“To Speak out Is Dangerous” WATCH the Criminalization of Peaceful Expression in Thailand

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

“To Speak out Is Dangerous” WATCH the Criminalization of Peaceful Expression in Thailand HUMAN RIGHTS “To Speak Out is Dangerous” WATCH The Criminalization of Peaceful Expression in Thailand To Speak Out is Dangerous Criminalization of Peaceful Expression in Thailand Copyright © 2019 Human Rights Watch All rights reserved. Printed in the United States of America ISBN: 978-1-6231-37724 Cover design by Rafael Jimenez Human Rights Watch defends the rights of people worldwide. We scrupulously investigate abuses, expose the facts widely, and pressure those with power to respect rights and secure justice. Human Rights Watch is an independent, international organization that works as part of a vibrant movement to uphold human dignity and advance the cause of human rights for all. Human Rights Watch is an international organization with staff in more than 40 countries, and offices in Amsterdam, Beirut, Berlin, Brussels, Chicago, Geneva, Goma, Johannesburg, London, Los Angeles, Moscow, Nairobi, New York, Paris, San Francisco, Sydney, Tokyo, Toronto, Tunis, Washington DC, and Zurich. For more information, please visit our website: http://www.hrw.org OCTOBER 2019 ISBN: 978-1-6231-37724 To Speak Out is Dangerous Criminalization of Peaceful Expression in Thailand Summary ......................................................................................................................... 1 Prosecution of Critics of the Coup and the Military ................................................................... 3 Prosecution of Opposition Politicians ..................................................................................... 4 Prosecution of Pro-Democracy Activists................................................................................... 5 Prosecutions for Lèse-Majesté ................................................................................................6 Fear and Self-Censorship........................................................................................................ 7 Key Recommendations ..................................................................................................... 9 To the Prime Minister and Government of Thailand .................................................................. 9 Methodology.................................................................................................................. 10 I. Background ................................................................................................................. 12 Thailand Under Thaksin Shinawatra ...................................................................................... 12 The 2006 Coup .................................................................................................................... 13 Protests and Violence .......................................................................................................... 15 State of Emergency .............................................................................................................. 16 Election of Yingluck Shinawatra ............................................................................................ 17 II. Declaration of Martial Law, the Coup, and Elections ..................................................... 19 Restrictions on Speech and Assembly ................................................................................... 20 Interim Constitution ............................................................................................................. 21 Lifting of Martial Law and Enforcement of HNCPO 3/2015 ....................................................... 21 Referendum on a New Constitution ....................................................................................... 22 Elections ............................................................................................................................. 23 III. Laws Criminalizing Expression, Association, and Assembly ......................................... 27 Laws Restricting Peaceful Speech ......................................................................................... 27 Sedition ........................................................................................................................ 27 Computer-Related Crime Act ........................................................................................... 28 Sections 326 to 333 of the Criminal Code: Defamation ..................................................... 28 Constitutional Referendum Act ....................................................................................... 29 Lèse-Majesté ................................................................................................................. 30 Contempt of Court.......................................................................................................... 31 Laws Restricting Peaceful Assembly ...................................................................................... 32 HNCPO Order 3/2015 ..................................................................................................... 32 Public Assembly Act 2015 ............................................................................................... 33 IV. Arbitrary Arrest and Secret Detention ......................................................................... 34 Attitude Adjustment: Pravit Rojanaphruk............................................................................... 35 Attitude Adjustment: Pichai Naripthaphan ............................................................................ 37 V. Criminal Cases Against Peaceful Critics of the Thai Authorities..................................... 39 Prosecution of Critics of the NCPO ........................................................................................ 39 Sombat Boongamanong ................................................................................................. 39 Pravit Rojanaphruk ........................................................................................................ 42 Prosecution for “March for Justice” ................................................................................. 45 Prosecution for Satirical Facebook Page.......................................................................... 49 Prosecution for Satirical Questionnaire ........................................................................... 52 Prosecution of Critics of the Military ...................................................................................... 