (2020):

An Overview of the Research on the Dark Figure of Crime in Germany. Concept, methods and development

SIAK-Journal − Journal for Police Science and Practice (International Edition Vol. 10), 39-53. doi: 10.7396/IE_2020_D

Please cite this articel as follows:

Haverkamp, Rita (2020). An Overview of the Research on the Dark Figure of Crime in Germany. Concept, methods and development, SIAK-Journal − Journal for Police Science and Practice (International Edition Vol. 10), 39-53, Online: http://dx.doi.org/10.7396/IE_2020_D.

Note: A hard copy of the article is available through the printed version of the SIAK-Journal published by NWV (http://nwv.at). published online: 9/2020 2020 .SIAK-INTERNATIONAL EDITION

An Overview of the Research on the Dark Figure of Crime in Germany Concept, methods and development

Crime registered by the police describes only part of the crime actually committed. In order to illuminate the dark fgure, which varies from offence to offence, studies are carried out in criminology on victimisation experiences and self-reported delinquency in addition to the data on the known fgure. This article deals with the research on the dark fgure of crime in Germany. Particular attention is given to the different aspects of the dark fgure, the objectives and the related different methodical approaches as well as the problems of the survey techniques in the context of the research on the dark fgure. The main purpose of this article is to provide an overview of the development and the knowledge gained by the German research on the dark fgure from its beginnings in the 1970s to the present day. In this context, the problem of comparing the data on the dark RITA HAVERKAMP, fgure with the data on the known fgure and fnally the perspectives of the research on Endowed Professor for Crime Prevention and Risk Management the dark fgure in Germany will also be discussed. at the Eberhard Karls University of Tbingen.

1. INTRODUCTION derived from it persisted and was only in- Police crime statistics do not refect the validated in the middle of the 20th century actual volume of crime, but instead, they by the emerging Anglo-American research only refect an extract/part of it in the form on the dark fgure. Since then, the dark fg- of annual progress reports of the police.1 ure has been regarded as the “great crux of The term “known fgure” relates to crimes crime statistics” (Exner 1949, 15). known and registered by law enforcement This article focuses on the research on institutions. Unreported offences are part the dark fgure of crime in Germany. First, of the so-called “dark fgure” of crime.2 the article deals with the concept of the The beginnings of recording criminal dark fgure, the objectives of the research statistics date back to the frst half of the on the dark fgure and the common reper- 19th century. Although the dark fgure was toire of methods. Then, the various metho- not completely disregarded outside the dological diffculties of the research on the offcial crime and judicial statistics, it was dark fgure are discussed. Afterwards, the irrelevant because the infuential founder of focus lies on giving an overview of the modern social statistics, Adolphe Quetelet, studies on the dark fgure and their most in particular, assumed little difference important fndings. Within this, the begin- between registered and unregistered crime nings and developments to the present day across all offences (Quetelet 1921, 253). of the dark fgure will be portrayed. This is The “constant ratio law” (Wadler 1908, 15) followed by a presentation of the metho-

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dological problems involved in comparing tected by police monitoring activities (“of- the data on the dark fgure data and the fence of low reportability”) are exclud- data on the known fgure of police crime ed because these crimes do not involve statistics (PKS). In the conclusion of this victims (“victimless” crimes) and their article, the perspectives of research on the intensity of prosecution depends on the dark fgure in Germany are of particular resources and focus of policy and police interest. management (Birkel et al. 2015, 44–45).5 Accordingly, studies on the dark fgure, 2. CONCEPT OF THE DARK exactly like crime statistics, cover only FIGURE, OBJECTIVES AND an extract of the “reality of crime” (Heinz METHODS OF THE RESEARCH 2006, 243–244; Mischkowitz 2015, 36).6 ON THE DARK FIGURE This extract overlaps with the known fgure, According to a standard defnition, the dark reveals the relative dark fgure of the of- fgure of crime includes all offences that fences surveyed and, in part, lags behind have actually been committed but have not the crime statistics due to its necessary been brought to the attention of the pros- limitation to the survey of relatively minor ecution authorities (police and judiciary) offences7 and sub-areas. Due to these limi- and have subsequently not been included tations, the original objective of the re- in official crime statistics (cf. Kreuzer searchers of the dark fgure – the statistical 1994, 10; Schneider 2007, 294). A distinc- clarification of the dark figure (“crime tion is usually made between the relative survey”) – receded into the background and the absolute dark fgure (Bundeskrimi- (Heinz 2006, 245). It is currently acknowl- nalamt 2018, 6). The relative dark fgure edged that continuous and nationally rep- also includes actions evaluated as criminal resentative studies on the dark fgure are a by respondents, which are brought to light “necessary and indispensable complement by research on the dark fgure and by its to offcial crime statistics” (ibid., 263). The various methods (Prätor 2014, 32). In this gain in knowledge goes beyond the prob- way, the undetected offender reveals him lematic comparability with the data on the or herself – although anonymously – in an known fgure (further details under sec- offender survey. In a victim or informant tion 5) by providing insights into the sensi- survey, the same applies to a victim, a tivities of victims and offenders that would witness or accomplice who originally re- otherwise not be available (ibid., 245). frained from fling a report.3 The absolute Methodologically, surveys with victims, or double dark fgure relates to offences offenders and/or informants are mainly that remain in the dark figure because used in studies on the dark fgure as they those involved do not perceive the behav- provide more insights into the extent and iour they have experienced as criminal structure of the dark fgure (Praetor 2014, acts, or because they do not remember it, 41). Offender surveys – usually in combi- or because they do not wish to disclose nation with questions on victimisation – it to the police or researchers of the dark primarily address young people and stu- fgure (Kunz 2008, 18; Prätor 2014, 32).4 dents, as they are easier to reach and more Studies on the dark fgure do not only willing to provide information about their deal with the data collection of offences delinquency, including violent crime, that remain undetected, but also of crimes than adults (Heinz 2006, 247). Neverthe- recorded by the police (Prätor 2014, 32 ff). less, there have recently been promising In victim surveys, however, the crimes de- approaches to explore the delinquency of

