Power & Participation &in Modern Britain

David Beetham, Andrew Blick, Helen Margetts and Stuart Weir A Literature Review by Democratic Audit

Power and Participation in Modern Britain An internal Democratic Audit paper, February 2008A Literature Review 1

Power & Participation in Modern Britain

by Democratic Audit for the Carnegie UK Trust Democracy and Civil Society programme

David Beetham, Andrew Blick, &Helen Margetts and Stuart Weir Democratic Audit Literature Review for Carnegie Trust UK Designed by Tony Garrett, Printed by Creative Print Group, Wembley

4 The Democratic Audit Preface

his paper was originally are keen to receive feedback on commissioned by the its findings to date, not least any Carnegie UK Trust gaps. Comments can be fed back to inform its new to Democratic Audit or directly Democracy and Civil to Carnegie UK’s Democracy Society Programme. Programme Director, Raji Hunjan TheT programme has been set at [email protected] up to contribute towards the strengthening of civil society Charlie McConnell and people empowerment across Chief Executive, Carnegie UK the UK and Ireland. The Trust has established a Commission of Inquiry into the future of civil society, chaired by Geoff Mulgan, and this has just completed its first phase of investigation. The Trust will be publishing its initial findings later this autumn. For further information on the work of the Carnegie Commission see www.carnegieuktrust.org.uk In addition to the work of the commission, Carnegie has contracted a number of independent think tanks to map and analyse power in the UK and Ireland, of which this paper is one. Our aim is to move beyond the work of the Rowntree Trusts’ Power Inquiry, which largely focused upon the interface between the citizen and the local and national state. Carnegie’s power mapping exercise is intended to examine wider political, economic, cultural, social and media influences in society and ways in which civil society can affect and democratise the distribution of power. This paper does not necessarily represent the views of Carnegie UK. Indeed, we see this very much as work in progress and

Power and Participation in Modern Britain 5 6 The Democratic Audit Contents

Preface 5 Part 4: Participation in Civil Society 47 Acknowledgements 8 Inequalities in Resources and Power 47 About the Authors 8 Poverty and social exclusion Towards middle class hegemony Introduction 9 Economic, social and cultural inequalities Executive Summary 11 The balance of power Who Participates? 52 Part 1: Variations in political participation Theories Of Political Power 14 Associational life and social capital Introduction 14 Personal and political efficacy The Nature of Political Power 15 Citizen Action 55 Key features of political power Spaces for participation: closed, invited, claimed/created The Ideological Framework 17 Observations 59 Part 2: Power And Participation in Practice 19 Part 5: Conclusions 60 National Government and Globalisation 19 Power at a global level Perspectives on power and influence 60 Britain’s role in the world Comments on local democracy 62 Political and Corporate Power 22 Government at the centre The powers of the executive Corporate influence on government The media – ‘unelected legislators’? Power in the workplace Participation in Local Governance 31 The new localism The Brown effect The local governance framework

Part 3: Handles On Power 36

Government Policies on Participation 36 Rights and Citizen Mobilisation 37 Redress Countervailing Influences 40 Civil society Trade unions Political parties? The Power of the Internet 44

Power and Participation in Modern Britain 7 Acknowledgements About the authors

e are very pleased to of the Institute for Political and Professor David Beetham be able to publish this Economic Governance, University is a leading British political report on power and of Manchester, for advice on theorist and Associate Director participation in Britain drafted sections; and to Professor of Democratic Audit. He has with a generous grant Marian Barnes, of the School of undertaken many recent interna- from the Lipman- Applied Social Science, University tional consultancies on democracy WMiliband Trust. The research for of Brighton, who shared with for UNESCO, the UN High this literature review was carried us the fruits of her researches Commission on Human Rights, out in the summer of 2007. We had into participation. Thanks too to International IDEA and the Inter- only three months in which to carry Professor Keith Ewing, of King’s Parliamentary Union (IPU). Recent out the research and so there are College, London, for sharing with publications include Democracy gaps in what we have been able to us ideas on workplace rights; to and Human Rights, Democracy, a cover; and the research has been Hilary Wainwright, co-editor of Red Beginner’s Guide and Parliament becoming increasingly out of date. Pepper and research director of the and Democracy in the Twenty- Nevertheless we believe that we New Politics Project of the Tran- first Century: a Guide to Good have identified issues that are of snational Institute, Amsterdam, for Practice, IPU 2006; and (jointly) great importance to the Brown her thoughts on participation; and International IDEA Handbook government’s governance package, to Martin McIvor, of UNISON, for on Democracy Assessment and and especially to its welcome valuable insights into modern trade Democracy under Blair. He emphasis on participation, and so unionism. acted as adviser on the ESRC we decided that we should publish We are also grateful for valuable programme on participation. it, warts and all, if at all possible. contributions to the study from Andrew Blick is currently full-time Our thanks go to the trustees of those who attended a seminar to Research Officer at Democratic the Lipman-Miliband Trust for discuss power and participation at Audit. He has conducted political rescuing the report. 1 Parliament Street, London SW1: research for Lord Radice, Professor We also owe thanks to all Anthony Barnett, openDemocracy; George Jones and BBC Television. those who gave us advice and Tufyal Choudhury, University of He was Secretary to an All-Party information last summer. We owe Durham; Jane Foot; Sofia Hamaz, Group of MPs on the Constitu- particular thanks to Professors Linacre College, University of tion for two years. He is author of Keith Dowding and Patrick Oxford; Peter John; Stephen People who Live in the Dark (on Dunleavy, both of the LSE, Pittam, Joseph Rowntree Charitable political advisers) and How to go and John Gaventa, Fellow at Trust; and Lord Smith of Clifton. to War and has contributed to a the Institute for Development Raji Hunjan, who was in number of Democratic Audit books Studies, University of Sussex, charge of the democracy project at and reports. who gave us early steers on the Carnegie UK Trust, was unfailingly theoretical literature of power; enthusiastic and supportive. Helen Margetts is Professor of to Jane Foot, independent policy We owe thanks too to Charlie Society and the Internet at Oxford consultant and associate, Centre McConnell, director, and Morven University and was formerly for Urban & Community Research, Masterton at Carnegie. Professor in Political Science, Goldsmiths College, University UCL, and Director of the School of of London, for a personal seminar Stuart Weir, Andrew Blick, David Public Policy, UCL. She carries out on local government in Britain; Beetham and Helen Margetts research and writes on electoral to her and Professor Peter John, 5 February 2008 systems and results, popular

8 The Democratic Audit Introduction

attitudes to democratic issues, olitical power is important, tion in the UK, and particularly e-government and participation on because it constitutes the to enable people to take full the Internet. She is a consultant very fabric of politics, advantage of the government’s to the National Audit Office and and of society itself, and drive to open up participation at was co-leader of the team that determines how the local level. wrote the influential NAO study, benefits, opportunities and The paper has its origins in Government on the Web. She also Pdisadvantages of life in the United a literature review, undertaken led on the study, The BNP: the Kingdom are shared between its on behalf of the Carnegie UK roots of its appeal, for the Joseph inhabitants and communities. Trust, to inform its longer-term Rowntree Charitable Trust. Yet the study of power in the UK project to map power in the UK. is, as the sociologist Anthony It is necessarily indicative: the Professor Stuart Weir is Director of Giddens wrote 30 years ago, research was carried out within a Democratic Audit, a research body ‘almost uncharted territory’. This very short time-span and there are attached to the Human Rights paper is an initial exploration of inevitably omissions. While the Centre, University of Essex. He is this ‘uncharted territory’. There review broadly covers the United joint author of three democratic is still scarcely any empirical Kingdom as a whole, much of audits of the UK, including research on power in the United the detailed research, especially Democracy under Blair and of Kingdom, the literature on partici- on local governance, centres on other Audit books and reports. pation is sparse, and this paper England and Wales and we barely He was one of the authors of the represents the first attempt we cover the impact of devolution. International IDEA Handbook know of that seeks to consider Further, most of the research was on Democracy Assessment and both power and participation conducted before Gordon Brown has acted as a consultant on together. For Democratic Audit, became Prime Minister and we democracy and human rights a deeper understanding of the have been able only to modify the in India, Macedonia, Malawi, structures of power – institutional study to take account of what are Namibia, Nigeria, Palestine and in society at large – is vital potentially far-reaching changes and Zimbabwe. He is a former to assessing the prospects of the in many areas. We hope to publish journalist and as editor of the New meaningful participation promised detailed appraisals of their effect Statesman he founded Charter in July 2007 by Gordon Brown in later this year. 88, the movement for democratic the government green paper, The Thus we do not present the reform, in 1988. Governance of Britain. paper as a full-scale survey of The paper is driven by the power in all its manifestations desire to identify the obstacles in Britain. That must await the and opportunities for participa- further researches of the Carnegie tion by ordinary citizens and their Trust, whose director explains the communities, and especially the trust’s larger projects on power most marginal groups among and civil society in the UK in his them, in the decisions that affect preface above. Democratic Audit their lives. Our purpose is to is engaged in case studies in local create a wider understanding of government and participation that how power works in the UK to will complement this research and enable the deeper expansion of hopefully add to our knowledge of political activity and participa- neglected issues that are vital for a

Power and Participation in Modern Britain 9 better understanding of democracy a variety of examples of citizen in this country. action since 1997 and conclude In Part 1, we review the with some observations on ‘citizen theoretic literature analysing action’. In Part 5, we offer some power: we consider the five wider conclusions and recommen- resources that are important for dations. the exercise of power; the different This printed copy is for internal dimensions or ‘faces’ of power; purposes only and no copies are the supra-national, national and available for the general public. sub-national levels of power; and The paper is generally available in a typology of ‘spaces for participa- full on www.democraticaudit.com tion’ against which to weigh up Stuart Weir, the quality of participation in the Director, Democratic Audit UK. We go on to describe the February 2008 significance of the ideological environment which influences and shapes the use of power. Our interpretation of the theory informs Part 2, which deals with political power and participa- tion in practice, largely up to the end of the Blair premiership (though with additional analysis of the Prime Minister’s The Governance of Britain green paper). We consider the role of power at global, national, regional and local levels; we also briefly describe the exercise of power in the workplace. In Part 3, we identify ‘handles’ on power that citizens can make use of and the opportunities for and obstacles to participation; we examine the rights and remedies that are available to people, consider the roles of organisations in civil society (including particularly trade unions and political parties) and assess the impact that the Internet might have. In Part 4, we analyse inequalities in power, resources and participation and