53 Prosecution of Torture Victim for Allegations of Torture by the Military .............................. 53 Prosecution for Seeking Justice for Torture ...................................................................... 54 Prosecution of Human Rights Defenders for Allegations of Torture ................................... 55 Prosecution for Allegations of Corruption ........................................................................ 56 Prosecution for Academic Conference ............................................................................. 57 Prosecution of Opposition Politicians ................................................................................... 59 Sunisa Lertpakawat ....................................................................................................... 59 Pichai Naripthaphan ...................................................................................................... 61 Prosecution for Pheu Thai Press Conference .................................................................... 61 Watana Muangsook ....................................................................................................... 63 Prosecution of Members of Future Forward Party ............................................................. 67 Prosecution of Pro-Democracy Activists, Human Rights Defenders .......................................... 70 Prosecutions for Criticism of the Draft Constitution.......................................................... 70 Prosecution of “We Want Elections” Protesters ............................................................... 74 Prosecution of Lawyer Representing Activists .................................................................. 84 Prosecution for Protest Outside Courthouse .................................................................... 90 Prosecution for Calling for Justice for Slain Protesters ...................................................... 91 Prosecution for Criticism of the Royal Family (Lèse-Majesté) .................................................. 91 Prosecution of Jatupat “Pai” Boonphatthararaksa ........................................................... 94 Patnaree Chankij ........................................................................................................... 97 Sulak Sivaraksa .............................................................................................................99 Prawet Prapanukul ....................................................................................................... 100 VI. International and Domestic Legal Standards ............................................................. 102 Constitution of Thailand ..................................................................................................... 105 VII. Analysis of Thai Laws under International Standards ................................................107 Section 116 of the Criminal Code: Sedition .......................................................................... 107 Recommendation to the
Recommended publications
  • The Pluralistic Poverty of Phalang Pracharat
    ISSUE: 2021 No. 29 ISSN 2335-6677 RESEARCHERS AT ISEAS – YUSOF ISHAK INSTITUTE ANALYSE CURRENT EVENTS Singapore | 12 March 2021 Thailand’s Elected Junta: The Pluralistic Poverty of Phalang Pracharat Paul Chambers* Left: Deputy Prime Minister and Phalang Pracharat Party Leader General Prawit Wongsuwan Source:https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File:Prawit_Wongsuwan_Thailand%27s_Minister_of_D efense.jpg. Right: Prime Minister and Defense Minister General Prayut Chan-ocha Source:https://th.wikipedia.org/wiki/%E0%B9%84%E0%B8%9F%E0%B8%A5%E0%B9%8C:Prayu th_2018_cropped.jpg. * Paul Chambers is Lecturer and Special Advisor for International Affairs, Center of ASEAN Community Studies, Naresuan University, Phitsanulok, Thailand, and, in March-May 2021, Visiting Fellow with the Thailand Studies Programme at the ISEAS – Yusof Ishak Institute. 1 ISSUE: 2021 No. 29 ISSN 2335-6677 EXECUTIVE SUMMARY • Thailand’s Phalang Pracharat Party is a “junta party” established as a proxy for the 2014-2019 junta and the military, and specifically designed to sustain the power of the generals Prawit Wongsuwan, Prayut Chan-ocha and Anupong Paochinda. • Phalang Pracharat was created by the Internal Security Operations Command (ISOC), and although it is extremely factionalized, having 20 cliques, it is nevertheless dominated by an Army faction headed by General Prawit Wongsuwan. • The party is financed by powerful corporations and by its intra-party faction leaders. • In 2021, Phalang Pracharat has become a model for other militaries in Southeast Asia intent on institutionalising their power. In Thailand itself, the party has become so well- entrenched that it will be a difficult task removing it from office. 2 ISSUE: 2021 No.
    [Show full text]
  • Thailand's Red Networks: from Street Forces to Eminent Civil Society
    Southeast Asian Studies at the University of Freiburg (Germany) Occasional Paper Series www.southeastasianstudies.uni-freiburg.de Occasional Paper N° 14 (April 2013) Thailand’s Red Networks: From Street Forces to Eminent Civil Society Coalitions Pavin Chachavalpongpun (Kyoto University) Pavin Chachavalpongpun (Kyoto University)* Series Editors Jürgen Rüland, Judith Schlehe, Günther Schulze, Sabine Dabringhaus, Stefan Seitz The emergence of the red shirt coalitions was a result of the development in Thai politics during the past decades. They are the first real mass movement that Thailand has ever produced due to their approach of directly involving the grassroots population while campaigning for a larger political space for the underclass at a national level, thus being projected as a potential danger to the old power structure. The prolonged protests of the red shirt movement has exceeded all expectations and defied all the expressions of contempt against them by the Thai urban elite. This paper argues that the modern Thai political system is best viewed as a place dominated by the elite who were never radically threatened ‘from below’ and that the red shirt movement has been a challenge from bottom-up. Following this argument, it seeks to codify the transforming dynamism of a complicated set of political processes and actors in Thailand, while investigating the rise of the red shirt movement as a catalyst in such transformation. Thailand, Red shirts, Civil Society Organizations, Thaksin Shinawatra, Network Monarchy, United Front for Democracy against Dictatorship, Lèse-majesté Law Please do not quote or cite without permission of the author. Comments are very welcome. Requests and inquiries concerning reproduction and rights should be addressed to the author in the first instance.