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older people in more detail (Kunz 2014). 3. METHODOLOGICAL PROB- Informant surveys come into question if the LEMS OF DATA COLLECTION direct target groups, such as those in need TECHNIQUES of care, are only accessible to a limited ex- The design and conduct of surveys have tent and nursing staff are questioned about a number of pitfalls that can affect the re- the (observed) victimisation of this clien- quired reliability and validity of the respec- tele (Grgen/Rabold 2009). In Germany, tive study on the dark fgure. The fndings regional cross-sectional surveys that as- on the extent of crime are reliable if the sess the extent of victimisation or perpe- same results are obtained in several studies tration and the volume of crime at a certain with the same measuring instrument point in time are particularly widespread. (Tausendpfund 2018, 126). Another qual- Ideally, (representative) longitudinal sur- ity criterion concerns the validity of a veys with several measuring periods are measurement, i.e. whether something that used to determine the developments and should be measured has been measured changes in the emergence of various forms (ibid., 129). Problems of validity in the of crime, the willingness of the population research on the dark figure in Germany to report various crimes and the shifts in only attracted attention in the early 1990s the known fgure and the dark fgure and (Kury et al. 1992, 23). Since then, the tech- the connections between cause and effect niques of the data collection and evalua- (Praetor 2014, 41). Longitudinal studies tion tools and the validity of the data have are divided into trend and panel studies. been improved (Mischkowitz 2015, 38 ff). (Tausendpfund 2018, 48). While different The following section deals with various samples are interviewed in the most com- mode effects that diminish the reliability and monly used trend studies to track changes validity of the studies on the dark fgure. at the aggregate level, the sample remains the same in the few panel studies to track 3.1 Different mode effects individual changes (ibid.). Examples of a According to the broad defnition, mode trend study include the student surveys of effects are not only limited to the way in the Criminal Research Institute of Lower which data is generated during a survey Saxony [Kriminologisches Forschungsin- (face-to-face, written-postal, telephone, stitut Niedersachsen, KFN] (Baier et al. online), but extend to the entire survey 2009; Baier et al. 2006; Wetzels et al. process (questionnaire construction, sam- 2001) and recently the representative resi- pling frame, sample design, contacting dent surveys in Lower Saxony by the Pro- and recruitment of respondents) (Kury et vincial Criminal Investigation Department al. 2015, 80). Common sources of error [Landeskriminalamt, LKA] of Lower include defects in the sampling (coverage Saxony (LKA Niedersachsen 2013; LKA sampling error), systematic nonresponse Niedersachsen 2015; LKA Niedersachsen errors and mode-related defcits (Groves et 2017). In the project “Crime in the modern al. 2009, 54 ff). city” (CRIMOC), a panel study was carried During the sampling procedure, the cov- out based on a sample of young people in erage problem is ubiquitous, because parts Duisburg and Mnster (Boers et al. 2010). of the population with an increased risk of victimisation often tend to be excluded. These include homeless people, nursing home residents and prison inmates. Distor- tions vary according to the data collection

