1

Lost and Forgotten: Sex Workers on ’s Jori Dusome

ABSTRACT: From 1978 to 2002, more than 60 women went missing from Vancouver’s Downtown Eastside, an area that has often been described as “’s poorest postal code”. For decades, families of the area’s missing women filed police reports and engaged with the media about their vanished loved ones, however little headway was made in the case until ten years later, when the began publishing a series of stories on the women that drew provincial and national attention. Motivated by citizen dissent and accusations of negligence, The Vancouver Police Department and the RCMP finally launched a joint task force, resulting in the arrest and conviction of Robert “Willie” Pickton, a pig farmer from Port Coquitlam, for the serial of street-involved women. The subsequent excavation of the Pickton property became the largest criminal investigation in Canadian history, spanning several years and costing tens of millions of dollars. However, the danger and violence that plagued women on the Downtown Eastside remained largely the same for many years after Pickton’s arrest. While media coverage narrated Pickton as a single deranged male, this narrative effectively eliminated the context of the broader social background that thrust these women into harm’s way. In this paper, I will discuss the racialization, spatialization, and class distinctions that heavily influence women's participation in the sex trade, as well the media narratives that enable an understanding of Pickton as a violent outlier. The research shows that despite these narratives, violence against marginalized women is a part of the normative social order, which is precisely what allows violent men to function without apprehension in these communities for so long. As you will read, violence against women cannot be described as simply the action of a few bad apples, but is instead a larger part of a “continuum of violence” enacted against already marginalized women. Keywords: MMIWG, , sexual violence, street-level sex work

From 1978 to 2002, more than 60 the Vancouver Sun began publishing a series women went missing from Vancouver’s of stories on the women that began to draw Downtown Eastside, an area that has often provincial and national attention to the issue. been described as “Canada’s poorest postal Motivated by citizen dissent and accusations code” (Hugill, 2010:11). For decades, families of negligence, The Vancouver Police of the area’s missing women filed police Department and the Royal Canadian Mounted reports and engaged with media about their Police launched a joint task force known as vanished loved ones, even establishing an Project Evenhanded (or the Missing Women annual commemorative march to raise Task Force) which eventually resulted in the awareness in 1991, known as the Valentine’s arrest and conviction of Robert “Willie” Day Walk to Remember (“Robert Pickton Pickton, a pig farmer from Port Coquitlam Case”, 2017). However, little headway was (“Robert Pickton Case”, 2017). Bones, DNA, made in the case until ten years later when and personal items belonging to at least 33 of Lost and Forgotten 2 the missing women were found on the Pickton air drug market, impossible to police property, and Pickton later made a jailhouse (Cameron, 2007; Culhane, 2003:594). While confession to an undercover cop of a further estimates as to the number of sex workers on 16 murders, bringing the total number of the Downtown Eastside are unreliable at best, victims to 49 (Burgmann, 2012). The it is estimated that their numbers also range in subsequent excavation of the Pickton property the thousands, with their drug addiction became the largest criminal investigation in regularly posited as an explanation for their Canadian history, spanning several years and cheap tricks (Hugill, 2014:137). This flood of costing tens of millions of dollars (Cameron, street-level sex-trade workers to the 2007; Culhane, 2003). Downtown Eastside was largely motivated by Yet the danger and violence that civilian movements in the late 80s and early plagued women on the Downtown Eastside 90s aimed at removing prostitution from remained largely the same for many years residential and suburban neighbourhoods, after Pickton’s arrest. Media coverage with residents protesting the “nuisance” that continually narrated Pickton and his attacks sex work was sure to bring to their under the frame of the “single deranged communities (Hugill, 2010; Lowman, 2000). male”, a psychopathic killer driven by mental As a result, instead of attempting to eliminate instability to cause death and destruction. prostitution, police chose to displace it to This, among other narratives, effectively more fitting locales that had already been eliminated the context of the broader social labeled as deviant. This, alongside changing background that thrust these women into laws and