    [Show full text]
  • Thailand White Paper
    THE BANGKOK MASSACRES: A CALL FOR ACCOUNTABILITY ―A White Paper by Amsterdam & Peroff LLP EXECUTIVE SUMMARY For four years, the people of Thailand have been the victims of a systematic and unrelenting assault on their most fundamental right — the right to self-determination through genuine elections based on the will of the people. The assault against democracy was launched with the planning and execution of a military coup d’état in 2006. In collaboration with members of the Privy Council, Thai military generals overthrew the popularly elected, democratic government of Prime Minister Thaksin Shinawatra, whose Thai Rak Thai party had won three consecutive national elections in 2001, 2005 and 2006. The 2006 military coup marked the beginning of an attempt to restore the hegemony of Thailand’s old moneyed elites, military generals, high-ranking civil servants, and royal advisors (the “Establishment”) through the annihilation of an electoral force that had come to present a major, historical challenge to their power. The regime put in place by the coup hijacked the institutions of government, dissolved Thai Rak Thai and banned its leaders from political participation for five years. When the successor to Thai Rak Thai managed to win the next national election in late 2007, an ad hoc court consisting of judges hand-picked by the coup-makers dissolved that party as well, allowing Abhisit Vejjajiva’s rise to the Prime Minister’s office. Abhisit’s administration, however, has since been forced to impose an array of repressive measures to maintain its illegitimate grip and quash the democratic movement that sprung up as a reaction to the 2006 military coup as well as the 2008 “judicial coups.” Among other things, the government blocked some 50,000 web sites, shut down the opposition’s satellite television station, and incarcerated a record number of people under Thailand’s infamous lèse-majesté legislation and the equally draconian Computer Crimes Act.
    [Show full text]
  • The Right to Freedom of Thought, Conscience and Religion Or Belief
    Level 1, 4 Campion St 594 St Kilda Rd DEAKIN ACT 2600 MELBOURNE VIC 3004 T 02 6259 0431 T 02 6171 7446 E [email protected] E [email protected] 14 February 2018 The Expert Panel on Religious Freedom C/o Department of the Prime Minister and Cabinet By email: [email protected] RE: Submission to the Commonwealth Expert Panel on Religious Freedom 1. The Human Rights Law Alliance and the Australian Christian Lobby welcome this opportunity to make a submission to the Inquiry into the Status of the Human Right to Freedom of Religion or Belief. 2. The Human Rights Law Alliance implements legal strategies to protect and promote fundamental human rights. It does this by resourcing legal cases with funding and expertise to create rights-protecting legal precedents. The Alliance is especially concerned to protect and promote the right to freedom of thought, conscience and religion or belief. In the past 24 months, the Alliance has aided more than 30 legal cases, and allied lawyers appeared in State Tribunals and Magistrates, District and Supreme Courts as well as the Federal Court. 3. With more than 100,000 supporters, ACL facilitates professional engagement and dialogue between the Christian constituency and government, allowing the voice of Christians to be heard in the public square. ACL is neither party partisan or denominationally aligned. ACL representatives bring a Christian perspective to policy makers in Federal, State and Territory parliaments. 4. This submission focusses on the intersection between freedom of religion and other human rights first in international law, second in Australian law, and third in the lived experience of Australians.