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method. Telephone surveys tend to exclude As can be seen from the previous sec- young people without a fixed telephone tions, the type of survey method used plays connection unless a mobile phone selection a role. Despite their weaknesses, telephone (Mobile Onlys) is carried out, as in the na- surveys are still very widespread as an inex- tionwide victimisation survey 2012 (Birkel/ pensive and quickly implemented variant, Guzy 2015a, 120). In the survey, the ques- especially since the survey – especially tionnaire was also translated into Rus- in computer-assisted procedures (CATI = sian and Turkish and the immigrants were Computer Assisted Telephone Interview) – selected by means of an onomastic sample is highly standardised and questions can (fndings based on proper names) in order be directed to the interviewer in case of to achieve the desired representation (ibid.). unclear formulations (Kury et al. 2015, In a survey of older people about their 88). Nevertheless, the willingness to re- delinquency, repeated contacting helped to veal victim experiences of sensitive of- persuade underrepresented groups (younger fences, such as sexual crimes, is lower than people, people from rural areas and people with self-administered postal or online of lower social status) to answer the ques- surveys, since shame dominates in inter- tionnaire (Kunz 2010, 140 ff). viewer-administered (telephone and per- The decreasing response rates, espe- sonal) surveys (Guzy/Leitgb 2015, 110). cially for telephone and written surveys, The advantages of postal surveys are the have been associated with a certain “sur- good sampling frame (sampling from the vey fatigue” in recent years as a result of residences’ registration offces), so that the the growing number of surveys (Kury et sampling frame and the relevant popula- al. 2015, 84; Schnell/Noack 2015, 52 ff). tion (coverage) match; moreover, the lack Surveys addressing a specifc group of the of time pressure may make it easier to remem- population, such as victims of burglary ber minor offences (Kury et al. 2015, 90). (Wollinger et al. 2014), are more effective Disadvantages include the high refusal than surveys addressing the general popu- rate in the response rate and the omission lation (Kunz 2010, 132). Postal surveys of questions or items8, the questions that sometimes include an additional fve euro were incorrectly answered, not answered as an “allowance” (incentive) in addition or misunderstood as a result of complex to the follow-up (ibid., 135 ff). The filtering and the long survey and data appearance of the interviewers may have preparation phase; last but not least, the an infuence on personal interviews, and question arises as to whether the respon- the gender and language of the interviewer dent addressed completed the question- may also have an infuence on telephone naire (Kury et al. 2015, 90 ff). The response surveys (Schnell/Noack 2015, 51). Al- rates for personal interviews are regu- though it is now acknowledged that low larly high and the information density – response rates do not necessarily impair apart from sensitive offences – is high in the quality of the survey, the represen- view of the longer duration of the survey tivity of the results should be checked (ibid.). At the same time, interview-related by the potential different composition of cluster effects9 occur to a greater extent in respondents and non-respondents (Kury et questions relating to victimisation (ibid.). al. 2015, 85) and any obvious under-rep- Method tests show “no clear systematic resentations should be subsequently cor- differences” (Kilias 2015, 116) between rected by weighting procedures (Schnell/ the survey methods presented, therefore, a Noack 2015, 60 ff). mix of postal and telephone survey meth-

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ods is recommended (ibid., 118). Online (Birkel 2014, 76; Prätor 2014, 52). A res- surveys have recently become an inexpen- pondent may tick a box representing “theft” sive and more anonymous method to reach even though his or her evaluation does young respondents better (ibid., 116). not correspond to the criminal law defnition in the questionnaire and/or is below 3.2 Specific mode effects in question- the threshold of criminal liability (Heinz naire design 2006, 262). In order to counter this prob- Questionnaire design must take into ac- lem, some interviewer-administered sur- count the respondents’ different horizons veys employ trained coders to defne the of meaning, because socio-demographic criminal law classifcation of the incident and socio-cultural differences lead to dif- described (e.g. Bochum victim surveys; ferent attributions of meanings of question Schwind et al. 2001, 20 ff). In any case, texts among respondents on the one hand, the ramifcations of the various offences and differences in interpretation with re- (e.g. offences, qualifcations, rule exam- gard to linguistic expressions on the other ples) require the restriction to individual (Faulbaum 2015, 160 ff; Heinz 2015, 276). areas of the entire spectrum of offences Respondents have, in particular, problems and a cognitively simple description with inaccurate, diffcult or even contra- in everyday language of the offence in dictory instructions. These diffculties con- question, especially in self-administered tinue when the question is too long, com- surveys (Birkel/Guzy 2015b, 137). An plicated or grammatically incorrect; the example of a question formulation on use of technical terms that respondents do domestic burglary stems from the tele- not know and the use of ambiguous or un- phone survey of the victimisation survey defned periods of victimisation constitute 2012: “Has anyone broken into your fat excessive demands for respondents (Faul- in the past fve years, e.g. using a crowbar, baum 2015, 173). Other sources of error duplicate key or breaking in through the include an illogical order and response windows, and stolen or tried to steal some- categories if they do not ft the question, thing? This does not include burglaries in if they are ambiguous, if they overlap with cellars, attics, garages, garden sheds or other response categories, or if the neces- arbours” (ibid., 138). sary response categories are simply miss- Another neuralgic aspect is the arrange- ing (ibid., 174). ment of questions in the questionnaire or A methodological challenge lies in the in a set/section of questions (context or operationalisation of concepts and the for- sequence effects) (Kury et al. 2015, 85). mulation of questions (Birkel/Guzy 2015b, If questions about victim experience bring 135). In particular, the correct translation back the memory of it, this may affect the of criminal law defnitions into everyday responses to subsequent questions on the language descriptions causes problems if a attitude towards crime (Faulbaum 2015, criminal-law-oriented approach is taken to 169). In addition, it is recommended to ask accurately illuminate the dark fgure (ibid.; screening questions on victim incidents in van Dijk/de Castelbajac 2015, 14). An ori- blocks at the beginning of the question- entation that is too close to everyday life naire in order to prevent the respondent may cause an unintentional incongruence from realising that affirmative answers of everyday ideas and penal provisions trigger many inquiries (ibid.). Another due to the complexity of criminal law piece of advice relates to the ranking of definitions and the structure of offences petty property offences because of over-