10 The Democratic Audit Executive summary

olitical power is important, effect on the economic and social ciational life, or civil society, and because it constitutes the policies of British governments benefit disproportionately from very fabric of politics, that in turn affect the ability of the influence that their organised and of society itself, and ordinary citizens to govern their activities can bring to bear (for determines how the affairs. Free-market pressures example, on planning issues) as benefits and opportunities are re-shaping public services as well as from the networks that Pof life in the United Kingdom are much as the ordinary public who these activities generate. Social shared between its inhabitants are being offered participation and exclusion in all its manifestations and communities. Remarkably, ‘choice’. inhibits the participation of poor however, empirical study of power Within the UK, the core and disadvantaged communities in the UK is, as the sociologist executive, or government, and individuals. Moreover, citizen Anthony Giddens wrote 30 years wields great and often unac- action is not always beneficial ago, ‘almost uncharted territory’. countable power. This power is in its intentions and effects: the There is however an extensive sealed in most circumstances by activities of the British National theoretical literature that analyses the governing party’s majority Party and paedophile witch-hunts (among other matters) the five in the House of Commons bear witness to that. resources that are important – an institution that also acts However, participation in for the exercise of power; the as bulwark against popular the UK is a buoyant and diverse different dimensions or ‘faces’ of opinion. The City of London phenomenon that involves a power; and its supra-national, and corporate business exercise wide range of people. Overall national and local levels. We press wide and continuing influence we conclude that widening and theory into service to analyse the upon government, in part deepening participation can lead distribution of power in the UK because of the global ideological to greater social justice, more and to review the opportunities environment; regulation of effective public services and a for participation – especially at the City and corporate affairs society of self-confident citizens. local level – at a time when it has is kept ‘light’. Government Participation is assisted by a become a central feature of the departments routinely consult variety of ‘handles’ on power that new Labour government’s policy- business interests more thoroughly citizens can make use of – civil making. than other stakeholders. The and political rights under the In the modern world no nation media also exert influence upon Human Rights Act; other rights is an island entire unto itself. The government policies and the print and regulatory laws; a host of United Kingdom’s freedom of media, in particular the Murdoch public and unofficial advocacy action is shaped by the pressures newspapers, clearly exercise bodies; regulatory agencies; of the global market, the global political power – for example, on official mechanisms of redress; communications revolution, its the Blair government’s policies and so on. The media can also membership of the European towards the EU. further popular or community Union and an ad-hoc regime of Participation by citizens and causes through reports and global institutions and alliances communities in the UK is as comment. The trade unions, in which UK governments play unequal as is the distribution of though greatly diminished in their a significant role. Ideas are power and resources in what is spread and influence since the also powerful. The free-market an increasingly unequal society. 1970s, can still provide represen- ideology that dominates world Rich and highly educated social tation and education for workers trade and politics has a profound groups tend to dominate asso- and support socially valuable

Power and Participation in Modern Britain 11 enterprises (though the workplace which central government and its for citizens’ decisions for minor can be the site of gross manipula- agencies effectively rule, the local projects. tion of power). authorities closest to people have Our recommendations are as The internet has had a far- negligible voice and account- follows: reaching and growing impact ability is confused. 1. The government must ground on governmental, corporate and The Prime Minister’s consultation, participation, and media communications in the UK commitment to ‘change’ in devices of ‘direct’ democracy and has greatly expanded their Britain’s constitutional arrange- such as citizen’s juries and influence. Its ability to link groups ments must therefore be far more participatory budgeting within and individuals and to facilitate radical if it is to make a democratic the framework of elected joint action plainly carries great reality of participatory democracy representative government at potential for participation. A key at the local level – where we local and regional level. implication of this potential is place most emphasis in this that non-state actors can become study. Big in local government is 2. The government must lift the more powerful vis-à-vis the state; neither effective nor beautiful and weight of central financial state institutions tend to suffer a divorces the local state from local and policy controls from net loss of nodality in the on-line communities. We recommend a local authorities to give them world. But here again inequalities fundamental reversal of existing freedoms to make policy, in society are reflected in access policies towards local government and sufficient resources and to the internet and prejudice and the quango state so that local tax-raising capacity its potential to rebalance power elected local authorities can to be able to respond to the relations and enhance participa- be made considerably more wishes and needs of their local tion. autonomous in terms of their populations, as expressed Local democracy is important policies, revenues and expenditure through the ballot, consulta- for the exercise of power and and protected against constant tive exercises, participatory political participation. Most central government meddling. budgeting, citizens’ juries and opportunities for people to play Hazel Blears, the government other participatory devices. a part in decisions that affect the minister responsible for local 3. The Prime Minister’s proposal quality of their lives normally government, cites participatory for a concordat between occur at local level; and studies budgeting in the Brazilian city central government and the of participation have shown of Porte Alegre as a precedent Local Government Association that most people participate at for similar budgeting exercises places far more responsibility this level. However, modern here. But the contrast between upon local authorities to ‘local governance’, especially the position of Britain’s weak and satisfy central government in England, is neither local nor remote local authorities and Porto than for central government often directly democratic. Local Alegre is striking. A World Bank to give formal recognition authorities are too large to be close Social Development Note states to the significance of local to their populations and too much that municipalities in Brazil have autonomy. We recommend that under central government controls ‘considerable autonomy over as part of its moves towards on their policies, finances and their revenues (raised from local a written constitution the resources to be fully responsive taxes, tariffs and federal transfers) government should give local to the needs and wishes of those and expenditures’ – and it is this government constitutional populations. In current governing autonomy that makes participatory protection on the European structures, the significant policy- budgeting there meaningful. The model and create strong and making is largely carried out at budgeting process in Porto Alegre self confident local authorities the level of the very largest local decides major regional decisions according to the criteria of the authorities (serving populations of on transportation; education, European Charter for Local up to nearly 1.4 million people); leisure and culture; health Self Government. these authorities make policy with and social welfare; economic other authorities, major quangos, development and taxation; and 4. We also recommend that the other public bodies and regional city organisation, as well as government should dismantle government offices in remote, neighbourhood decisions; under the undemocratic scaffolding highly complex and fluid policy- Hazel Blears, only marginal ‘left of English ‘partnership making ‘partnerships’ within over’ funds will be made available governance’ where major

12 The Democratic Audit decisions are to be taken at that such exercises should near regional level out of take. The framework should reach of popular participa- establish rules that ensure tion. ‘Partnership governance’ that people are enabled shares power between various to participate in decision- ‘partners’ – quangos, trusts, making, rather than merely police authorities, partner- being consulted; that final ships, etc – rather than with decisions should take account the people or their elected of their recommendations; representatives. These partners and that participation should – charged with shaping local be inclusive and extend to policies and decision-making all those who are likely to – are only partially or not at be affected by a policy or all accessible, transparent or decision – in order to avoid the accountable individually. danger that opportunities for greater participation will be 5. Tony Blair once promised a seized upon most by articulate ‘bonfire’ of quangos. This and already organised social promise was never a realistic groups at the expense of other proposition. But the major groups. quangos and NHS bodies with executive functions that now 8. Finally, the Prime Minister exist do require to be democra- should reconsider the outright tised. refusal to consider including economic, social and cultural 6. The government’s legislative rights in the new Bill of Rights programme for the current and Responsibilities that is session of Parliament includes trailed in the green paper. The the Planning Bill that would introduction of such rights in create a new quango, the the UK would balance and infrastructure planning make more substantial the commission, to decide upon civil and political rights that major infrastructure plans for people have under the Human airports, ports, motorways, Rights Act and common law power stations, reservoirs, and strengthen the ability of waste incinerators. We urge disadvantaged groups and Gordon Brown not to proceed communities to participate in with this proposal in the light the social, economic and envi- of his commitment to greater ronmental policies that shape participation. The very point of their lives and livelihoods. these proposals is to ease the way for the kind of develop- ments that provoke citizen action by removing decisions further from ordinary citizens and their elected representa- tives.

7. The role of central government in encouraging greater citizen engagement should be simply to set a basic framework of principles, consistency and transparency rather than determining the exact form

Power and Participation in Modern Britain 13 Part 1 theories of political power

n 1 May 2007, the people universal entitlement to free of Modbury, a ‘horsy English (ESOL) classes for people farmy’ town in Devon, with different languages was to adopted a ban on plastic be removed. These classes are a bags after winning over significant life line for thousands local tradespeople. of people with poor English, and TheyO were inspired by a local especially for marginalised ethnic camerawoman, Rebecca Hoskins, minorities. The classes contribute who brought back film of the to easing them more fully into dangers for wild-life caused by society and strengthen their plastic bag pollution in the Pacific communities overall. A coalition of and English seas. Within two ESOL students, MPs, trade unions weeks, more than 60 towns, or and teachers began an internet- rather towns-people, in the UK based campaign of meetings, approached Modbury to learn how marches, lobbying and media it was done and a plastic-bag-free coverage and finally in March movement has been born that is Rammell announced that he was now having a national impact. modifying the decision. Hundreds Retired solicitor Ben Birnberg of people in Lewes boycotted the used Company Act rules to force Lewes Arms after Greene King, Tesco to accept a resolution at the owners, had withdrawn the its annual shareholders’ meeting local Harvey’s Bitter from sale to in June 2007, committing the force customers to drink their own firm to adopt higher standards in IPA, even after receiving a petition its dealings with suppliers and signed by 1,100 people; after a farmers in developing countries huge 90 per cent fall in takings after a War on Want report found and international press coverage, evidence of Bangladeshi women Greene King threw in the towel being paid poverty wages in just as Der Spiegel was inter- ‘death trap’ factories. To applause viewing local protesters. In May from the floor, Gertruida Baartman 2007 a jury in Bristol unanimously a South African fruit picker whose found two carpenters, Toby Olditch farm supplies Tesco through and Philip Pritchard, not guilty of exporter Capespan, said she had criminal damage for breaking into come for a second time to speak RAF Fairford to sabotage US B52 up ‘because little has changed bombers in an effort to save the in our lives. Our children still go lives of Iraqi civilians on the eve of hungry ... We are asking Tesco to the ‘shock and awe’ bombing raids give us what we deserve. We just over Iraq. want to live a life of dignity.’ All these events are recent In October 2006 Bill Rammell, examples of citizens acting or the higher education minister, joining together in collective announced that the existing action at local and national level

14 The Democratic Audit to change or affect decisions or is our belief that widening and such as the state, to make and policies that they believe are deepening participation can lead enforce laws wrong. They have been chosen at to greater social justice, more l Information/expertise random to illustrate the diversity effective public services and a i.e., knowledge and and spontaneity of citizen action society of self-confident citizens. information are important in the UK, but they also show how power resources. The ability to individual actions often become The Nature of Political Power withhold, discover, publish or collective and inform the public We have selected the work of four disseminate information can be at large – for example a ‘Fairford contributors to the theoretical crucial. Two’ campaign sprang up around literature as guides for our review Olditch and Pritchard – and how of power because it seems to us l Reputation the very local and supra-national that their writings have most i.e, a wide-ranging resource, are often inter-related. They also relevance to our interest in the including for example, give some sense of the complexity way political power actually celebrity approval or drive as well as the importance of works in the UK and the place (Geldof and Bono; Jamie political power in the world and that participation can and does Oliver; etc), a pressure within British society. Political inhabit. Most basically, Keith group’s reputation for sound power is important at all levels Dowding’s book Power identifies research (Child Poverty Action and in all its varieties; beginning the different kinds of resource Group) or for ‘making waves’ with the place of the UK within a through which people are able to (Greenpeace), or the mafia’s globalised world driven by ideas get others to do what they want.1 reputation for relentless pursuit as well as by financial markets and His resource-based account of its threats and interests. trade, major nations, international of power in which actors are In the context of public policy, institutions and corporations; and powerful because of the resources Steven Lukes’s classic Power, a narrowing down to government at they bring to a bargain with other Radical View distinguishes three all levels in Britain, but especially actors is probably the most useful different dimensions or ‘faces’ of at local level given the importance starting point. David Beetham power: the public face, the hidden of local democracy to participa- draws attention to a further aspect face, and an ‘insidious’ third face. tion. of power: the way its acceptability These dimensions are: the ability Political power, in brief, and effectiveness depend upon to get one’s way despite opposition constitutes the very fabric of its degree of legitimacy.2 Drawing or resistance; the ability to keep politics, and of society itself, on them both, we can identify five issues off the political agenda in and determine how the benefits, resources that are important in the first place; and finally, the opportunities and disadvantages determining an actor’s power: shaping of the public domain of life in the United Kingdom are l Unconditional incentives through the beliefs, values and shared between its inhabitants i.e., an actor’s ability to wants that are considered normal and communities, and which structure the choices others or acceptable; 3 or, as John social groups participate in public make. The incentives are Gaventa explains it, the process decision-making and which unconditional in the sense don’t. Participation in the UK ‘through which the relatively that the second actor bears is as unequal as is the distribu- powerless come to internalise the costs or receives the tion of power and resources. and accept their own condition, advantages no matter what Participatory practices may and thus might not be aware of they do. for example privilege middle- nor act upon their interests in class home-owners at the l Conditional incentives any observable way.’4 expense of poorer neighbours in i.e., an actor’s capacity to Finally, John Gaventa extends housing need when proposals affect people’s choices through Lukes’s multi-dimensional for development are being offers or threats, or ‘throffers’. approach to power in the public considered. Moreover, citizen l Legitimate authority domain by adding, first, different action is not always beneficial e.g., the ability of an actor, in its intentions and effects: the 3 Now available in a Second Edition, Palgrave/ activities of the British National Macmillan, 2005. 1 Dowding, K., Power, University of Minnesota Press, 4 Gaventa, J., ‘Levels, Spaces and Forms of Power: Party and paedophile witch-hunts Minneapolis, 1996 Analysing opportunities for change’ in Berenskoeeter bear witness to that. However, it 2 Beetham, D., The Legitimation of Power, Macmillan and Williams, eds., Power in World Politics, Routledge, 1991. 2007.