police crackdowns on indoor sex harm’s way. The news media leaned heavily work pushed more women onto the street than on poverty, homelessness, and addiction as ever before (Pitman, 2002:179). explanations for the women’s victimization Towards the end of the 20th century, rather than reactions to their marginalization. the Downtown Eastside spiral into economic In this paper, I will discuss the racialization, despair was well underway and was an issue spatialization, and class distinctions that which was only compounded by the heavily influence Downtown Eastside concentration of society’s most marginalized women’s participation in the sex trade, as well folks into one distinct geographical area. At the media narratives that enable an the time of the disappearances, the average understanding of the missing women as annual income on the Downtown Eastside was complicit in their victimization. just over $12,000, several points below the Known to locals as the “Low Track” national poverty line. The unemployment rate for its expansive market of inexpensive sexual in the area was nearly three times that of the services, the sex worker stroll in Downtown rest of the city (Cameron, 2007; Culhane, Vancouver is an area that has long been 2003:596). Thanks to cuts by the British sequestered, intended to act as a catch-all for Columbia government of nearly 30% to social the deviant ne’er-do-wells of the inner city, programs in the 1990s, welfare shelter providing both a location and an explanation stipends in Vancouver plummeted to just $325 for Vancouver’s undesirables (Greene, per month (Cameron, 2007; Hugill, 2010). 2001:1). Of the Downtown Eastside’s The booming real estate prices across the city approximately 16,000 residents, it is made most options for shelter unavailable, and estimated that roughly 5,000 of them are as a result SROs or single room occupancy addicts or active drug users, and the hotels, almost all of which were located on the intersection of Main and Hastings (or “Pain Downtown Eastside, became the only feasible and Wastings”) is often referred to as an open- option for the city’s poor, often charging INvoke Vol. 6 3 monthly rent at the exact value of a welfare their other Downtown Eastside cheque (Cameron, 2007). On top of this, only counterparts—some garnering less than 50% six beds were available for women in the local of the poverty line figure (Hugill, 2010:38). detox program, which was a mandatory first- The economic disarray provides little by way step before being referred to public healthcare of local employment, and welfare payments rehab programs (Cameron, 2007:XIII). Thus, cannot begin to cover exigent costs of daycare many were left poor, homeless, and addicted, and transportation that would be necessary to leaving them few other options than to stay on attend a “normal” job. Where men can turn to the Downtown Eastside and resort to illicit drug dealing and trafficking, women are more means of making money. likely to turn to sex work to subsidize what All of these factors, alongside an HIV little income they get (Culhane, 2003:601). epidemic that rocked the Downtown Eastside Further, those living in poverty are in 1997, served to pathologize the area as a significantly more likely to have their children site of sickness and contagion that became taken away, which creates the potential for a inherently interlinked with poverty. The deeply traumatic separation that could push establishment of this “collection zone” for women even farther into the arms of addiction deviants functioned to position the space as (Hugill, 2010:38). products of deviant people, instead of the Another critical factor in the people as products of the marginalized space. marginalization present here is the Indigeneity This encouraged the public to visualize the of many Downtown Eastside residents. It is Downtown Eastside’s citizens as culpable in estimated that anywhere from 50-80% of the their own “degeneracy and […] vile women who work the Low Track are criminality,” effectively placing blame on Indigenous, despite comprising only 2% of the society’s most vulnerable members for their population of Vancouver (Hugill, 2010:47; continued and cyclical abuse (Hugill, Razack, 2016:294). Many Indigenous women 2010:81). The distinction of a space for these flee their reserves or hometowns to urban people, a colloquial “sin city”, inclines us to centers like Vancouver to escape abuse and see them as othered from “ordinary” citizens domestic violence. Because of this, there are (Hugill, 2014:131; Gilchrist, 2010:375). A equal numbers of Indigenous men and women prime example of this can be seen in the in the community, despite the male population “Missing” posters disseminated by police, of the Downtown Eastside being three times which labeled the women exclusively as the female one in size (Hugill, 2010:51). citizens of the Downtown