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lapping defnitions of offences: burglary mated, because the willingness to reveal should come frst, then special petty prop- victimisation seems to be higher among erty offences such as car and bicycle theft female interviewers than among male ones and fnally other theft offences (ibid.). (ibid., 194). Apart from violence in the immediate social environment, where an 3.3 Specific mode effects in response underestimation of victimisation rates was behaviour found, generally valid fndings regarding Self-reported delinquency and victimisa- the victims’ socially desirable responses tion often result in systematic distortions can hardly be made in surveys (Kilchling of responses which are due in particular to 2010, 44). social desirability and stem from the under- Forgetfulness or the so-called telescop- and overestimation (under-, overresponse) ing effect relates to the inaccurate ability of prevalence (Waubert de Puiseau et al. of respondents to remember. The respon- 2015, 187). Social desirability is under- dent then remembers victimisation events stood as a tendency “to present oneself as that are closer in time to the interview positively as possible and to do justice to date (forward telescoping) or those that existing social norms, at least in response are further away (external telescoping) behaviour, in order to prevent any poten- (Faulbaum 2015, 165). As a result, these tial disapproval by third parties” (ibid., incidents are erroneously excluded from 189). This tendency can be observed all the the reference period (external telescoping) more in sensitive questions on serious and or included in it (internal telescoping), socially taboo crimes (Prätor 2014, 49). which applies in particular to more serious In the context of offender surveys, fear of offences that are easily remembered and criminal prosecution also plays a role in which subsequently lead to an overestima- the concealment of crimes (ibid.), although tion of the offences involved (ibid.; Prätor in a couple’s study on domestic violence, 2014, 55 ff). Since these memory faws victims systematically reported fewer as- increase over time, relatively short refer- saults and their severity than the offenders ence periods are chosen for surveys: one interviewed (Heckert/Gondolf 2000, 181). reference period (one-year prevalence), In a pupil survey in Freiburg, an external two reference periods (lifetime or fve-year validation of the statements on their own prevalence and one-year prevalence) or a delinquency and on their police contacts reference period in relation to an anchor with police registrations was carried out, (since Christmas) (Faulbaum 2015, 165; according to which the respondents had Prätor 2014, 56). given correct answers (Kllisch/Oberwittler Finally, it should be stressed that the 2004, 716). In victim surveys, social desir- description of mode effects is by no means ability may have two effects. On the one exhaustive and that it is a subjectively tinted hand, the victim may hope to receive vic- selection from a large number of measur- tim support through his or her disclosure ing errors (cf. Heinz 2006, 263; Kury et al. (overestimation as a consequence) and 2015, 85–87; Prätor 2014, 56–57). on the other hand, the victim may remain silent out of fear of stigmatisation (under- 4. DEVELOPMENT OF THE RE- estimation as a consequence) (Waubert de SEARCH ON THE DARK FIGURE Puiseau 2015, 191). In the case of sexual The earliest beginnings of research on the victimisation, the importance of the inter- dark fgure in Germany date back to the viewer’s gender should not be underesti- 1940s and thus to the period of National

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Socialism with a study to examine the by a total of 67.6 % (ibid., 345). A com- aforementioned “constancy law of the parison of the studies on the dark fgure in known and dark fgure” (Meyer 1941, 5). Bochum II (1986) and III (1998) shows an But it was not until the 1970s that fndings increase in robberies by 58.5 % and in in- from studies on the dark fgure in the USA tentional bodily harm by 86.4 %, although provided the decisive impetus for conduct- the number of thefts decreased by 16.7 % ing victim and offender surveys in Ger- (ibid.). The relation between the known many (Liebl 2013, 67 ff; Obergfell-Fuchs and the dark fgure was determined with 2015, 63; Prätor 2014, 37). the help of the so-called dark fgure re- lation12 (cf. 5.). The dark fgure relation 4.1 Beginnings in the 1970s remained about the same for simple and The early 1970s marks the beginning of serious theft and decreased for deliberate the research on the dark fgure in Germany bodily injury (ibid., 347). The signifcant (Feldmann-Hahn 2011, 18). This was start- increase in bodily injuries in the known ed by local and regional victim surveys fgure is partly attributed to an increased in the “Stuttgart Victim Study” (Stephan willingness of the victims to report them 1976) in Gttingen (Schwind et al. 1975) (ibid.). However, the fndings cannot claim and Bochum (Schwind et al. 1978) and nationwide representation (Drmann 1988, by surveys of offenders in pupil surveys 403; Heinz 2006, 250). Moreover, the char- in Bielefeld (Brusten/Hurrelmann 1973), acter as a true longitudinal section is called Hamburg (Kreuzer 1975), Nuremberg into question because of the long periods (Lsel 1975), Gießen and Altenkirchen between the measuring points (Obergfell- (Kirchhoff 1975) and students in Gießen Fuchs 2015, 66). (Kreuzer 1999). International victim surveys were conducted for the frst time in 4.2 In the 1990s the 1980s (Teske/Arnold 1991; Arnold/ After the reunification of Germany, the Korinek 1991). growth of municipal crime prevention The “Bochum Victim Survey” (Bochum I) set in (Obergfell-Fuchs 2015, 65). As a in 1975 played a pioneering role with two result, research on the dark fgure spread further replication studies (Bochum II and to large and small municipalities, result- III) in 1986 and 1998.10 The objectives ing in a confusing number of small-scale were to identify changes in crime in the victim studies (ibid.). But progress was known and dark fgure, in reporting behav- also made at national level. In this re- iour, in the expressions of fear of crime and spect, Germany’s frst participation in the in the reputation of the police (Schwind et International Crime and Victimization al. 2001, 342). The selection of offence Survey (ICVS) (van Dijk 1991) in 1989 categories related to theft excluding or was ground-breaking because the interna- including aggravating circumstances, rob- tional study was also the frst representa- beries and intentional bodily harm (ibid.). tive nationwide victim survey (n=5,000). The personal survey sample included 0.5 % Shortly afterwards, another nationwide of the population of Bochum aged 14 and victim survey took place in 1992 (Wetzels over (ibid.).11 The data on the known and et al. 1995) and in 1997 the Constance dark fgure show an increase in the crime Victim Survey (KVS), which both the rate in Bochum. In the reference period Gesellschaft fr Marketing-, Kommunika- from 1975 to 1998, Bochum recorded an tions- und Sozialforschung mbH (GFM/ increase in crime registered by the police GETAS) (n=20,000) and the Sozialwis-