    [Show full text]
  • A Model for the Management of Cultural Tourism at Temples in Bangkok, Thailand
    Asian Culture and History; Vol. 6, No. 2; 2014 ISSN 1916-9655 E-ISSN 1916-9663 Published by Canadian Center of Science and Education A Model for the Management of Cultural Tourism at Temples in Bangkok, Thailand Phra Thanuthat Nasing1, Chamnan Rodhetbhai1 & Ying Keeratiburana1 1 The Faculty of Cultural Science, Mahasarakham University, Khamriang Sub-District, Kantarawichai District, Maha Sarakham Province, Thailand Correspondence: Phra Thanuthat Nasing, The Faculty of Cultural Science, Mahasarakham University, Khamriang Sub-District, Kantarawichai District, Maha Sarakham Province 44150, Thailand. E-mail: [email protected] Received: May 20, 2014 Accepted: June 12, 2014 Online Published: June 26, 2014 doi:10.5539/ach.v6n2p242 URL: http://dx.doi.org/10.5539/ach.v6n2p242 Abstract This qualitative investigation aims to identify problems with cultural tourism in nine Thai temples and develop a model for improved tourism management. Data was collected by document research, observation, interview and focus group discussion. Results show that temples suffer from a lack of maintenance, poor service, inadequate tourist facilities, minimal community participation and inefficient public relations. A management model to combat these problems was designed by parties from each temple at a workshop. The model provides an eight-part strategy to increase the tourism potential of temples in Bangkok: temple site, safety, conveniences, attractions, services, public relations, cultural tourism and management. Keywords: management, cultural tourism, temples, Thailand, development 1. Introduction When Chao Phraya Chakri deposed King Taksin of the Thonburi Kingdom in 1982, he relocated the Siamese capital city to Bangkok and revived society under the name of his new Rattanakosin Kingdom (Prathepweti, 1995). Although royal monasteries had been commissioned much earlier in Thai history, there was a particular interest in their restoration during the reign of the Rattanakosin monarchs.
    [Show full text]
  • Major Developments in Thailand's Political Crisis
    Major developments in Thailand’s political crisis More unrest and policy paralysis are likely as Thailand prepares for early elections. The country has suffered five years of political turbulence and sporadic street violence after former premier Thaksin Shinawatra was ousted in a 2006 coup. Thaksin currently commands a powerful opposition movement, standing in the way of current prime minister, Abhisit Vejjajiva. SET index GDP growth – % chg y/y 1200 15 1000 10 I 800 H O 5 D B PQ C G E F 600 J 0 N M 400 KL -5 A 200 -10 2001 2002 2003 2004 2005 2006 2007 2008 2009 2010 2011 2001 2008 cont... A January 6 J September Thaksin Shinawatra’s Thais Love Thais (Thai Rak Thai) party wins Samak found guilty of violating constitution by hosting TV cooking 248 of 500 seats in parliamentary election. shows while in office and had to quit. Somchai Wongsawat, Thaksin’s brother-in-law at the time, is elected prime minister by 2005 parliament. B February 6 K October 21 Thailand voters hand Thaksin Shinawatra a second term with The Supreme Court sentences Thaksin to two years in jail in expanded mandate. absentia for breaking a conflict-of-interest law. C September L November 25 Sondhi Limthongkul, a former Thaksin business associate, starts PAD protesters storm Bangkok’s main airport, halting all flights. Up the yellow-shirted People’s Alliance for Democracy (PAD) street to 250,000 foreign tourists are stranded. campaign to oust Thaksin. M December Constitutional Court disbands the PPP and bans Somchai from 2006 politics for five years for electoral fraud.
    [Show full text]
  • Download This PDF File
    “PM STANDS ON HIS CRIPPLED LEGITINACY“ Wandah Waenawea CONCEPTS Political legitimacy:1 The foundation of such governmental power as is exercised both with a consciousness on the government’s part that it has a right to govern and with some recognition by the governed of that right. Political power:2 Is a type of power held by a group in a society which allows administration of some or all of public resources, including labor, and wealth. There are many ways to obtain possession of such power. Demonstration:3 Is a form of nonviolent action by groups of people in favor of a political or other cause, normally consisting of walking in a march and a meeting (rally) to hear speakers. Actions such as blockades and sit-ins may also be referred to as demonstrations. A political rally or protest Red shirt: The term5inology and the symbol of protester (The government of Abbhisit Wejjajiva). 1 Sternberger, Dolf “Legitimacy” in International Encyclopedia of the Social Sciences (ed. D.L. Sills) Vol. 9 (p. 244) New York: Macmillan, 1968 2 I.C. MacMillan (1978) Strategy Formulation: political concepts, St Paul, MN, West Publishing; 3 Oxford English Dictionary Volume 1 | Number 1 | January-June 2013 15 Yellow shirt: The terminology and the symbol of protester (The government of Thaksin Shinawat). Political crisis:4 Is any unstable and dangerous social situation regarding economic, military, personal, political, or societal affairs, especially one involving an impending abrupt change. More loosely, it is a term meaning ‘a testing time’ or ‘emergency event. CHAPTER I A. Background Since 2008, there has been an ongoing political crisis in Thailand in form of a conflict between thePeople’s Alliance for Democracy (PAD) and the People’s Power Party (PPP) governments of Prime Ministers Samak Sundaravej and Somchai Wongsawat, respectively, and later between the Democrat Party government of Prime Minister Abhisit Vejjajiva and the National United Front of Democracy Against Dictatorship (UDD).