Eastside, not Violence is an unfortunately common reality Vancouver (Pitman, 2002:176). Participation for Indigenous women in Canada: Indigenous in “bad neigbourhoods” was identified as an women aged 25 to 55 are five times more individual decision, for which violence and likely to die violently than any other death were appropriate consequences demographic (Gilchrist, 2010:373). Culhane, (Pitman, 2002:180). Lindberg et al., and Razack all agree that this It is also critical to note the gendered violence is a deeply ingrained side-effect of nature of poverty on the Downtown Eastside. centuries of colonial domination (2003; 2012; It is estimated that upwards of 75% of the 2016). They argue that violence is a method of women working the streets are mothers, many imposing dominance on Indigenous bodies, of whom are single parents (Culhane, and this is especially true in the context of 2003:597; Greene, 2001:23). As a single sexual violence, where “the value of their parent having to provide for two, mothers are bodies in the social order is made clear” often even further under the poverty line than through regular threats and physical Lost and Forgotten 4 reminders of subjugation (Razack, 2016:291). reduction of Indigenous women’s bodies to Drawing on the racial slur “squaw”, Gilchrist objects available for purchase, described by explores how Indigenous women have Alexander Weheliye as “thingness”, serves to historically been labeled from birth as remove the humanity of these women and licentious and in need of civilizing condone brutality against them (Razack, (2010:384). This perception, Razack argues, 2016:295). positions Indigenous women as always “on If all of these suffocating social factors the stroll” whether they’re working or not, weren’t enough, the precarious position of the likening girls on the street to slaves on an women on the Downtown Eastside is only auction block (2016:294). Enabled by worsened by their proximity to law seemingly constant media representations of enforcement and the Canadian justice system. Indigenous women and girls as “fallen While sex work itself is not technically illegal women” of the streets, Indigenous women, in Canada, Criminal Code provisions enacted especially on the Downtown Eastside, are in 1985 applied limitations on the ways sex racially marked as readily available for work could be conducted. Section 213, which domination and “inherently rapeable” (Hugill, stipulated that sex workers may not 2010:57; Razack, 2016:293). Ultimately, communicate for the purpose of selling sexual anywhere from 33 to 67% of Willie Pickton’s services, became a key tool for police in total victims were Indigenous women, and cracking down on sex work in Vancouver. comprised four of the six murders for which These changes encouraged strict legal he was eventually convicted (Hugill, enforcement of systemic social issues as 2010:46). opposed to politically mandated assistance for In discussing the social reactions to the most disenfranchised (Hugill, 2014:154). colonialism that are visible on the Downtown Many advocates and sex workers have made Eastside like addiction and prostitution, news note of the “two-tier” police system in media have regularly ignored the colonial Vancouver— “one for the Downtown background that sets the stage for Eastside and one for everywhere else” marginalization. Despite the frequency of the (Pitman, 2002:176). Despite only comprising violence committed against them, it is often 5-20% of the sex worker population, street- Indigenous women’s identities that are level prostitutes consistently receive the most completely erased in the news. Gilchrist uses confrontation from police (Hugill, 2010:43). the term “symbolic annihilation” to describe The nature of this precarious relationship with the ways Indigenous women are excluded and the law encourages sex workers to move away ignored in the public eye and cautions that from visible, public spaces, isolating when the abuses of Indigenous women are themselves and increasing their vulnerability ignored by the news media, the message is to rape, beatings, robberies, and death in an disseminated that such women are easy to effort to avoid persecution. After the target without reprimand (2010:385). These introduction of these legal grey zones in the tightly interwoven aspects of life on the 1980s, there was an almost immediate Downtown Eastside, like race, class, and increase in the murders of sex workers in gender come together to position very specific , and the near prohibition of categories of women in “the lower echelons of sexual services only furthered women’s moral order”, thus providing justification for marginalization (Lowman, 2000:1003). the atrocities committed against them and When non-fatal violence occurs, sex creating a “discourse of disposal” (Jiwani and workers are unlikely to report to the police, Young, 