Power and Participation in Modern Britain 15 spatial levels (supra-national, Rules of property are the most but geographically dispersed, national, sub-national), and, obvious example of these heterogeneous and short of secondly, setting out a typology of rules. But social attitudes and any of the ‘power resources’ ‘spaces for participation’ (invited, socially necessary skills and described above. closed, claimed or created) which activities also become a source 4. In modern societies relational we consider throughout and use to of power through rules of power is structured and concen- frame our final analysis. exclusion and access, leading trated in institutional systems for example to discriminatory of authority in the economy and Key features of political power practices on the one hand and state (defined broadly), and in From these – and other5 – differentials in education and the shifting patterns of relation- theoretical studies we have drawn qualifications on the other. ship between them. One char- a few simple propositions about 2. Power is also relational, acteristic of the present phase is the nature of power – what it is that is, it is structured and that of economic and voluntary and what its key features are – exercised in relations between enterprises taking over public which have helped organise and people in a variety of ways. functions previously carried out guide our review of the research People’s capacity to achieve by elected authorities. However, literature. their purposes can be realised two features are common to 1. At its most basic, power is the through others, by influence all institutions and corporate ability people have to achieve or persuasion; it can be bodies in a democracy, whether their purposes, whatever realised over others, by the operating in the private or these purposes happen to power to grant or withhold public sectors: be. The extent of their power some resource or service that i) They have to meet certain depends on a combination they need, or by virtue of a publicly validated criteria of of their capacities, resources position of authority; it can be legitimacy, both for the way and opportunities. Power realised with others, through they are organised (account- as so defined is unequally cooperation and organisation ability, etc.) and for what they do distributed within British in a common enterprise or (satisfying needs, not causing society – some people and activity. And of course all three harm, etc.). While these criteria some groups have greater modes – through, over and for legitimacy both reinforce and power than others. The with – can occur simultane- set limits to institutional power, inequalities in political and ously, and in both private and public challenges to them can social power are not random public contexts. form some of the most serious but are structured by capital, 3. The ability to form groups is challenges to that power. class, gender, ethnicity, age, crucial to the acquisition of and so on. We should begin ii) In a democracy these power: political and social by paying attention to this institutional systems of authority power always depends upon differential structuring of also have to provide space for a coalition of interests. It capacities, resources and the voices of different groups is typical of the relatively opportunities. Processes of of stakeholders, whether as powerless in the basic exclusion, typically embodied citizens, consumers, share- sense (those low in personal in rules, which prohibit access holders or whatever, including capacities, resources and to key resources, and which opportunities for individual opportunities) that they determine who may use or complaint or redress. Though particularly need to cooperate possess them, are central to the these spaces are enormously with others to achieve their social organisation of power. varied in form and extent (see purposes; but they are also Gaventa here), they are typically 5 Arendt, H., On Violence, Allen Lane 1970; particularly vulnerable to Bachrach, P., and Baratz, M. S., Power and Poverty: Theory controlled from above.7 and Practice, Oxford University Press, New York, 1970; ‘collective action problems’ – Baldwin, D. A., Paradoxes of Power, Basil Blackwell, Oxford, 1989; Dahl, R., Who Governs? Democracy and the disincentives and obstacles 5. A simple further aspect of Power in an American City, Yale University Press, New 6 Haven, 1961; Foucault, M., Power: Essential Works of to forming a coalition. The ‘power’ is one that long predates Foucault 1954-1984, vol. 3, Penguin 1994; Gramsci, unemployed are a classic A., Prison Notebooks: Selections, Lawrence & Wishart 7 For a broad summary, see Weir, S., and Beetham, D., 1987; Giddens, A., and Held, D. (eds), Classes, Power, example of a so called ‘latent’ Political Power and Democratic Control, Routledge 1999, and Conflict: Classical and Contemporary Debates, esp. ch. 10; and more specifically, Barnes, M., Newman, J., Macmillan, Basingstoke, 1982; and Stanworth, P., and pressure group, that is large and Sullivan, H., Power, Participation and Political Renewal: Giddens, A. (eds), Elites and power in British society, case studies in public participation, The Policy Press, Bristol, Cambridge University Press, Cambridge, 1974. 6 See Dowding, op cit. 2007

16 The Democratic Audit the work of Steven Lukes: the age’ etc., which structure c. An assessment of the that is, the famous ‘law of what is thought possible and impact of participation, and an anticipated reactions’, which desirable. As Keynes noted, explanation for this (or lack of draws out the logic of power as ‘[The] ideas of economists it). an ability or capacity. Suppose and political philosophers, you have the capacity to jump both when they are right and The ideological framework over a three-foot wall. You when they are wrong, are more We can pursue Keynes’s comment don’t have to be continually powerful than is commonly about the power of prevailing exercising the capacity by understood. Indeed, the world ideas and beliefs briefly in jumping over walls to have it; is ruled by little else’. 8 Lukes’ relation to the way they shape it remains still there. Similarly ‘non-decisions’ – determining public policy and opportunities with power: people adjust their what is on and off the political for participation. Historically, the behaviour in the context of agenda – are not necessarily exceptional circumstances of the the powerful because of their the result of people working second world war made space for anticipations of how they may intentionally to prevent the an ideological and social upheaval react if they don’t, without consideration of certain that temporarily broke the political power having to be exercised courses of action (though and social structures of the 1930s or even made explicit. This of course that happens), and created a relatively long- logic is what explains the but are often the product of lasting new era of social consensus ‘invisible face’ of power. deeply engrained mind-sets. around the welfare state. Wartime Naturally, the power to shape ministers were obliged to appease 6. In contrast, the power of or influence ideas is one of the a growing mood of popular the relatively powerless has most significant powers there radicalism. A new consensus typically to be visibly exercised, is, though tracing the precise grew around the ideas of Keynes sometimes in apparently nature and course of such and William Beveridge and their confrontational or disruptive influence is rarely easy. advocacy of interventionist state ways, if it is to achieve any initiative (vital anyway in a time effect. ‘Participation’ refers to 6. In this paper we build on of total war) and egalitarian state the visible exercise of a latent Gaventa’s typology of ‘closed, action.9 In the late 1960s and capacity in collaboration with invited and claimed spaces’ to 1970s, disillusion with Britain’s others, which is only effective cover the following issues: relatively slow growth and loss of through its public manifesta- a. Who participates and reputation in the world created tion. why (some combination of another opportunity for radical 7. Power is not an unchanging incentives, opportunities and re-thinking: Mrs Thatcher’s or finite resource, but is a resources) neo-liberal revolution, opening up fluid entity that has differing the British economy to the world b. The distinctive mode of effects and impact in different and crushing the trade unions participation; a useful typology circumstances and between which were widely blamed for would distinguish between the actors, depending often the ‘British sickness’. The fall of following: on whether actors are in the Soviet empire, removing the agreement or opposition. A l individual vs. collective only ‘actually existing’ alternative powerful authority may accept action or initiative; to capitalism, has now given a proposal or demand from aggressive neo-liberalism space l unstructured vs. structured others if it is in the authority’s to establish itself as the governing through existing organisations interests, or reject it when it is doctrine of globalisation. or channels not. The impact of this major shift l time-bound or one-off vs. in the ideological framework 8. Power in all the modes ongoing through time for government, or rather outlined above is affected by ‘governance’, on the less the prevailing ideas and beliefs l reactive vs. proactive privileged with whom we are of the relevant agents – from concerned, can be heightened beliefs about their respective

powers, to the wider ideas, 9 See for example Addison, P., The Road to 1945: ideologies, ‘common sense of British Politics and the Second World War, Pimlico, 1994; 8 Keynes, J. M., The General Theory of Employment, and Hennessy, P., Never Again: Britain 1945, Jonathan Money and Interest, Macmillan 1936. Cape 1992.

Power and Participation in Modern Britain 17 by institutional arrangements. not fully dissipated among the Political scientist Peter Taylor- British public. A majority of people Gooby argues that the ‘highly in Britain believe that ‘social centralised’ nature of the system justice’ is one of the foundations of government in the UK gives of democracy, along with political those who hold power ‘a freer freedom, both of which ideas are hand’ to direct welfare reform than important for participation; and anywhere else in Europe. People opinion polls generally record from more ‘marginal groups (for popular support for state welfare example unemployed people and its institutions (pre-eminently, and those on low incomes) find it the principle of a NHS free at the impossible to make their voices point of need). 11 heard.’ Taylor-Gooby states that the traditional Keynes-Beveridge citizenship welfare state no longer has ‘powerful advocates’. Political arrangements in the UK ‘facilitate the stability of this [liberal] consensus, because first-past-the-post voting makes it difficult for minority parties to exert an influence and because unions are too weak to contribute to policy-making.’ While those people who are most harmed by the ‘liberal-leaning consensus’ remain unheard and unable to enter political debate, ‘high levels of poverty and inequality…are likely to persist.’10 Ideas of all shapes and sizes however also have power below and among these major discourses and can influence their course. The United Nations established human rights as a global objective after 1945 and regional human rights instruments, such as the European Convention of Human Rights, were agreed. Social movements such as feminism and ‘gay rights’ have a continuing influence, especially in the North. Environmentalism has been given a major impetus globally, nationally and locally, by the now undeniable long-term conse- quences of global warming. Given our concern for social justice, it is important to note that the post-war ideology of the ‘welfare state’ is

11 See for example, Dunleavy et al, Voices of the 10 Taylor-Gooby, P., ‘Welfare Reform in the UK: the People: Popular attitudes to democratic renewal in Britain, Construction of a Liberal Consensus’, in Taylor-Gooby, P. Politico’s (second edition) 2001; and Hutton et al, New (ed.), Welfare States Under Pressure, Sage 2001. Life for Health, Vintage, 2000.