    [Show full text]
  • Bangkok: Two Cities Petra Desatova
    Bangkok: Two Cities Petra Desatova Contemporary Southeast Asia: A Journal of International and Strategic Affairs, Volume 41, Number 2, August 2019, pp. 176-182 (Article) Published by ISEAS–Yusof Ishak Institute For additional information about this article https://muse.jhu.edu/article/732131 Access provided at 9 Jan 2020 10:18 GMT from New Copenhagen University Library Bangkok: Two Cities PETRA DESATOVA Bangkok delivered one of the biggest surprises of Thailand’s March 2019 election, with the capital’s fickle voters amplifying larger national trends. Though popularly viewed as a stronghold for the storied Democrat Party, the history of Bangkok’s elections over the past 40 years has been distinctly mixed. Bangkok voters have shown an unparalleled willingness to embrace new parties—hence the landslide wins by Prachakorn Thai in 1979, Palang Dharma in 1992 and Thai Rak Thai in 2001. It was the Democrats that secured the majority of Bangkok seats in 2007 and 2011, on the strength of backing both from more affluent middle-class voters and low-income inner city communities in districts such as Bang Rak and Khlong Toei. In the 2011 elections, the Democrat Party won 23 out of the capital’s 33 constituency seats. Its main rival, Pheu Thai, secured the remaining ten seats. By contrast, in the March 2019 elections, the Democrat Party failed to secure even a single constituency seat in the capital. Out of 30 seats available, Pheu Thai won nine. The rest were split between two new parties: the pro-military Palang Pracharat Party (12) and the progressive Future Forward Party (9).
    [Show full text]
  • COVID-19 Active Response and Expenditure Support Program
    Report and Recommendation of the President to the Board of Directors Project Number: 54177-001 June 2020 Proposed Countercyclical Support Facility Loans Kingdom of Thailand: COVID-19 Active Response and Expenditure Support Program Distribution of this document is restricted until it has been approved by the Board of Directors. Following such approval, ADB will disclose the document to the public in accordance with ADB’s Access to Information Policy after excluding information that is subject to exceptions to disclosure set forth in the policy. CURRENCY EQUIVALENTS (as of 7 June 2020) Currency unit – baht (B) B1.00 = $0.03173 $1.00 = B31.50 ABBREVIATIONS ADB – Asian Development Bank ASEAN – Association of Southeast Asian Nations BOT – Bank of Thailand CARES – COVID-19 Active Response and Expenditure Support CLMV – Cambodia, Lao People’s Democratic Republic, Myanmar, and Viet Nam COVID-19 – coronavirus disease CPS – country partnership strategy GDP – gross domestic product GMS – Greater Mekong Subregion IMF – International Monetary Fund MOF – Ministry of Finance MOPH – Ministry of Public Health SMEs – small and medium-sized enterprises WHO – World Health Organization NOTES (i) The fiscal year (FY) of the Government of Thailand and its agencies ends on 30 September. "FY" before a calendar year denotes the year in which the fiscal year ends, e.g., FY2020 ends on 30 September 2020. (ii) In this report, "$" refers to United States dollars. Vice-President Ahmed M. Saeed, Operations 2 Director General Ramesh Subramaniam, Southeast Asia Department (SERD) Directors Jose Antonio R. Tan III, Public Management, Financial Sector and Trade Division (SEPF), SERD Ayako Inagaki, Human and Social Development Division (SEHS), SERD Hideaki Iwasaki, Thailand Resident Mission (TRM), SERD Team leaders Duong T.