2006:902; Lowman, 2000:1003). The fearing arrest for confessing to their INvoke Vol. 6 5 solicitation (Cameron, 2007). As John 297). This perspective enables an Lowman writes, “Why would prostitutes turn understanding that “those women are to the police for help when the police are disposable and violence can be committed responsible for enforcing laws against against them with impunity” (Pitman, prostitutes?” (2000:1007). Further facilitating 2002:175). the distrust of police is a long history of These conceptualizations of the neglect and disinterest on the part of officers Downtown Eastside as inherently criminal in the Downtown Eastside. Girls working the and unworthy of police protections were street told reporters of long response times to echoed by government officials, including domestic and street violence that discouraged Vancouver Mayor Philip Owen. When asked them from reporting serious offenses, and if he would consider providing a reward for multiple women reported a flat-out refusal by information about the missing women, Owen officers to file missing persons reports on their stated that it was “inappropriate” to use public friends (Culhane, 2003). One woman reported funds to provide “a location service for begging police to file a report on her friend for prostitutes” (Culhane, 2003; Hugill, 2010; days on end, to which they replied: “No, go Lowman, 2000). In contrast, just months down to the needle exchange and leave her a before the Mayor’s comments a $100,000 message there” (Hugill, 2010:10). Sereena reward was offered in an effort to solve a Abbotsway, whose remains were later found series of non-violent break-ins and thefts in at Pickton’s residence, reported her friend neighbourhoods outside of the Downtown Angela Jardine missing before her own Eastside (Hugill, 2010:11). disappearance. Police repeatedly refused to All of this is compounded by the file the report and told Abbotsway that Jardine systemic colonialism often intertwined with was alive and well and they had seen her on authoritative agencies. The imposition of a the streets. It was later proved that Jardine had largely white police force on a largely been already been dead by the time Indigenous population only accentuates the Abbotsway made the report, proving the adversarial nature of police and citizen contact authorities' view of Indigenous (or on the Downtown Eastside. As Lindberg et al. Indigenous appearing) women as discuss, the Canadian justice system is not homogenous and interchangeable (Cameron, structured around the needs and conditions of 2007:XVI). Indigenous peoples. Thusly, the appointing of The VPD also consistently and a non-Indigenous authoritative body that decidedly refused the presence of a serial utilizes non-Indigenous personnel is “a killer trawling the Downtown Eastside, and relevant fact” when it comes to analyzing how refused recommendations to utilize the women of the Downtown Eastside were geographic and psychological profiling able to be ignored and forgotten (Culhane, services based in Ontario, which had been 2003:105). compared in prestige to the Behavioural The negligence and apathy of police Analysis Unit of the FBI (Jiwani & Young, can be further exemplified through an 2006:897; Greene, 2001:6). Instead, the exploration of Willie Pickton’s arrest in 1997. pushback from police often positioned the For years Pickton had driven the roads of the women as responsible for their victimization. Downtown Eastside after visiting the Frequently they utilized the dog whistle rendering plants in Vancouver’s industrial phrase “high-risk lifestyle” to explain away district. He would sit in local pubs and talk to the harm that met them as a by-product of their the working girls, offering them money for predetermined life’s path (Razack, 2016: drugs and inviting them back to his trailer in Lost and Forgotten 6

Port Coquitlam to “party” and stay the night. deemed unreliable by police (Hutchinson, As described him, “He knew 2012). everyone and liked to be the big spender” Stories like these illustrate the (2007:150). In the Spring of 1997, Pickton willingness of law enforcement to assign drug brought a woman back to his property and addiction as the master status of people in the after plying her with drugs, he refused Downtown Eastside. The surviving woman’s payment and began to apply handcuffs to her legitimacy was questioned due to her social wrists. Preparing for the worst, the woman and geographical relation to Downtown, and panicked and took a knife from the kitchen, her experience was invalidated by way of slashing wildly at Willie, slitting his throat. A subsuming it into a world of addiction where struggle ensued, and the woman was stabbed she is seen as “too consumed by addictions to repeatedly, sustaining severe injuries. She was take personal precautions” (Hugill, 2010:92). able to run to the road naked