18 The Democratic Audit Part 2 Power and participation in practice

n Part 2 we consider the role of varying degrees by that of the government and the exercise centre. of power at global, national, regional and local levels and Power at a global level discuss corporate influence on Power in the UK has to be government in Britain and the assessed within a global roleI of the media. We consider the perspective, not least because the contested role of local government global inter-dependence of nations in some detail. We also briefly in world society is markedly on the describe the exercise of power increase and Britain’s politicians in the workplace. Part 2 deals often justify their policies and with political power largely up to actions as the consequence of the end of the Blair premiership ‘globalisation’. Globalisation is (though with some preliminary generally presented solely as an analysis of the Prime Minister’s economic phenomenon, but as The Governance of Britain green Anthony Giddens, in his guise paper 1). as a New Labour adviser, points out, the world has also become National government and ‘interconnected electronically’ in globalisation far more radical and far-reaching Most British citizens broadly ways since the first effective look to their representatives satellite system made instanta- in Parliament to guide the neous communication possible government in running the nation from any one point in the world in their interests; and lower down to another and created 24-hour the scale look to the members money markets. 3 Further, as a of devolved assemblies or local recent study of UK foreign policy authorities to do the same for observed, Northern Ireland, Scotland and ‘There is a complex interaction Wales, and London and their between international and localities. 2 But as they are aware, domestic affairs – we live in a the reality is a great deal more global marketplace, we feel the complex. Nowadays no nation growing effects of global warming, is ‘an island entire of itself’ in a we experience global migration, globalised world; and the powers we combat international crime and of both devolved and local admin- drug-trading, we fear international istrations are circumscribed to terrorism and the proliferation of weapons of mass destruction, we 1 Ministry of Justice, The Governance of Britain, Cm. share liability to HIV/AIDS and 7170, TSO July 2007. other diseases.’4 2 Our review of power is necessarily de-limited. Its scope is confined to the UK and dominant English aspects of power and participation and so we cannot 3 Giddens, A., Over to You, Mr Brown, Polity Press, give attention to the often significant differences of 2007. arrangements and relationships in London, Northern 4 Burall et al, Not in Our Name: Democracy and Ireland, Scotland and Wales. Foreign Policy in the UK, Politico’s 2006.

Power and Participation in Modern Britain 19 Take for example the power of behind it.’ economic power of the United organisations like the World Trade Bell brought back from Brazil States, and that of other major Organisation (WTO), both legal a twenty-foot banner announcing states, such as China, Russia and and ideological, to shape decisions ‘Globalismo lutte, globalismo India. Finally major multilat- that affect British citizens, even esperance’ –‘Globalise struggle, eral companies, UK-based and at local level, while as Shirley globalise hope’ that soon covered otherwise, exercise influence on Williams complained in the House a wall of the UNISON office in and within the UK. 9 of Lords,‘ we [peers and MPs] are Newcastle Town Hall, comple- There is considerable dispute virtually voiceless in them.’5 The menting a homegrown ‘Our City is about the implications of globali- WTO is the international organisa- Not for Sale’ banner.7 sation for the exercise of power tion responsible for negotiating, So what of the UK’s inter- within the United Kingdom. Paul establishing and enforcing the dependence in terms of power? Hirst and Grahame Thompson rules that govern trade between In the very first instance, the describe a dominant theory (which nations. In 1995, the WTO United Kingdom is a member of they contest) that argues that concluded the General Agreement the European Union and shares global processes are ‘dissolving on Trade in Services (GATS) that sovereignty with the 26 other . . . national cultures, national extended multilateral trading to member states. The Council of economies and national borders’: services, or ‘liberalised’ public Ministers (among whom British ‘A truly global economy is services. 6 GATS, though largely ministers participate) makes claimed to have emerged or to uncredited, lends largely unseen shared decisions for the UK, be in the process of emerging, in global force to the continuing European Commissioners pursue which distinct national economies privatisation and ‘out-sourcing’ European policies here and in the and, therefore, domestic strategies policies in UK public services and wider world, the UK Parliament of national economic management opens the door to national and shares its responsibilities with are increasingly irrelevant.’ 10 multinational corporate takeovers the European Parliament, the Contemporary historians have throughout the public sector. In European Court of Justice argued that traumatic events in 2002, the public sector trade union enforces British compliance with post-war Britain – in particular, UNISON was involved in a major EU law. The EU frames trading the devaluation of sterling in struggle to protect public services arrangements for all member 1967, the IMF crisis of 1976 and from privatisation in Newcastle states, undertakes international Britain’s ignominious exit from (see also p.41) and sent Kenny trade negotiations within the the European Exchange Rate Bell, the branch secretary, to World Trade Organisation and Mechanism on ‘Black Wednesday’ the World Social Forum in Porto dispenses much of the UK’s in 1992 – demonstrate the Alegre the better to understand development aid. It is estimated impotence of government in the the global legal and ideological that 85 per cent of Britain’s face of irresistible global trends context of their campaign. As domestic legislation emanates (rather than poor management of Hilary Wainwright, editor of Red from the EU and the Union’s a weak currency). In the wake of Pepper, recounts, Bell returned growing security and anti-crime the collapse of the Soviet system home ‘with a pressing sense of agenda is increasingly influential there was a triumphant portrayal the global agenda being driven in the UK, not least in access to of democracy and economic through by the WTO . . . [he] was personal data. 8 Given the signifi- liberalism combining forces as a stunned by the similarity between cance of the EU, a host of lobbying compelling global process. Francis the experiences of other nations private and public organisations, Fukuyama wrote in 1992 that and Newcastle’s: many UK-based, cluster around ‘From Latin America to Eastern ‘Whether you are talking about the decision-making hub in Europe, from the Soviet Union electricity cut-off in South Africa, Brussels. to the Middle East and Asia, privatisation of water in Columbia, The political and economic strong governments have been the threat to public transport in autonomy of the UK and EU is failing over the last two decades. India or the break up of local conditioned by the political and And while they have not given government services in Britain, 7 Wainwright, H., Reclaim the State: Experiments in 9 For an overview, see Held, D., and McGrew, A., there’s a global free-trade agenda Popular Democracy, Verso 2003 (second edition Seagull (eds), The Global Transformation Reader: An Introduction and Berg, forthcoming 2008). to the Globalization Debate, Polity Press, Cambridge; on 5 Baroness (Shirley) Williams, speech in House of 8 See further Lord, C., A Democratic Audit of the the power of global corporations, see the Institute for Lords, HL Debates, 18 July 2001 vol.626, col. 1481 European Union, Palgrave, 2004; Burall, S., Donnelly, D., Policy Studies at www.ips-dc.org/ 6 See www.wto.org/english/tratop_e/serv_e/ and Weir, S., Not in Our Name: Democracy and Foreign 10 Hirst, P. and Thompson, G., Globalization in gatsintre_e.htm Policy in the UK, Politico’s 2006; www.statewatch.org Question (Polity Press, Cambridge, 1996), p.1.

20 The Democratic Audit way in all cases to stable liberal mobility is not producing the the UN Security Council and democracies, liberal democracy massive shifts of investment General Assembly, the World remains the only coherent political from advanced to developing Trade Organisation, the Inter- aspiration that spans different economies that have prompted the national Monetary Fund, the regions and cultures around Thatcher and Labour governments World Bank, WHO (World Health the globe. In addition, liberal to adopt their low-wage and open Organisation), etc., as well as principles in economics – the market policies. They conclude many lesser bodies. Britain is “free market” – have spread, and that while ‘classical national a leading player in the Atlantic have succeeded in producing the economic management now has alliance, the North Atlantic unprecedented levels of material limited scope’ there remain possi- Treaty Organisation (Nato) which prosperity, both in industrially bilities for ‘governance’ – meaning involves military responsibilities; developed countries and in ‘regulation and control’ of a member state of the Organisa- countries that had been, at the ‘economic relations at both inter- tion for Economic Co-operation close of World War II, part of the national and national levels’.13 and Development (OECD) which impoverished Third World. A On similar lines, Stephen involves a commitment to act liberal revolution in economic Krasner has argued in against corruption in trade; a thinking has sometimes preceded, Sovereignty: Organised Hypocrisy member of the Council of Europe sometimes followed, the move that ‘Rulers have always operated and a signatory of the European towards political freedom around in a transnational environment; Convention on Human Rights the globe.’ 11 autarky has rarely been an option; (ECHR), which renders the UK Such arguments matter for regulation and monitoring of subject to the jurisdiction of social justice, public services transborder flows have always the European Court on Human and participation in the UK. The been problematic.’ While not Rights. idea of the ‘liberal revolution in claiming that present trends have As we have noted above, economic thinking’ is used to had ‘no impact on state control’, parliamentarians like Baroness make an influential case against Krasner notes that the level of Williams have complained about state intervention, on the grounds spending for major countries has their lack of influence over that it will either fail or undermine on average increased substan- government policies in these a state’s competitiveness, thus tially since 1950 alongside rising major global institutions. Foreign harming the living standards of trade and capital flows. Rates of policy as a whole is in effect a the population. In the UK, this corporate tax have not as a rule huge ‘closed space’ in Gaventa’s idea has been very influential in hindered investment; investment terms. 15 British governments have justifying the business-friendly in infrastructure such as very flexible, because undefined, policies of both Conservative and education, transport and telecom- powers of action to make and Labour governments and their munications can encourage pursue foreign policy and even pursuit of a low-wage flexible corporate investment, not to declare and make war without economy; New Labour’s 1997 discourage it; and the provision the need for formal Parliamentary manifesto stated, ‘New Labour of social safety nets has made approval. These powers are the believes in a flexible labour the impact of globalisation more extensive ‘royal prerogative’ market that serves employers and politically acceptable. 14 powers, inherited by government employees alike’. 12 ministers from the monarchy. 16 But though globalisation is the Britain’s role in the world The looseness of these powers dominant force, or set of forces, Britain is one of the affluent enabled Tony Blair to direct shaping national societies today, nations that dominate the large foreign policy largely personally others (among them Hirst and and growing number of inter- and to pursue the drive to war Thompson) argue that ‘globaliza- governmental and international against Iraq through a small group tion, as conceived by the more bodies which exercise global of ministers and officials in virtual extreme globalizers, is largely a power and through which power seclusion from the cabinet.17 In myth’. They state that genuinely may be exercised or mediated. transnational companies are Britain participates in all the most 15 See Burall, S., Donnelly, D., and Weir, S., Not in Our Name: Democracy and Foreign Policy in the UK, Politico’s ‘relatively rare’ and that capital central of these bodies, including 2006; and also www.independentdiplomat.com 16 Public Administration Select Committee, Taming 11 Fukuyama, F., The End of History and the Last Man 13 Hirst, P. and Thompson, G., Globalization in the Prerogative: Strengthening Ministerial Accountability (Hamish Hamilton, London, 1992), xiii-xiv. Question, Polity Press, Cambridge, 1996. to Parliament, HC 422, TSO 16 March 2004. 12 Labour Party, New Labour: Because Britain Deserves 14 Krasner, S., Sovereignty: Organised Hypocrisy, 17 Butler Review Team, Review of Intelligence on Better, Labour Party 1997. Princeton University Press, Princeton, 1999. Weapons of Mass Destruction, HC 898, TSO 14 July 2004.