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senschaften-Bus (SWB) III/97 (n=3,000) 4.3 At the beginning of the 21st century implemented in a multi-topic survey More recently, national research on the (Heinz 2006, 252). The different victim dark figure has prospered, although the prevalence rates despite the use of the same promising international victim studies of survey in the same reference period were the ICVS, the ffth (2005) and sixth (2010) explained by failures of hard-to-reach per- rounds of which Germany again partici- sons with a higher victim risk in the poorly pated in, are not being continued (van controlled GFM/GETAS and by inter- Kesteren et al. 2014, 66).13 In Germany, the viewer behaviour. Still, they raised scepti- German Victimisation Survey 2012 (Birkel cism about the validity of such surveys et al. 2014; Birkel et al. 2016) was a na- (Schnell/Kreuter 2000, 96 ff). tionwide representative telephone survey In an East-West comparison, the first (n=35,503) that was repeated between July German-German victim study in the Frei- 2017 and January 2018. In addition, it was burg and Jena regions dates from autumn possible to establish a periodic victim study 1990 (Kury et al. 1992). Some time later, in Lower Saxony (2013: n=18,940; 2015: national victim and offender surveys began n=20,468; 2017: n=18,070) as a postal sur- as part of a cooperation project between vey (LKA Niedersachsen 2015; id. 2016; id. three criminological university institutions 2018). This survey served Schleswig-Hol- in three waves (1991, 1993, 1995) (Boers stein with two surveys in 2015 (n=13,070) et al. 1997); this study is characterised by a and 2017 (n=11,614) (Dreißigacker 2016; uniform methodology and depicts change id. 2018) and Mecklenburg-Western processes in East Germany compared with Pomerania with one survey (n=3,170) in West Germany. After reunification, the 2015 (LKA Mecklenburg-Vorpommern et level of victimisation had already been ad- al. 2017) as a model. justed in both parts of the country by 1991 In addition, more and more victim sur- (Boers 1995, 166). While victim preva- veys were conducted with selected groups lence rates remained largely consistent of people. In 2003, the frst national rep- everywhere until 1993, an increase can resentative victim study involving more be observed in East and West Germany than 10,000 women was carried out, which in 1995, which was somewhat more evi- additionally included samples of detain- dent in the new German states in property ees, migrants and prostitutes and provided offences, especially car theft, fraud and in-depth information on female victimi- threats (ibid.). The victim prevalence rate sation in partnerships and through do- of sexual harassment in the old federal mestic violence as well as information on states is slightly higher than in the new special victimisation risks (Bundesminis- federal states (ibid.). terium fr Familie, Senioren, Frauen und To a greater extent, there was a replica- Jugend 2004). In addition, several studies tion of offender surveys (e.g. Giessen stu- arose focusing on sexual abuse and/or dent surveys). This applies in particular to parental physical violence and abuse in non-representative pupil surveys on the childhood (Häuser et al. 2011; Stadler et prevalence of offenders, especially in the al. 2012; Hellmann 2014). The victimisa- case of violent crimes, according to which tion of older people (Grgen et al. 2012) the increase in youth violence observed and the delinquency of older people (Kunz in the known fgure was lower in the dark 2014) both raised research interest. The fgure (Lsel/Bliesener 2003, 5). focus also shifted to violence against police forces (Ellrich et al. 2012) and the