and hail a passing Thus, again shifting the blame back to the motorist who took her to a nearby hospital. victim and propagating a perception of drug- The woman died while in care but was revived using women as at fault for their suffering. by medical professionals. In a discomforting As Pickton’s arrest loomed and news turn of events, Pickton had brought himself to of authoritative shortcomings began to spread, the same hospital and was being treated only what resulted has been described as a a short distance away. He was fingered for the “legitimacy crisis” between the public and the crime when a member of hospital staff found police (Jiwani & Young, 2006; Pitman, 2002). the keys to the woman’s handcuffs in his The public refused to continue accepting the pocket. Pickton was arrested and charged on excuses and redirections of the Vancouver three counts, though the charges were later Police and the Mayor’s office, and the media dropped because the witness was deemed an began reporting in high volume on the variety unreliable witness due to her regular drug use of blemishes in the authoritative structure. and “junkie” status. Pickton walked free, and However, the media coverage that posited later bragged to friends that it only cost him police negligence as the primary cause of the $80,000 to shrug the charges. He later told women's disappearance is problematic in police he was traumatized by the incident and nature. As with individualizing the said he never brought another prostitute to his experiences of women on the Low Track, trailer again after that night (“The Pickton framing the police as solely responsible for the Case”, 2017). Due to the failure of police to miscarriage of justice removed from public act on a glaring potential suspect, Pickton view the larger context of marginalization continued to kill for five years before a (Hugill, 2010). Prior to Pickton’s arrest, news warrant was acquired and the farm could be coverage tended to focus on police, investigated by police. Details of that night speculating their incompetency to be a result were later deemed inadmissible in court for of short-staffing or a relatively inexperienced Pickton’s trial because the charges had force, as opposed to a protection bias that been dropped (Burgmann, 2012). favored the wealthy and the white (Jiwani & We see a similar narrative in the case Young, 2006:903). Despite this, police still of Lynn Ellingsen. Ellingsen had reported fell high on the “hierarchy of credibility”, seeing a woman’s body in Pickton’s barn, regularly being interviewed by news media to skinned and hanging from a meat hook. weigh in on cases long before families and Though her story was discounted because she friends of victims or other street-based women was “‘crazy,’ cocaine addicted and were invited to the table (Hugill, 2014:139). hallucinated” and her information was This narrative erased the nuanced but INvoke Vol. 6 7 important aspects of the women’s lives, like not newsworthy until they have a component how they were regularly treated by police and as horrendous as mutilation (2006:909). This the men who “shop” on their block, and the normalizes the murder of Indigenous women. difficulties they had in accessing resources to In the context of Cindy Gladue, Razack argues escape the street life (Jiwani & Young, that the visceral representations we see and 2006:904). Individual cases neglected by hear of Indigenous women’s bodies in the police made for a much more interesting and news, especially in the case of death and instantaneous story than centuries of systemic mutilation, serve to position those bodies in oppression, and the speculative frenzy the social order and explicitly describe exactly continued to grow with time. whose bodies have “value” (2016:291). On February 5th, 2002, a warrant was Confirming the old saying “if it bleeds finally authorized for the search and seizure of it leads,” homicide is the most newsworthy of the Pickton property in Port Coquitlam. crimes, and this fascination is amplified in the Despite years of suspicions and a plethora of instance of multiple victims to one perpetrator word of mouth warnings about the Pickton (Jiwani & Young, 2006:900). Society has a farm, the warrant that was issued was in fascination with the bizarre, and in this case, relation to firearms: a former employee had the story gained traction because it went called in to report illegal weapons on the beyond the typical violence enacted in the property, an issue deemed critical when “mundane brutality of everyday poverty” dozens of missing women had not (“Robert (Culhane, 2003:595). Gilchrist postulates that Pickton Case”, 2017). Pickton was released on viewers and media producers are motivated by bail but not for long, as less than two short “cultural proximity”— that is that we engage weeks later he was re-apprehended and and connect with material