Power and Participation in Modern Britain 21 his first address as Prime Minister in these bodies are usually not Political and Corporate Power to the House of Commons, ministers, but officials unknown Here we analyse three main Gordon Brown pledged to hand to the public; and the difficul- sites of power and influence over these powers over to Parliament ties of asserting public interest public policy in the UK – central (where a majority party, like his, in their activities and policies is government, corporate interests would still largely dictate their compounded by the fact that they and the media – and examine use). Secrecy laws protect from are opaque and secretive bodies the close links between them. disclosure virtually all information which are entirely unaccountable. As we have suggested in Part 20 on foreign and defence policy, Holding international business 1, neo-liberal economic ideas relations with other nations and to account is equally problematic. in the context of globalisation security matters. The Foreign Organisations such as One World and the embrace of these ideas 21 Office official, Carne Ross, who Trust and the Corner House by successive Conservative 22 was at Britain’s UN Mission in carry out extensive investiga- and Labour governments have New York, told the Foreign Affairs tions in this area. One World created a pervasive ideological Committee that the Foreign and Trust has published a Global framework for government and Commonwealth Office, marginal- Accountability Report, assessing corporate conduct that is inimical ised and ‘politicised’ since 2001, the accountability of a sample of to social justice in the UK. Central had been reduced to a subordinate intergovernmental organisations government in the UK has role to Downing Street. Ross (IGOs), transnational corporations huge executive and legislative also testified that the FCO (TNCs) and international NGOs powers at its disposal 26 and the acted without taking Parliament over four relatively undemanding leaderships of both major parties 18 seriously. Since the FCO usually dimensions of transparency, are committed to a close working takes the lead in making and participation, evaluation (i.e. do relationship with the business liaising external policies across a they evaluate their work?) and and financial sectors; the Labour broad sweep – with all their impli- complaint and response. Four government in power has been cations for everyday life in the UK IGOs – the World Bank, the Inter- at great pains to placate the print – Ross’s testimony is significant, national Bank for Reconstruction, media, and especially the tabloid especially as the FCO is the ‘lead’ the Global Environment Facility press (see p.28). We begin the department on European affairs. and OECD achieved modest analysis in the ‘Whitehall village’. Yet the public and their scores on three categories; none representatives in Parliament did well on four. Just two out of Government at the centre increasingly want a say at the 10 TNCs, Anglo American and The United Kingdom has never supra-national level in decisions Pzifer, did modestly well on three been a popular democracy: 23 over European laws and policies, categories, none did well on four. legitimate authority, a key power the UK role in the EU, the Special AccountAbility and CSRnetwork resource (see p.15), lies in Relationship with the USA, our also conduct annual surveys of governments that are not directly development aid and arms trade major world corporations, ranking or even formally responsible to policies. An opinion poll for a them on their social responsibility, ‘the People’, but to Parliament.27 24 research project on the account- alongside other work. Trans- Executive (or government) power ability of Britain’s foreign policy, parency International seeks to in Britain is formally vested in the run by Democratic Audit, the measure corruption in world trade ‘the Crown in Parliament’, which Federal Trust and One World Trust, and has recently had the effect of is to say in the hands of the Prime found that a majority of people inspiring the OECD anti-bribery Minister and his or her colleagues wanted it to be more humani- convention and conditionalities in in Parliament to whom most (but 19 25 tarian and equitable. The royal World Bank practice. not all) royal powers now belong. prerogative powers are only part While the Queen reigns, she does of the problem with regard to the not rule. Thus the executive and UK’s contributions within the 20 Burall et al, op cit. legislative arms of government are major intergovernmental organisa- 21 http://www.oneworldtrust.org/ fused in Parliament, the highest tions. Britain’s representatives 22 http://www.thecornerhouse.org.uk/ 23 Blagescu, M., and Lloyd, R., 2006 Global Account- court in the land. The ‘Crown’ here ability Report: Holding power to account, One World 18 Ross, C., oral evidence to the Foreign Affairs Trust, 2007. 26 Weir and Beetham, op cit. Committee, 8 November 2006. See further: 24 http://www.accountability21.net/ ; http:// 27 This is a vital distinction because as we explain, http://www.publications.parliament.uk/pa/cm200506/ csrnetwork.com/ ; Demos, T., ‘Beyond the Bottom Line’, Parliament is subordinate to the executive and among cmselect/cmfaff/uc1720-i/uc172001.htm Fortune, 30 October 2006. other matters it makes the civil service responsible to 19 www.myforeignpolicytoo.org 25 http://www.transparency.org/ . the government of the day rather than to the public.

22 The Democratic Audit stands as a convenient symbol for ‘The British constitution is Professor Francesca Klug, of the the executive, or government, a like a rock against which the London School of Economics, ‘collective entity which in law may wave of popular emotion breaks talked in a recent speech of stand for central government’.28 . . . the leadership is insulated ‘executive sovereignty’. Lord In practical terms, we shall talk from the masses by the existence Hailsham famously drew on the of the ‘core executive’, that is, of Parliament. Parliament is the role that the electoral system plays the partnership of ministers, the buffer . . .’31 in making the executive ‘strong’ Whitehall bureaucracy and the On this occasion, Parliament’s when he described the UK as agencies of the state that governs role may reasonably be seen as a an ‘elective dictatorship’.34 But the UK.29 protection against demagoguery; executive power is swollen not This distinction is crucial but the fact is also that the only by its majority in the House of to understanding the nature of government and the House can Commons, but also by the absence the balance of power in British generally ignore and ride out of a written constitution setting out democracy. Public opinion and public opinion on a given issue, clearly in law its responsibilities popular participation are routed however weighty and informed and limits.35 Hence, the executive through the long-standing public opinion may be (as with wields strong and flexible powers structures of Parliament and the the invasion of Iraq). The most constrained largely by political leadership of the political party significant role of the House of calculation; the views primarily of that commands a majority in the Commons, keeping the executive majority party MPs (an influence House of Commons. But while under scrutiny and demanding that is usually indirect but can Parliament remains sovereign in accountability, is no longer the be direct, as in the rebellion in constitutional theory, and in the responsibility of the whole House 2006 that lead to the government popular imagination, it has lost acting as an entity, if it ever defeat over the proposal for up power to the core executive within. was, but has largely devolved to 90 days detention for terror The notoriously disproportionate upon the opposition parties and suspects); media influence; and on nature of plurality-rule (or ‘first- is thus relegated to the realm occasion, and often importantly, past-the-post’) general elections of ‘party politics’ (as well as to by judicial review in the courts. has in modern times generally select committees which carry out Quite how far Gordon Brown’s given one or other of the two valuable inquiries, but rarely have ‘route map’ towards a new consti- main parties swollen unearned enough political power to make a tutional settlement will change majorities in the House that confer difference). matters is far from clear, but the on them broadly unchallenge- absence of any commitment on able legislative and executive The powers of the executive electoral reform suggests that power.30 Most political scientists The outstanding governing the foundations of the power of a agree that government in Britain tradition in British politics is the majority party in Parliament, at the is ‘through Parliament and not by idea of ‘strong’ government.32 The centre of the core executive, may Parliament’; but Parliament often political executive is dominant not be greatly shaken. acts as a buffer against popular and representative government The ‘core executive’ itself, opinion. For example, in 1968 the in the United Kingdom has more popularly known as ‘the late Richard Crossman celebrated historically been conceived, and government’, that governs Britain the ability of the then Labour largely works, as a means of and determines domestic, foreign government to withstand the surge legitimising executive power (i.e., and European affairs, is a complex of popular anti-immigrant feeling legitimate authority).33 Thus Jack site of an inter-active and shifting – ‘the nearest thing to a popular Straw, while Home Secretary, process of decision-making.36 mass movement since the 1930s’ described the United Kingdom The executive’s majority – inspired by the ‘rivers of blood’ as an ‘executive democracy’; and speech by the late Enoch Powell. 34 Beetham, D., Byrne, I., Ngan, P., and Weir, S., 31 Crossman, R., The Diaries of a Cabinet Minister, Democracy under Blair, Politico’s, 2002; Klug, F., ‘A Bill of He wrote: Hamish Hamilton/Jonathan Cape, 1977, volume 3, Rights: Do we need one or do we already have one?’, entry for 27 April 1968. Irvine Lecture, University of Durham, 2 March 2007; 32 This tradition derives from feudal times, but Hailsham, Lord, The Dilemma of Democracy, Collins, 28 Bradley, A. W., and Ewing, K. D., Constitutional and was expressed more recently by A. V. Dicey, the great Glasgow, 1978. Administrative Law, 14th Edition, Pearson Longman, Victorian constitutional writer, in for example, Introduc- 35 See for example Hennessy, P., Muddling Through: 2007. p. 242. tion to the Study of the Constitution, 1885 (8th edn. 1915, Power Politics and the Quality of Government in Post-war 29 Rhodes, W. A. R., and Dunleavy, P. (eds), The Prime Macmillan); see more recently still, Young, H., Guardian, Britain, Victor Gollancz 1996. Minister, Cabinet and Core Executive, Macmillan 1995. 15 September 1988 and Weir and Beetham 1999 op cit. 36 See further Rhodes, R. A. W., and Dunleavy, P., 30 Dunleavy, P., Margetts, H., and Weir, S., The Other 33 Weir and Beetham 1999, op cit; 999; Foster, (eds), The Prime Minister, Cabinet and Core Executive, National Lottery, Democratic Audit 7, Human Rights C., British Government in Crisis or The Third English Macmillan 1995; Smith, M.J., The Core Executive in Centre, University of Essex, 1996. Revolution, Hart, Oxford, 2005. Britain, Macmillan 1999.