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victimisation of prisoners (Kury/Branden- tim surveys do not include all the crimi- stein 2002; Bieneck/Pfeiffer 2012). nal offences recorded in the PKS, and thus Local or regional student surveys on do not constitute a subset of the victimi- self-reported delinquency and victimisa- sation data (Heinz 2015, 294). The partial tion continue to boom (e.g. Oberwittler inconsistency is due to differences in the et al. 2001 Freiburg, Cologne; id. 2002 basic populations, the reference periods, Markgräferland; Oberwittler et al. 2014 the recording rules and the calculation Cologne, Mannheim). Since the end of of load factors (Birkel 2014, 90; Heinz the 1990s, a large number of offender 2015, 294). These differences also result and victim surveys conducted by the from the different initial perspectives KFN using similar methods have reached of the actors: while the PKS is a police different pupil populations (Baier 2008 progress report, victim surveys of those Hanover, Munich, Stuttgart, Schwäbisch affected refect delinquency experienced Gmnd; Baier et al. 2010 Saxony-Anhalt); by them (Birkel 2014, 90). Comparability among them is a nationwide representa- is therefore limited to an approximation of tive study on the dark fgure (n=44,610) certain segments of reality from adequately from 2007 to 2008 (Baier et al. 2009). prepared data (Birkel 2014, 90; Heinz Since 2002, the CRIMOC panel study in 2015, 294). Duisburg involving seventh-year students The value of studies on the dark fgure has been continued up to 2019 (Boers et is that they can provide more background al. 2014). The fndings of the KFN study knowledge on the development of the sta- and the panel study on the burden of vio- tistics of known data (Birkel 2014, 91). lence on young people of Turkish origin This applies in particular to the recording and young German people differ. While of changes in the response behaviour. the KFN study found a higher incidence of Only then can it be estimated whether the violence among young people of Turkish increase in a crime, such as criminal as- origin compared with young German sault, is due to an increase in violence or people (Baier/Pfeiffer 2007, 24 ff; Baier an increase in the willingness to report it 2015, 77 ff), the panel study found hardly (Heinz 2015, 295). Estimates can therefore any differences between young people of be made for the relation between the dark Turkish origin and young German people fgure and the known fgure for the offence (Walburg 2014, 12 ff; Walburg 2018, 26 ff). areas concerned if they are comparable (Birkel 2014, 91). Studies on the dark 5. PROBLEM OF COMPARABILITY fgure also make an important contribution WITH THE KNOWN FIGURE to ensuring that the PKS is not equated The comparable measurement of the crime with actual crime (Birkel 2014, 91; Heinz rate by data registered by the police and 2015, 294). However, the establishment of data collected in studies on the dark fgure a periodic, nationwide representative in- poses diffculties (Birkel 2014, 67). Beyond vestigation in the dark fgure is necessary the measuring error problems in the known in order to detect changes in the reporting figure (Kersting/Erdmann 2014, 18 ff) behaviour over time and to improve the and in the dark fgure (cf. 3.2), there is comparability of the data on the dark fgure only partial congruence between the two and the known fgure (Heinz 2015, 294). data sources in the actual known figure intersecting set (Norris 2015, 253 ff). This is because the crime areas surveyed in vic-

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6. CONCLUSION of the Interior of the States (IMK) decid- In Germany, research on the dark fgure ed to introduce a periodic, nationwide has made considerable progress over the representative survey of victims in 2017 past fve decades and is currently experi- (BKA 2019).15 The concept drawn up by encing an upswing. Originally, locally or a federal-state project group is currently regionally limited studies on the dark fg- in the implementation phase. In addition ure dominated, which were not uniform in to nationwide questions on victim experi- their methodology and therefore did not ence, reporting behaviour, feeling of secu- allow cross-sectional comparisons. How- rity, attitudes towards crime, experiences ever, not only general surveys of respond- with the police and attitudes towards them, ents from the general population, but also the federal states can supplement the ques- studies on victimisation and/or offenders tionnaire with their own content, which have shown progress. A victim survey is only surveyed in this state. In addition, on violence in North Rhine-Westphalia the federal states are free to increase the (NRW), for example, will be conducted sample at their own expense. In the frst shortly.14 Recently, an increase in periodic written survey planned for 2020, Ham- victim surveys has been observed in some burg, Lower Saxony, North Rhine-West- federal states, and at the federal level, the phalia, Schleswig-Holstein and Thurin- victimisation surveys in 2012 and 2017 gia would like to make use of this, so the gave important impetus to the research on sample will be increased to a total of more the dark fgure. than 55,000 respondents. It is a welcome Last but not least, it is probably thanks development that respondents have the to the tenacious commitment of the BKA, option of completing the questionnaire scientists and criminological institutions either traditionally (paper-pencil) or online. and, more recently, several state offces Hopefully, the younger age group can be of criminal investigation that the Standing persuaded to participate in this way. Conference of the Ministers and Senators