that hits close to charged with 15 counts of first-degree murder. home (2010:374-375). For most, it is The number grew to 26 as the investigation impossible to imagine the day to day violence went on (Cameron, 2007:157). and tragedy that comes with being a member Despite a tight publication ban, details of the Downtown Eastside community, but it slipped out that questioned if the famous is easy to understand the terror enacted by a Pickton pork had anything to do with all the crazed sexual predator on the loose. Because carnage on the farm. In 2004, the British this is the content we most readily engage Columbia provincial health officer issued a with. “Typical” stories of murder and violence statement that pork from the farm may have against marginalized persons are erased, been mixed and contaminated with human further contributing to the “symbolic flesh, requesting that anyone who had annihilation” of an entire group of women received the meat and still had some in their (Gilchrist, 2010:385). This leads authors like possession bring it forward for DNA testing Lindberg et al. to ask questions about how (Armstrong, 2004). The rumor mill spun grim victim and perpetrator statuses come to be: stories speculating on whether there truly was “whose community is represented and human flesh in the meat that Pickton had relevant in this discussion?” (2012:93). gifted to acquaintances and friends. As Jiwani These narratives of the macabre and and Young point out, the attachment of the disturbing serve to position Pickton as a media to the gruesome dismemberment of psychopathic monster, incapable of these bodies indicates that these events are a controlling his animal urges to kill, like a rare spectacle in need of coverage. In doing predator on the loose. His visual this, the media also indicates the typical, run representation in the media as a filthy man of the mill murders of Indigenous women are with beady eyes and stringy hair has been Lost and Forgotten 8 utilized to summarize the physical women” because of their stigmatized position embodiment of lawless evil and mental on the social hierarchal ladder (2000:1006). psychosis (Jiwani & Young, 2006:905). As such, violence against sex workers is not However, this unhinged representation of caused by an overarching misogyny towards Pickton is largely untrue, as Stevie Cameron women as a whole but is acquiesced by the discovered in her secondhand investigation of social position of sex workers as disposable or his character. She theorizes that Pickton is not “human waste” (Razack, 2016:299). a psychopath, as those close to him reported In the years since Pickton’s again and again that he cared for people and apprehension, things have changed on the cared what they thought of him (2007:98). On Downtown Eastside. In 2012, in light of the the contrary, it has been argued that Willie’s recommendations put forward in the Oppal behaviour is not biologically ingrained but inquiry, the Vancouver Police Department set was instead formed largely by social factors, out new guidelines for the policing of sex stemming from the humiliation, isolation, and workers. It included recommendations to use abuse he reportedly experienced as a child. It greater discretion when dealing with sex has been posited by psychiatrists that Willie’s workers, a move that has made prostitution compulsive and constant masturbation was a “effectively decriminalized” in Vancouver. self-soothing technique to offset lingering As a result, not a single sex worker homicide feelings of trauma. Unlike a psychopath, has occurred in Vancouver in the last ten years Pickton craved the attention and social (Ling, 2018). However, there is still work to interaction of women, but “to get sex he had be done. Federal Criminal Code laws to pay for it,” which thrust him into contact established by the Harper government have with the women of the Downtown Eastside, acted to make selling sex more difficult, and eventually manifested in an intertwining despite a Supreme Court ruling in 2013 that of sexual release with violence (Cameron, deemed criminal prostitution laws 2007: 107). unconstitutional, and sex workers are Further, Pickton is often depicted in frustrated. The laws limit where prostitutes the media as “the singular, pathological, or can work in urban spaces, again forcing them deranged individual who violated the social into isolated areas for their tricks to avoid and normative order,” (Jiwani & Young, detection. Although the laws were introduced 2006:911). Though as discussed earlier in this by a Conservative government, Trudeau’s paper, violence against marginalized Liberals avoided the subject through their last women is a part of the normative social order, term, and seem to be ignoring the which is precisely what allowed Pickton to conversation. Activists are continuing to push function without apprehension for so many the Liberals to modify the Criminal Code once years. Lowman argues that violence against again, and while we all must push to change women is never the action of a few bad apples, the laws, sex workers must remain at the but is instead a larger part of a “continuum of epicenter of activism movements (Hugill, violence” enacted against women (2000:998). 