Power and Participation in Modern Britain 23 power in the popular chamber, its report to Parliament and ministers a public face, to justify itself’. flexible powers and the constitu- who determine which officials The Secret Intelligence Service tional weakness of the House of may give evidence to Parliament (the external intelligence agency, Lords makes Parliament and its and normally prescribe the terms commonly known as MI6), for law-making powers subordinate on which they do so. The new instance, ‘had emerged from a to the will of the executive; Freedom of Information regime dingy building in Lambeth to and since Parliament’s legal preserves official secrecy in most occupy a glitzy palace on the sovereignty is thereby at the sensitive areas (especially those Thames’ (and now has its own disposal of the executive, the that concern policy-making, website). But its ‘appearance judiciary too is subordinate to the security, defence, trade and other of openness helped to conceal executive (though not without external matters). The Freedom its real workings . . . publicity profound influence, as the law of Information Act 2000 that was the new secrecy.’ 41 Gordon lords’ decision on the detention established public access to official Brown is now considering making of foreign terror suspects in 2004 information also gave cabinet the Intelligence and Security made clear). No one political ministers a power of veto over the Committee (ISC), the nominal figure, not even the ‘presidential’ release of information ordered watchdog over the activities of the Prime Minister, has absolute by the Information Commis- intelligence services, into a formal power over all issues within sioner. 38 It is of course true that select committee of the House of the executive or even over their government now reveals huge Commons. At the moment, the backbench MPs, but since 1979 quantities of official information ISC is a body of parliamentarians Margaret Thatcher and Tony Blair (which enables participation), appointed by and responsible to have greatly developed prime but at the same time ministers, the Prime Minister whereas select ministerial powers at 10 Downing officials and advisers devote committees are responsible to Street; as we have seen, Blair considerable resources and effort Parliament. conducted the run-up to war to courting and managing the People may exercise power against Iraq in a small group of media, as revealed in the evidence at elections at all levels of ministers and officials in isolation taken by the Hutton Inquiry government, though fewer and from the cabinet. After 1997, during 2003.39 It is argued by fewer of them do so. The national Gordon Brown entrenched the commentators such as Nicholas electoral system, as we have seen, Treasury’s power, at the expense Jones and Christopher Foster does not return fully representa- of the cabinet, departmental variously that there is an emphasis tive governments nor do local ministers and Whitehall. on partisan gain in official elections in England and Wales The executive is made strong communications that can lead (Scotland has just adopted the by the flexible and uncertain to misleading information being more proportional STV voting nature of constitutional arrange- disseminated and coherent policy system for local elections which ments; by the fusion, rather than development being inhibited.40 is also in place in Northern separation, of powers; and by the We ought at this point to Ireland). At devolved level, the effects of rigid discipline, party register the existence of the intel- Scottish Parliament, Northern loyalty and patronage upon its ligence and security agencies, Ireland Assembly, the Assembly majority in the Commons. The now placed on a statutory basis for Wales and the London Mayor principle of ministerial respon- and officially recognised. These and Greater London Assembly sibility to Parliament ensures are powerful bodies indeed, the are all elected on more or less that the sole duty of the civil more so because the circum- proportional systems and the service (with limited exceptions) scribed scrutiny of their activities Scottish Parliament has been is to the government of the day.37 and resourcing leaves them with constructed to enable greater As we have seen, knowledge a great deal of discretion. So access and engagement between and information are important what does this recent openness elections. In England and Wales, power resources. The ability to amount to? In his final Anatomy local government is deprived of withhold, discover, publish or Anthony Sampson noted that sufficient powers and finance for disseminate information can be every ‘institution now had to have local self-government and has crucial (see p.15). It is ministers, lost many important services and not officials, who inform and 38 Beetham et al, op cit. See fn 15 above. 39 http://www.the-hutton-inquiry.org.uk/ 40 See, for instance, Jones, N., Sultans of Spin: The 41 Anthony Sampson, Who Runs This Place? The 37 Weir and Beetham 1999, op cit.; Beetham et al, Media and the New Labour Government (Orion, London, Anatomy of Britain in the 21st Century (John Murray, 2002. 1999); and Foster, British Government in Crisis. London, 2004), pp347-8.

24 The Democratic Audit functions to regional and local accepted the Thatcherite view that industry, I apparently fitted the quangos (see below, p. 31) and Britain had to succeed in the world bill.’46 ‘partnerships’ which reflect local as a ‘flexible’ low-wage economy The desire to maintain good business, NGOs, voluntary asso- (though they have introduced relations with business interests ciations and other bodies, but do the minimum wage and other continued in power. Tony Barker not have a popular or elected base. measures to protect workers analysed the composition of the Thus English local authorities which were not on Mrs Thatcher’s first 295 task forces set up across are neither fully responsible nor agenda). Gordon Brown and Mo Whitehall after 1997 to advise fully representative institutions. Mowlam conducted the celebrated government across a whole The government is seeking now ‘prawn offensive’ in the City spectrum of issues. He found to strengthen their capacity to during the 1990s (rather than ‘beer that private and public producers provide ‘local leadership’ and to and sandwiches’ with trade union and professional bodies took 70 encourage participation at local leaders).43 The close relationship per cent of the places on such level (see Part 2 below). with corporate interests, long bodies, consumer interests 15 per anyway a feature of government cent, experts 8 per cent and trade Corporate influence on in the UK, then became one of the unions 2 per cent.47 In their book government main pillars of Labour government The Blairs and their Court Frances None of the major parties now policy after 1997. Peter Hyman, Beckett and David Hencke provide questions the pre-eminence of the an adviser to Blair in opposition an account of how, at Blair’s City of London and the financial and government, provides an behest, Peter Mandelson made services industry which employs account of the early period of the a secret trip in 1997 to Germany over a million people and provides Blair leadership. He describes to lobby against the introduc- 10.1 per cent of national income. ‘the wooing of the newspapers, tion of an EU directive ensuring On financial regulation, there the crafting of policy, the people that workers would be informed is little between the two main Tony met, the relationship with of possible redundancies by parties. In 1997, Labour’s leaders business’ as being ‘all about us employers.48 Jack Straw, as foreign finally renounced all intentions of moving to the centre ground’.44 secretary, spoke out strongly at challenging finance and corporate Hyman helped ‘to organise a the EU foreign ministers’ negotia- business interests when they business tour of the country, where tions on the EU Constitution in reinvented the party as ‘New Tony spoke to every regional May 2004 against socio-economic Labour’ and, as the Guardian’s Chamber of Commerce and CBI rights that would give trade unions Martin Kettle, wrote during the [Confederation of British Industry] and others the power to ‘upset Northern Rock crisis, at business breakfasts. The the balance of Britain’s industrial message was the same in every relations policy’. The British ‘allow[ing] the markets to find place. Labour has changed; you government had, he told the CBI, their own solutions under the don’t need to fear us any more; put ‘the interests of business at the operational independence of we can do business together’.45 heart of our negotiating position’ the Bank [of England] was Tony Blair’s choice of economic on the treaty. 49 There has been the alpha and omega of New adviser when he became Labour a de facto deal: the City and big Labour’s historic compromise leader in 1994 is revealing. He business have been reassured by with the British business appointed Derek Scott, because, in the government’s careful attention class.’42 Scott’s words he ‘did not want an to their interests, not least by the Hence the ‘light touch’ academic economist, but someone inroads that the Private Finance regulation of the financial sector. with practical experience and Initiative (guided by a joint The City of London and business an understanding of financial Treasury-business quango) and interests had to be given a markets. After twelve years in the privatisations have made into the predominant place in national City of London and the oil public sector, and the government policy-making and the powers has been able to pursue a more of trade unions had to remain progressive social policy without curtailed. At the same time Tony 43 Ramsey, R., Prawn Cocktail Party: The hidden power behind New Labour, Vision Paperbacks, 1998. 46 Scott, D., Off Whitehall: A View of Downing Street by Blair and Gordon Brown largely Tony Blair’s Adviser , I.B. Taurus 2004. 44 Peter Hyman, 1 Out of 10: From Downing Street Vision to Classroom Reality (Vintage, London, 2005), 47 Barker, op cit. p.55. 48 Beckett, F. and Hencke, D., The Blairs and Their 45 Peter Hyman, 1 Out of 10: From Downing Street Court, Aurum 2004. 42 Kettle, M., ‘This financial crisis could be a historic Vision to Classroom Reality (Vintage, London, 2005), 49 Speech to CBI, reported in The Times, 19 May chance for Brown’, Guardian, 22 September 2007. p.55. 2004.

Power and Participation in Modern Britain 25 the economy and government royal family over the Al-Yamamah services of increasingly sophis- finances being de-stabilised. arms deals. The Guardian recently ticated professional lobbyists We have drawn attention above revealed that the MOD has given in Whitehall, Westminster (and (see p.15) to Steven Lukes’s third 38 security passes to BAE Systems Brussels).55 face of power: the ability to shape employees, giving access to ‘the Perhaps the most significant the public domain through the top levels of the ministry’. Two area in which government and beliefs, values and wants that are other departments have also given business are closely entwined considered normal or acceptable. passes to BAE employees in recent is foreign trade where Prime One aspect of this ‘insidious’ face years; and the MOD has also Ministers, ministers and foreign of power lies its ability to establish given another 58 other passes to office and defence officials act a broadly held ‘common sense’ arms firms.52 as facilitators and negotiators for view of the world and society. One sign of these continuing major contracts; official bodies In this way, the common sense close relationships is to be found like the Export Credits Guarantee of financial centres in the City in the Cabinet Office’s ongoing set Department and the Defence of London and of UK business of ‘Capability Reviews’, assessing Expert Services Organisation interests exercises exerts a diffuse the ability of departments to (DESO) fund and promote sales; and long-standing influence deliver. The views of stakeholders and British Trade International, on government. New Labour are a significant aspect of these a high-level committee of has wooed corporate interests reviews. We are informed that major industrialists, acts as the since 1997. But major organised only very few stakeholders have ‘government’s lead body on trade interests and large corpora- been consulted in each case and development and promotion’.56 tions, along with professional that there has been overlapping Carne Ross, the former diplomat, groups, have also long played a consultation with some stake- has written: significant, often dominant and holders, such as the Confederation ‘Most large embassies have staffs largely unseen role in government of British Industry and Institute of attaches tasked to sell arms policy-making in Whitehall that of Directors, across several for British companies. [DESO] pre-dates Gordon Brown’s ‘prawn government departments.53 The is paid for by the taxpayer, offensive’ and is likely to outlast Cabinet Office has refused our not BAE. It is taken as a given New Labour. 50 The relationship request under the Freedom of within government that selling between organised interests and Information Act for details of the arms is in “our” national departmental officials varies across stakeholders consulted; we have interest.’ policy domains, but many interest lodged an appeal. The policy groups perform an intimate role of encouraging interchange in As he points out, the public in the way policies are formulated employment between Whitehall are not consulted on given and their cooperation is often and the private sector strengthens policies that run counter to vital to policies being carried such links, valuable though it public opinion and are never out in practice. Their influence probably is, and the rewards of the clearly defined or debated, even on policy-making is exercised honours system are another mark in government.57 The Treasury is through ‘policy communities’ and of business’s place in governance. now seeking to disband DESO, ‘policy networks’ which maintain These continuing relationships on the grounds that taxpayers close and continuing relationships take place largely out of sight.54 should no longer subsidise an with government departments.51 They are part of the routine of ‘anachronistic’ department which The most notorious of such government, not least because the has gained too much influence in relationships is that between the cooperation of business is often Whitehall on behalf of profitable Ministry of Defence and BAE essential to making workable arms companies that pay only Systems, Britain’s biggest arms policies in the first place, and then company, which receives contracts to making them work in practice.

worth more than £1 billion a year Apart from this routine 55 For an analysis of the value of lobbyists, see: John, from the MOD. This relationship involvement, business employs the S., The Persuaders: When Lobbyists Matter (Palgrave, Basingstoke, 2002). was thrust into the public eye by 56 See Burall et al, op cit; Scott, Sir Richard, Report of the Inquiry into the Export of Defence Equipment and the controversy over the alleged 52 Guardian, 16 August 2007 Dual-Use Goods to Iraq and Related Prosecutions, (the bribing of members of the Saudi 53 Private information. Scott report), HMSO 1995; Public Administration Select 54 See Dowding, K., The Civil Service, Routledge 1995; Committee, Government by Appointment: Opening Up Marsh, D., and Rhodes, R. A. W., Policy Networks in British the Patronage State, TSO, July 2003. 50 See ch. 10, Weir and Beetham, op cit. Government, Oxford University Press, Oxford, 1992; Weir 57 Ross, C., ‘We could pay a grave price for our 51 Weir and Beetham, op cit. and Beetham, op cit. addiction to arms deals’, Guardian, 9 June 2007