    [Show full text]
  • The Government of Thailand's National Review
    1 The Government of Thailand’s National Review Implementation of the Beijing Declaration and Platform for Action (1995) and the outcomes of the twenty-third special session of the General Assembly (2000) in the context of the twentieth anniversary of the Fourth World Conference on Women and the adoption of the Beijing Declaration and Platform for Action 2015 October 2014 2 Section One: Overview analysis of achievements and challenges since 1995 Thailand as a member of the global community has ratified numbers of international agreements on women and the promotion of gender equality, such as the Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination against Women (CEDAW), and endorsed Beijing Declaration and Platform for Action (BFPA) and the Millennium Development Goal (MDGs). These 3 agreements are definite, related, and corresponding to Thailand’s policies. The Thai government has attached great importance to the social equality and to mainstream gender perspectives in the national policy, giving priority to the promotion of gender equality, women’s role in politics and administration at all level, and the respect for human dignity. Major achievements in promoting gender equality and empowering women in Thailand since the adoption of the Beijing Platform for Action in 1995 can be identified as follows: National policy on gender equality and women empowerment Over the past few decades Thailand has implemented a total of nine short and long term women’s development plans. Thailand has developed long-term (20-year) and, on a regular basis, short-term (5-year) Women’s Development Plans , the national policy and guidelines on gender equality and the empowerment of women, as part of, and a key to integrate women and gender from the global, regional and national commitments into the mainstream of the National Economic and Social Development Plans.
    [Show full text]
  • Military Brotherhood Between Thailand and Myanmar: from Ruling to Governing the Borderlands
    1 Military Brotherhood between Thailand and Myanmar: From Ruling to Governing the Borderlands Naruemon Thabchumphon, Carl Middleton, Zaw Aung, Surada Chundasutathanakul, and Fransiskus Adrian Tarmedi1, 2 Paper presented at the 4th Conference of the Asian Borderlands Research Network conference “Activated Borders: Re-openings, Ruptures and Relationships”, 8-10 December 2014 Southeast Asia Research Centre, City University of Hong Kong 1. Introduction Signaling a new phase of cooperation between Thailand and Myanmar, on 9 October 2014, Thailand’s new Prime Minister, General Prayuth Chan-o-cha took a two-day trip to Myanmar where he met with high-ranked officials in the capital Nay Pi Taw, including President Thein Sein. That this was Prime Minister Prayuth’s first overseas visit since becoming Prime Minister underscored the significance of Thailand’s relationship with Myanmar. During their meeting, Prime Minister Prayuth and President Thein Sein agreed to better regulate border areas and deepen their cooperation on border related issues, including on illicit drugs, formal and illegal migrant labor, including how to more efficiently regulate labor and make Myanmar migrant registration processes more efficient in Thailand, human trafficking, and plans to develop economic zones along border areas – for example, in Mae 3 Sot district of Tak province - to boost trade, investment and create jobs in the areas . With a stated goal of facilitating border trade, 3 pairs of adjacent provinces were named as “sister provinces” under Memorandums of Understanding between Myanmar and Thailand signed by the respective Provincial governors during the trip.4 Sharing more than 2000 kilometer of border, both leaders reportedly understood these issues as “partnership matters for security and development” (Bangkok Post, 2014).
    [Show full text]
  • The Freedom of Academic Freedom: a Legal Dilemma
    Chicago-Kent Law Review Volume 48 Issue 2 Article 4 October 1971 The Freedom of Academic Freedom: A Legal Dilemma Luis Kutner Follow this and additional works at: https://scholarship.kentlaw.iit.edu/cklawreview Part of the Law Commons Recommended Citation Luis Kutner, The Freedom of Academic Freedom: A Legal Dilemma, 48 Chi.-Kent L. Rev. 168 (1971). Available at: https://scholarship.kentlaw.iit.edu/cklawreview/vol48/iss2/4 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by Scholarly Commons @ IIT Chicago-Kent College of Law. It has been accepted for inclusion in Chicago-Kent Law Review by an authorized editor of Scholarly Commons @ IIT Chicago-Kent College of Law. For more information, please contact [email protected], [email protected]. THE FREEDOM OF ACADEMIC FREEDOM: A LEGAL DILEMMA Luis KUTNER* Because modern man in his search for truth has turned away from kings, priests, commissars and bureaucrats, he is left, for better or worse, with professors. -Walter Lippman. Complete liberty of contradicting and disproving our opinion is the very condition which justifies us in assuming its truth for purposes of action.... -John Stuart Mill, On Liberty. I. INTRODUCTION IN THESE DAYS of crisis in higher education, part of the threat to aca- demic freedom-which includes the concepts of freedom of thought, inquiry, expression and orderly assembly-has come, unfortunately, from certain actions by professors, who have traditionally enjoyed the protection that academic freedom affords. While many of the professors who teach at American institutions of higher learning are indeed competent and dedicated scholars in their fields, a number of their colleagues have allied themselves with student demonstrators and like organized groups who seek to destroy the free and open atmosphere of the academic community.
    [Show full text]