2010:102). Street-based sex workers have Lowman believes that the circumstances that real, firsthand experience of life on the streets lead to violence being committed against and all the trials and tribulations that come women are steeped in culture. He argues that with it, and as such, their perspectives should the criminalization of sex work has deeply be heard and respected. ingrained a stigma into the male psyche that In conclusion, the case of the may make men more able to “rationalize Downtown Eastside’s missing and murdered violence against a prostitute than against other women was one that challenged the dominant INvoke Vol. 6 9 societal moral compass. It demanded Gilchrist, K. (2010). "Newsworthy" reflection on why it is we gladly outcast Victims? Feminist Media certain groups of people from society and Studies, 10(4), 373–390. doi: what impact that ostracization has on those 10.1080/14680777.2010.514110 people, which has a tendency to make us feel Greene, T. (2001). Bad Date: The Lost Girls uncomfortable and as such, we try our best to of Vancouver's Low Track. : forget it. But the people who don’t forget it are ECW Press. the sex workers who walk the Low Track, Hugill, D. (2014). Dazed, Dangerous, and dealing with violence, addiction and poverty, Dissolute: Media Representations of and knowing their lives are in danger, all Street-Level Sex Workers in while functioning alongside laws that make Vancouver's Downtown Eastside. In G. the violence tenfold more dangerous. As one Balfour & E. Comack anonymous columnist wrote: (Eds.), Criminalizing Women: Gender “the notion of prostitutes working in a safe or and (In)Justice in Neo-Liberal legal brothel offends us, while we accept the Times (2nd ed., pp. 130–155). Halifax fact that they work daily in desperate and & Winnipeg: Fernwood Publishing. deadly situations” (“Silent Accomplice in the Hugill, D. (2010). Missing Women, Missing Pickton Case”, 2017). It is due time to reflect News. Winnipeg: Fernwood Publishing. on ourselves as a society and determine why Hutchinson, B. (2012, January 20). Police exactly that is. foresaw Pickton inquiry, noted bungled investigation, almost two years before References ’s arrest. Retrieved from Armstrong, J. (2004, March 11). Alert issued https://nationalpost.com/news/canada/p about meat from Pickton’s pig farm. olice-foresaw-pickton-inquiry-noted- Retrieved from bungled-investigation-almost-two- https://www.theglobeandmail.com/new years-before-serial-killers-arrest s/national/alert-issued-about-meat- Jiwani, Y., & Young, M. L. (2006). Missing from-picktons-pig- and Murdered Women: Reproducing farm/article1129163/ Marginality in News Burgmann, T. (2012, February 7). Pickton Discourse. Canadian Journal of ‘traumatized’ by prostitute’s attack in Communication, 31, 895–917. 1997. Retrieved from Retrieved from https://www.theglobeandmail.com/new http://caid.ca/MisMurWom2006.pdf s/british-columbia/pickton-traumatized- Lindberg, T., Campeau, P., & Campbell, M. by-prostitutes-attack-in- (2012). Indigenous Women and Sexual 1997/article544655/ Assault in Canada. In Sheehy E. Cameron, S. (2007). The Pickton File. (Ed.), Sexual Assault in Canada: Law, Toronto: Knopf Canada. Legal Practice and Women’s Culhane, D. (2003). Their Spirits Live within Activism (pp. 87-110). : Us: Aboriginal Women in Downtown University of Ottawa Press. Retrieved Eastside Vancouver Emerging into from www.jstor.org/stable/j.ctt2jcb92.9 Visibility. American Indian Ling, J. (2018, September 6). Governments Quarterly, 27(3/4), 593-606. Retrieved have failed Canada’s sex workers – and from they’re running out of patience. http://www.jstor.org/stable/4138965 Retrieved from https://www.macleans.ca/news/canada/ Lost and Forgotten 10

governments-have-failed--sex- Planning A, 34, 167–184. doi: workers-and-theyre-running-out-of- 10.1068/a34134 patience/ Razack, S. H. (2016). Gendering Lowman, J. (2000). Violence and the Outlaw Disposability. Canadian Journal of Status of (Street) Prostitution in Women and the Law, 28, 285–307. doi: Canada. Violence Against Women, 6(9), 10.3138/cjwl.28.2.285 987–1011. Retrieved from Robert Pickton Case. (2016, July 26). https://journals.sagepub.com/doi/pdf/10 Retrieved from .1177/10778010022182245 https://www.thecanadianencyclopedia.c Pitman, B. A. (2002). Re-mediating the spaces a/en/article/robert-pickton-case of reality television: America's Most “Silent Accomplice in the Pickton Case.” Wanted and the case of Vancouver's (2007, December 10). Toronto Star. missing women. Environment and