26 The Democratic Audit discounted fees for its services. 58 magazines, which ran only eight governmental bodies and agencies Some aspects of corporate positive images of breastfeeding. to which government devolves influence on government emerge The Commission concluded that much of its practical policy- in areas, like public health, where the government has consistently making and regulatory functions.64 the interests of big business and failed to take action, despite Government reforms have been sound public policy clash. There its commitment to the WHO introduced to prevent ‘cronyism’ are many studies of the power of International Code of Marketing in appointments to public bodies the tobacco, food and pharma- Breastmilk Substitutes. in general, and to try and achieve ceutical industries to shape and Corporate interests (and rich a more balanced composition in change government policies. The individuals) can also turn to other terms of gender, race and class. long drawn out vacillations under means to influence government Some appointments will now be successive governments over policy. Take for example the open to parliamentary scrutiny regulating cigarette advertising Ecclestone affair. In opposition, as well. However detailed inves- and sales and then the ban on Tony Blair enjoyed a free trip to tigations into the composition smoking in public premises were the Silverstone Grand Prix and of the plethora of executive and due far more to pressures from a drive around the circuit with advisory quangos at national and the tobacco industry and even the racing driver Damon Hill. The regional level, and local quangos loss of revenue from taxes than head of Formula One, Bernie and public partnerships, bear fear of an adverse public reaction. Ecclestone, later donated £1 witness to a continuing business The tobacco industry in the UK, million to the Labour Party. Labour and professional hegemony – very as in the USA, was able to fund a took power in 1997 committed largely because the main official major manipulative campaign over to a tobacco advertising ban criterion for entry into the quango more than 40 years to mislead the that would affect F1 finances world is ‘merit’ – a concept that public and to protect itself from from cigarette advertising on the embraces managerial and profes- public regulation. Ash (Action on racing cars. Blair met a delegation sional skills and expertise and Smoking and Health) 59 published from F1 who secured an opt-out high levels of education. The a report in 2001, Trust Us: We’re for the sport. 62 Party political structures of quasi-government, the Tobacco Industry, using donations may or may not have or modern governance, rely upon internal industry documents to secured preferential treatment, the participation of such people.65 catalogue the campaign of deceits. in this as in other cases, but if Advisory quangos, or committees, 60 Similarly large food manufac- they do, it is the corporate and are a low-visibility and low-cost turers have applied breaks to rich players who benefit. There layer of government that shapes government efforts to educate is also the dubious world of decisions on drugs and medicines, the public about the effects of corporate hospitality wherein the dangers from radioactive eating processed foods and, for companies invite civil servants waste, hazardous substances, example, have resisted efforts to and politicians (among others) the chemical ingredients of cut down on the unhealthy levels to Covent Garden, Wimbledon, processed foods and drink and of salt in such foods. The Food Goodwood, premiership boxes, other risks, the quality of air Commission 61 regularly reveals dinners, balls, etc; the Guardian people breathe and numerous the privileged position enjoyed recently revealed the extent of the other sensitive matters that have by food manufacturers, most oil company Chevron’s generosity an immediate bearing on the daily recently in a report revealing how towards officials in the govern- lives of ordinary people. Yet these ‘aggressive marketing tactics’ by ment’s Energy Development Unit specialist committees are often baby food companies undermines that regulates Britain’s oil and gas 64 See, for instance, Cohen, N., Pretty Straight Guys breast-feeding – normally the industry. 63 (Faber & Faber, London, 2004). 65 See Barker, T., with Byrne, I., and Veall, A., Ruling healthiest way to feed babies. There is ample primary by Task Force, Politico’s/Democratic Audit, 1999; It found 364 adverts promoting evidence of the privileged access Skelcher, C., The Appointed State: Quasi-Governmental Organizations and Democracy, Open University Press, bottle-feeding in just 10 parenting and influence certain groups – Buckingham, 1998; Skelcher, C., Mathur, N., and Smith, M., ‘‘The public governance of collaborative spaces: notably finance, business and Discourse, design and democracy, Public Administration 58 Evans, R., and Leigh, D., ‘Treasury plans to shut some media – have enjoyed in 83 (3), 2005; Slelcher, C., and Sullivan, H., Working across arms sales department;, Guardian, 8 July 2007. Boundaries: Collaboration in Public Services, Palgrave- Macmillan, Basingstoke, 2002; Weir, S., and Hall, W., 59 http://www.ash.org.uk/ . the world of quangos, the quasi- EGO TRIP: Extra-governmental organisations in the UK 60 Hammond, R., and Rowell, A., Trust Us: We’re the and their accountability, Charter 88 Trust/Human Rights Tobacco Industry, Campaign for Tobacco-Free Kids 62 See, for instance: David Hencke, ‘A pretty straight Centre, University of Essex, 1994; Weir and Hall, Behind (USA) and Action on Smoking and Health (UK), May sort of guy?’, Guardian, 11 May 2007. Closed Doors: Advisory Quangos in the Corridors of 2001. 63 Egawhary, E., ‘All in a day’s shmoozing for men Power, Channel Four Television/Human Rights Centre, 61 http://www.foodcomm.org.uk/ . from the ministry’, Guardian, 6 July 2007. University of Essex, 1995.

Power and Participation in Modern Britain 27 filled with members who are direct often employing public relations providing television, radio and representatives of the relevant consultants, to make sure that the internet information as a public businesses and experts who have media pass on the information service. The public regulator, personal and professional interests that they want them to. The media Ofcom, and the Office of Fair in the companies and industries are also of course influenced by Trading both have powers to on whose products or plans they the ideologies, or ‘common sense’ ensure that there is a plurality sit in judgment. These bodies of the time, and their own ‘news of ownership in the broadcast are largely closed spaces and values’, when deciding upon what media. Ofcom also has a brief to government and big business go to give priority to within the mass ensure the width and quality of to great lengths to keep them so.66 of information they receive. programmes on British television. At the Treasury, Gordon Brown Largely unaccountable press There is no equivalent regulation retained and re-constituted an and media barons and businesses or supervision of the print media, early task force as Partnerships have long exercised a diffuse apart from the weak industry-run UK, a semi-independent body and at times a precise degree of Press Complaints Commission. of City and business leaders power over government through Rupert Murdoch has come alongside Treasury officials their ownership and control of almost to personify media power that shapes PFI policy; and his significant organs of the media. in the UK. According to Sampson, established practice of employing Anthony Sampson, who coined Murdoch has wielded ‘a major business people in official posts the phrase ‘unelected legislators’ political and financial influence became news when among to describe the British press, here for over 35 years’ and loves donors to his brief campaign quotes the philosopher Onora ‘the naked exercise of power’: for the Labour party leadership O’Neill’s statement in her 2002 ‘He imposed his political policies were a variety of men who had Reith lectures, ‘the press has on his papers: his belief in held official advisory and policy acquired unaccountable power unfettered free enterprise, his posts for the Treasury. 67 In an that others cannot match’. 69 opposition to the euro and his interview for the Guardian, Brown Political scientists tend to question support for the war in Iraq. indicated that his ‘government the commonly held belief that But his overriding policy was of all the talents’ would include the press in particular exercises to protect and extend his own businesspeople and experts, ‘the tangible political influence; business empire, for which type of people I have brought in politicians like Neil Kinnock, who he relentlessly bullied and to do reports’;68 one prominent ascribed the Labour’s loss of the charmed successive British non-politician he has appointed to 1992 general election to a strident prime ministers.’ 70 his government as a life peer is Sir Sun campaign against him, are Digby Jones, the former CBI chief. quite certain that it does. There is no question about Corporate business has the effect of Murdoch’s influence The media – ‘unelected gradually been taking ownership upon government since 1997. legislators’? of the mass media into fewer and A BBC Radio 4 documentary Given the central part that fewer hands. News International, by political columnist Steve knowledge and information play the largest UK media player, is the Richards and the diaries of in the possession and use of power UK operation of Rupert Murdoch’s Lance Price, deputy to Alastair the print and broadcast media global conglomerate based in the Campbell at 10 Downing Street, are inevitably significant both as USA. As well as BSkyB, News have both chronicled the depth of powers in their own right – and International owns four national Tony Blair’s courtship of Rupert as power-brokers. Given their newspapers, publishing firms and Murdoch and the importance he mediating role, governments, magazines in the UK. There is attached to maintaining good industries, political parties, considerable cross-ownership in relations with the owner of the lobbies, pressure and research the UK of commercial television Sun.71 Tony Blair began wooing groups, and a host of organisa- channels, national, regional and Murdoch from the moment he tions are constantly providing local newspapers, publishing became leader of the Labour party the media with information, houses and radio stations. The and carried on doing so right up BBC, a public corporation and to attending a Murdoch weekend 66 Weir and Hall, Behind Closed Doors, op cit. itself a major player, stands apart, 67 Brown, C., The Independent, 1 June 2007; 70 Sampson, op cit. Eaglesham, J., FT.com, 30 May 2007. 71 Richards, S., ‘A Very Special Relationship’, BBC 68 Ashley, J., ‘Glimpses of the real Gordon,’ Guardian 69 Sampson, A., Who Runs this Place? The Anatomy of Radio 4, 5 February 2007; Price, L., The Spin Doctor’s G2, 30 May 2007. Britain in the 21st Century, John Murray, 2004. Diary, Hodder & Stoughton, 2005.