1 I would like to thank my colleagues Ines are covered by the PKS but not solved, nal injustice but do not turn to the police Hohendorf, Sociology, and Ina Hennen, as well as offenders who are not convic- (Kllisch 2004, 72 ff); Birkel et al. limit Criminology, for their cooperation. ted because of insignificance or lack of the absolute dark field to completely 2 The German term “Dunkelziffer”, which evidence (Schneider 2007, 308). Antholz unnoticed acts (Birkel et al. 2015, 44). is also used, goes back to Shigema Oba uses the term „twilight fgure“ to descri- 5 At the same time, dealers may confess (Oba 1908, 28), following the English be crimes that have become known to law their crimes without being identified in term “dark fgure”. enforcement agencies but are not stati- offender surveys with corresponding 3 The range of the defnitions differs with stically recorded (Antholz 2010, 409), questions (Liebl 2013, 63); in informant the relative dark figure: according to a which Liebl attributes to the general dark surveys, witnesses may draw attention to narrow understanding, Schwind limits fgure (Liebl 2013, 58). manslaughter offences, which the victim the relative dark fgure to crimes not re- 4 Kllisch uses the term „black figure“ can of course no longer comment on. ported by victims (Schwind 2013, 41). in relation to offender and victim sur- 6 Interpretative definition-theoretical Schneider, on the other hand, introduces vey, since, in his understanding, the dark approaches emphasise attribution pro- a new concept with the “grey fgure” and figure is characterised by the fact that cesses; their most radical representatives understands this to mean offences which those involved are aware of the crimi- dispute the existence of a dark fgure be-

48 2020 .SIAK-INTERNATIONAL EDITION

cause of the situationally open defnition (EU ICS) 2005 (van Dijk et al. 2005) was deutschen Jugendlichen – Befunde der of crime (cf. Dellwing 2015, 112 ff). conducted once with the participation of Schlerbefragung 2005 und Folgerungen 7 Respondents are more willing to provide Germany (van Kesteren et al. 2014, 66). fr die Prävention (KFN-Forschungsbe- information on minor offences than on 14 On behalf of the Ministries of the In- richt Nr. 100), Hannover. more serious offences (cf. 3.3). terior and for Home, Municipal Affairs, Baier, Dirk et al. (2006). Schlerbefra- 8 „In this use of language, an item is un- Construction and Equality NRW, the LKA gung 2005: Gewalterfahrungen, Schul- derstood as a linguistic expression that NRW will conduct a survey of 60,000 absentismus und Medienkonsum von Kin- is to be evaluated as part of the task for- people over 16 years of age with their dern und Jugendlichen. Abschlussbericht mulated in the question on a response main residence in NRW from January ber eine repräsentative Befragung von dimension“ (Faulbaum 2015, 153). 2019. The study on the dark figure on Schlerinnen und Schlern der 4. und 9. 9 An interviewer-related cluster effect violence against girls, women, boys and Jahrgangsstufe, Hannover. arises when the same interviewer inter- men is intended to provide results on Baier, Dirk et al. (2009). Jugendliche viewed a group of interviewees (clusters) violent crime – irrespective of the report- in Deutschland als Opfer und Täter von who are more similar in the characteris- ing behaviour of the victims or subse- Gewalt: Erster Forschungsbericht zum tics of interest than if each interviewee quent criminal proceedings – and to re- gemeinsamen Forschungsprojekt des had been interviewed by a different in- cord the feeling of security in NRW. The Bundesministeriums des Innern und des terviewer. This effect can be traced back aim is to gain and develop knowledge KFN (KFN-Forschungsbericht Nr. 109), to the interviewer, since he or she can about and for preventive measures and Hannover. (unintentionally) influence – to varying psychosocial support, https://www.land. Baier, Dirk et al. (2010). Jugendliche als degrees – the respondents‘ response be- nrw/sites/default/files/asset/document/ Opfer und Täter von Gewalt im Bundes- haviour (Kury et al. 2015, 92). mhkbg_im_08.01.2019_ anlage_a.pdf. land Sachsen-Anhalt (KFN-Forschungs- 10 The victim survey Bochum IV was car- 15 Cf. the recommendations of the bericht Nr. 110), Hannover. ried out in 2016, cf. regarding the plans RatSWD (2018) on quality assurance Bieneck, Steffen/Pfeiffer, Christian (2012). published in Feltes/Feldmann-Hahn and scientifc monitoring of victimisation Viktimisierungserfahrungen im Justizvoll- 2008, 136 ff. surveys. zug (KFN-Forschungsbericht Nr. 119), 11 In addition, a telephone survey in Hannover. Bochum III with a smaller sample of 0.1 % Sources of information Birkel, Christoph (2014). Hellfeld vs. of the Bochum resident population; no Antholz, Birger (2010). Dämmerfeld, Dunkelfeld: Probleme statistikbegleiten- systematic differences in prevalence rates Monatsschrift fr Kriminologie und der Dunkelfeldforschung am Beispiel der were found in a comparison of methods Strafrechtsreform (93), 409–423. bundesweiten Opferbefragung im Rah- (Schwind et al. 2001, 342). Arnold, Harald/Korinek, Lászl (1991). men des Verbundprojektes „Barometer 12 “In the calculation of dark figure Victimization, attitudes towards crime Sicherheit in Deutschland“ (BaSiD), in: relationships, the number of reported and related issues: Comparative research Eiffler, Stefanie/Pollich, Daniela (Eds.) offences is related to the sum of unrepor- results from Hungary, in: Kaiser, Gnther Empirische Forschung ber Kriminalität. ted offences“ (Schwind et al. 2001, 138), et al. (Eds.) Victims and criminal justice, Methodologische und methodische Grund- either on the basis of the information Freiburg i.Br., 99–121. lagen, Wiesbaden, 67–94. provided in the victim survey on reported Baier, Dirk (2008). Entwicklung der Birkel, Christoph/Guzy, Nathalie (2015a). and unreported offences or on the basis Jugenddelinquenz und ausgewählter Die Dunkelfeldbefragung – Konzeption of offences registered by the police and Bedingungsfaktoren seit 1998 in den und erste Ergebnisse, in: Haverkamp Rita/ unreported offences of the victim survey. Städten Hannover, Mnchen, Stuttgart Arnold, Harald (Eds.) Subjektive und ob- Considerable deviations occurred bet- und Schwäbisch-Gmnd (KFN-For- jektivierte Bedingungen von (Un-)Sicher- ween the two calculations in the Bochum schungsbericht Nr. 104), Hannover. heit. Studien zum Barometer Sicherheit in III study, so that questions arose about Baier, Dirk (2015). Migration und Krimi- Deutschland (BaSiD), Berlin, 117–147. the social desirability and telescoping effect nalität, Die Polizei (106), 75–82. Birkel, Christoph/Guzy, Nathalie (2015b). in the response behaviour (ibid., 138 ff). Baier, Dirk/Pfeiffer, Christian (2007). Konventionelle Eigentums-, Gewalt- und 13 The European Crime and Safety Survey Gewalttätigkeit bei deutschen und nicht- Betrugsdelikte, in: Guzy, Nathalie et al.

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Van Dijk, Jan (1991). Victims of crime – Results Eine repräsentative Dunkelfeldanalyse in Mn- of a representative telephone survey of 5.000 chen und acht anderen deutschen Städten, Baden- citizens of the former Federal Republic of Ger- Baden. many, in: Kaiser, Gnther et al. (Eds.) Victims Wetzels, Peter et al. (1995). Kriminalität im and criminal justice, Freiburg i.Br., 265–304. Leben alter Menschen. Eine altersvergleichende Van Dijk, Jan/de Castelbajac, Matthieu (2015). Untersuchung von Opfererfahrungen, persnli- The hedgehog and the fox: the history of victimi- chem Sicherheitsgefhl und Kriminalitätsfurcht. sation surveys from a Trans-Atlantic perspective, Ergebnisse der KFN-Opferbefragung 1992, in: Guzy, Nathalie et al. (Eds.) Viktimisierungs- Stuttgart. befragungen in Deutschland, Band 1: Ziele, Nut- Wollinger, Gina et al. (2014). Wohnungsein- zen und Forschungsstand, Wiesbaden, 10–28. bruch: Tat und Folgen. Ergebnisse einer Betrof- Van Dijk, Jan et al. (2005). The Burden of Crime fenenbefragung in fnf Großstädten (KFN-For- in the EU. Research Report: A Comparative Ana- schungsbericht Nr. 124), Hannover. lysis of the European Crime and Safety Survey https://www.land.nrw/sites/default/files/asset/ (EU ICS) 2005, Europa. document7mhkbgjim_08.01.2019_anlage_a.pdf Van Kesteren, John et al. (2014). The Interna- (17.01.2019). tional Crime Victims Survey: A retrospective, International Review of Victimology (20), 49–69. Further literature and links Wadler, Arnold (1908). Die Verbrechensbewe- BKA [Bundeskriminalamt] (2018). Sicher- gung im stlichen Europa, Band 1: Die Krimina- heit und Kriminalität in Deutschland (SiKiD), lität der Balkanländer, Mnchen. Online: https://www.bka.de/DE/Unsere Walburg, Christian (2014). Migration und Aufgaben/Forschung/ForschungsprojekteUnd Jugenddelinquenz. Eine Analyse anhand eines Ergebnisse/Dunkelfeldforschung/dunkelfeld sozialstrukturellen Delinquenzmodells, Mnster. forschung_ node.html (11.01.2019). Walburg, Christian (2018). Angekommen und Guzy, Nathalie et al. (2015). Zusammenfassung zugehrig? Migration, Integration und Jugend- und Implikationen fr die Praxis, in: Guzy, delinquenz, Monatsschrift fr Kriminologie und Nathalie et al. (Eds.) Viktimisierungsbefra- Strafrechtsreform (101), 16–45. gungen in Deutschland, Band 2: Methodik und Waubert de Puiseau, Berenike et al. (2015). Methodologie, Wiesbaden, 408–413. Soziale Erwnschtheit in Viktimisierungsbe- Oberwittler, Dietrich/Kury, Helmut (2015). fragungen, in: Guzy, Nathalie et al. (Eds.) Vikti - Wissenschaftliche Perspektive, in: Guzy, misierungsbefragungen in Deutschland, Band 2: Nathalie et al. (Eds.) Viktimisierungsbefragun- Methodik und Methodologie, Wiesbaden, 187–216. gen in Deutschland, Band 1: Ziele, Nutzen und Wetzels, Peter et al. (2001). Jugend und Gewalt: Forschungsstand, Wiesbaden, 107–131.