28 The Democratic Audit conference at Pebble Beach, vote to the Labour landslide.’74 mostly on “guesstimates”’.77 California, in July 2006. Murdoch It is not just a question of the Nevertheless, we should was even described as the ‘hidden Prime Minister. The diaries of equally acknowledge that member of Tony Blair’s cabinet.’ David Blunkett, the Blair-era important sections of the print and Entries in Price’s diary recount, cabinet minister, show how deeply broadcast media do exert coun- for example, ‘Whenever any really ministers too felt the need to court tervailing influences and provide big decisions had to be taken, I newspapers such as the Daily Mail society with valuable information had the impression that Murdoch and their staff.75 and interpretation of government was always looking over Blair’s The influence of the media and other activity, and very often shoulder’; in January 2001, with is not of course confined to high have a beneficial effect on public an election close, he notes, ‘we’ve politics. Press and broadcast policy. As Dowding remarks, ‘an reassured Murdoch there won’t coverage can have a significant important part of empowering be an immediate euro referendum impact upon the Zeitgeist and citizens is not only a free press, after the election.’ on a wide variety of significant but an investigative one.’78 But Murdoch was not alone issues. One well-documented in exercising influence upon case is that of media coverage of Power in the workplace government. In mid-2000, a series asylum seekers, especially by the Democracy in Britain stops at of leaked memos between Tony tabloid press between 2004 and the factory gate or office door; Blair and his strategist, Philip 2006. Among various reports, an indeed, as David Coats, of the Gould, revealed the fear inside the Article 19 study of the coverage Work Foundation, observes, the Prime Minister’s camp of losing of asylum by six newspapers very term ‘industrial democracy’ touch with ‘middle England’. Blair concluded that they distorted the is used ‘sparingly in polite himself wrote to Gould about his ‘scale and nature of the asylum political society’.79 It is of course sense that the government was “problem”’ and disregarded the case that unemployed people losing touch with ‘gut British concerns about the human rights as a group enjoy far less power instincts’, listing four out of five and welfare of ‘vulnerable asylum than those in work and are more issues that the Daily Mail, the seekers and refugees’. The likely to be socially excluded, self-appointed advocate of middle report criticised the loose use of and as such denied full rights class (or ‘middle England’) values, language and statistics; and even of citizenship. But once at work, had set out the same day in an the broadcast media were found Coats argues that the governing editorial critical of the ‘liberal to have distorted understanding assumption that workers and establishment’. A memo from by their use of images of would-be employers enjoy an approximate Gould to the Prime Minister asylum seekers and refugees in equality of power, that contracts in reply noted, ‘We have been France.76 The Joint Committee on of employment are freely entered New Labour on the economy Human Rights expressed concern into, and that workers are free to but we have appeared soft on about ‘inflammatory’ news stories leave if they find their employers crime, not pro-family, lacking and headlines, such as the Daily oppressive, does not bear in gut patriotic instincts’.72 For Express’s front-page headings, examination. The employment Gould, the editorial approach of ‘Asylum seekers spreading Aids contract is based on a fundamental the Mail and other non-Labour across Britain’ and ‘Bombers are inequality of power. Coats cites newspapers was apparently the all spongeing [sic] asylum seekers’ the labour law expert Otto Kahn- most influential filter for assessing (after the London bombings). Alan Freund who wrote in 1983: the government’s reputation. 73 Travis, the Guardian home affairs ‘[T]he relation between an At the time the political journalist editor, told the committee that the employer and an isolated Hugo Young wrote, ‘Though the Express had run front-page stories, employee is typically a relation Daily Mail isn’t mentioned in some of them ‘manifestly false’, between a bearer of power these memos, it is the fountain- on asylum 22 times over 31 days and one who is not a bearer of head of wisdom Blair must tap in 2003. The stories were ‘based power.’80 into, notwithstanding the fact, which Gould well knows, that only 77 See www.news.bbc.co.uk/1/hi/uk_ politics/6288539 13% of its readers contributed their 74 Young, H., ‘The leaks show whose head must role’’, 78 Dowding, op cit. Guardian, 20 July 2000. 79 Coats, D., ‘No going back to the 1970s? The case 75 See, for instance, Blunkett, D., The Blunkett Tapes: for a revival of industrial democracy’, Public Policy 72 Pierce, A., and Webster, P., ‘Labour is adrift’, The My Life in the Bear Pit, Bloomsbury 2006. Research, December 2006 Times, 19 July 2000. 76 Article 19, Media Coverage of Asylum Seekers: 80 Kahn-Freund, O., Labour and the Law, Stevens and 73 Beetham, D., et al, Democracy under Blair. What’s the Story?. Article 19, 1 August 2003. Sons, 1983, cited in Coats, D., op cit.

Power and Participation in Modern Britain 29 For the majority of workers, manual workers said that they had burdens’ on employers in the way this simple fact is overridden no influence over their work time, of legal protections and effective or ‘concealed’ by reputable and almost a half said they had no inspection. For the past 30 years employers who treat their influence over work organisation the UK has consistently failed to employees with respect, deploy or conditions.83 meet its obligations under interna- state-of-the-art human resources As Polly Toynbee wrote tional conventions on economic, techniques, introduce flexible recently, large companies with social and workplace rights, such working, run equality and reputations to lose are rarely the as the UN International Covenant diversity programmes, and worst employers. She concentrated on Economic, Social and Cultural so on. Moreover, there is now instead on the contribution that Rights; the European Social panoply of worker rights that ‘shockingly low pay and status’ Charter; and the conventions govern minimum wages, working McWork jobs made to ‘Britain’s of the International Labour conditions, discriminatory class stratified, low-pay, non- Organisation.87 The Institute of practice, redundancy, etc. Many home-owning low social mobility’ Employment Rights adds, workers expect to have good and the profound inequality ‘there is a great deal that needs to relations with their employers. The that it causes: ‘the pressing be done in terms of statutory Citizen Audit records one sign of issue’, she wrote, ‘is the great amendment if British law is to a relatively benign work regime unregulated mass of truly bad be brought fully into line with in the UK: nearly four out of five jobs’.84 She argued that British what are minimum standards people who tried to improve their law allowed firms to escape set by the international human working conditions turned to paying the minimum wage; that rights community.’ their employer, nearly two thirds the gangmasters’ licensing law to fellow workers and just one only covered agriculture, delib- Even after modest reforms in in five to a trade union (multiple erately omitting caring, cleaning, employment law and the UK’s answers to the question asked catering and hospitality where acceptance of the EU Social were possible; the authors don’t illegal work keeps wages low; and Chapter, Tony Blair was able record responses to the follow-up that the work inspection regime to proclaim that the changes question on outcomes).81 The 2004 is kept deliberately ‘soft’. Britain ‘would leave British law the most Workplace Employment Relations was opposed to a current EU restrictive on trade unions in the Survey also suggests that levels of directive to stop the exploitation western world’.88 job satisfaction are relatively high. of agency staff who can be fired The barrister John Hendy QC However it also shows that only on the spot at any time within one and researcher Gregor Gall state a third of employees are satisfied year of employment, and fired that as a result, the ‘freedom of with their involvement in decision- just before the end of the year to action’ of trade unions, the bodies making in the workplace and one be re-employed the next day. The that aim to protect workers and in six are concerned about their Trades Union Congress (TUC) assert their rights, is ‘so legally employment security. 82 Here, as has also identified difficulties confined as to be verging on may be expected, inequalities and loopholes in the enforcement the non-existent.’89 The right to creep in. The Citizen Audit found of the minimum wage as well strike, an essential element in the that workers in general felt that as criticising its relatively low capacity of workers and their trade they had ‘some’ or even ‘a great level (which the state subsidises unions to protect their working deal’ of influence on three work through tax credits);85 and has conditions and livelihoods, is issues – work time, organisation repeatedly drawn attention to still denied. Investigating the and conditions. But there were the poor conditions endured by collapsing UK car industry in 2001 also substantial minorities (up to agency workers.86 the Commons Trade and Industry 43 per cent on work time) who felt Such facts are of a piece Committee concluded that: ‘the that they had no influence at all; with government’s cultivation

and these minorities contained of a flexible workforce and its 87 See memorandum from the Institute of twice as many manual workers reluctance to impose ‘regulatory Employment Rights to the parliamentary Joint Committee on Human Rights, 31 March 2004, http:// as professional or managerial www.publications.parliament.uk/pa/jt200304/jtselect/ 83 Pattie, Seyd and Whiteley, op cit. jtrights/183/183we15.htm . workers. Almost two thirds of 84 Toynbee, P., ‘McJobs are giving Britain a 88 Blair, T., article in The Times, 31 March 1997. reputation as Europe’s offshore banana republic’, 89 Hendy, J., and Gall, G., British Trade Union Rights Guardian, 25 May 2007. 81 Pattie, C., Seyd, P., and Whiteley, P., Citizenship in Today and the Trade Union Freedom Bill’, in The Right to Britain: Values, Participation and Democracy, Cambridge 85 http://www.tuc.org.uk/em_research/tuc-12360- Strike: From the Trades Disputes Act 1906 to a Trade Union University Press 2005. f0.pdf . Freedom Bill 2006 (Institute of Employment Rights, 82 Coats, op cit. 86 http://www.tuc.org.uk/extras/sectorreport.pdf . Liverpool, 2006.

30 The Democratic Audit suggestion that it is easier and then airport workers at Heathrow, quences for employees. They cheaper to dispose of employees including baggage handlers, came can suffer from poorer health in the UK than elsewhere seems out on strike. The Transport and and lower life expectancy as a to us to have been shown to be General Workers’ Union had to consequence. Yet – as Coats goes factually correct’.90 Even reputable disavow the Gate Gourmet strike on – improvements to workplace companies are willing to exploit because – by its nature, being rights are seldom justified as ends their power in the workplace. For forced suddenly upon the workers in themselves. Rather they are example, in March 2007 the Royal by the introduction of casual often presented as a means of Bank of Scotland felt able to warn labour – it could not comply with achieving greater productivity. 14,000 of its staff that they faced legal requirements for ballots and disciplinary action if they did advance notices. Moreover, the Participation in local governance not open accounts with the RBS sympathy strike was a ‘secondary’ Local democracy is important for their salaries to be paid into, action (despite the close links for the exercise of power and prompting a complaint from the between BA and Gate Gourmet) political participation because union Amicus.91 which no union could lawfully most opportunities for people to The restrictions on trade union support. Ultimately Gate Gourmet play a part in decisions which intervention on behalf of workers was able to ‘shed 541 workers’ affect the quality of their own and open the door to aggressive anti- jobs’ by paying the equivalent of their neighbours’ lives normally union strategies by companies redundancy funds to 411 of them occur at local level. Studies of like Gate Gourmet and Friction and kept a smaller staff on worse participation have shown that Dynamics. Such strategies pay and conditions.93 most people participate at this are themselves a symptom of Because the action was level – though not necessarily the neo-liberal world order. In neither lawful nor official, Gate on the local government issues August 2005 Gate Gourmet, a Gourmet workers were unable on which we focus our attention US-owned transnational organi- to claim they had been subject here.96 There are other important sation which produces in-flight to unfair dismissal. But in any areas affecting people’s lives at catering for British Airways case protection against arbitrary local level – e.g., planning or (BA) flights, pursued what the dismissal is limited at best. In health services – that we leave Daily Mirror described as a ‘pre- December 2002, 86 workers aside here owing to constraints on planned stratagem to reduce sacked by Friction Dynamics, a our resources. Nevertheless the the size of its workforce and car parts manufacturer, were ruled role, scope and powers of elected the pay and conditions of those to have been unfairly dismissed. local government are significant who remained.’92 The company They had taken balloted action insofar as local authorities are introduced 130 agency workers with notice served against the able to determine local priorities on lower rates of pay; and when effective de-recognition of their and concerns and modify national the existing workers assembled union, the TGWU, a precursor policies in a representative to discuss the manoeuvre, and to imposing adverse terms and manner. while union representatives were conditions. But the reinstatement There is of course a proper meeting with managers, the orders issued by the employment tension between national, regional company gave the assembled tribunal were – as is often the case and local policy-making: some workers a megaphone ultimatum: – unenforceable. 94 policies have to be agreed and return to work within three David Coats identifies also laid down nationally or regionally. minutes or you are sacked. Nearly the need for an effective right However, the democratic all the workers who failed to to information and consultation structures that should govern return immediately to work were in the work place.95 He writes the disposition and use of power sacked; those who turned up the that ‘bad employment’ – a ‘lack between the three levels are next day were given the choice of control over the pace of work deficient. There is no elected tier of signing new contracts on and the key decisions that affect of regional government, save worsened terms or unemployment. the workplace’ and the absence in a sense the Greater London Gate Gourmet employees and of ‘procedural justice’ in the Assembly (though some county workplace – has malign conse- councils are arguably regional 90 http://www.publications.parliament.uk/pa/ bodies). Instead in England and cm200001/cmselect/cmtrdind/128/12811.htm#a41 . 93 Hendy and Gall, op cit. 91 ‘RBS threatens to discipline staff who don’t open 94 Hendy and Gall, op cit. 96 Parry, G., Moyser, G., and Day, N., Political Partici- company bank account’, Herald, 24 March 2007. 95 Coats, D., ‘No going back to the 1970s? The case pation and Democracy in Britain, Cambridge University 92 Daily Mirror, 12 August 2005. for a revival of industrial democracy’. Press, 1992.

Power and Participation in Modern Britain 31 Wales there is at regional level tive local government, able to government’. 102 And the less a governing structure of nine satisfy local needs and priorities autonomous local authorities Regional Development Agencies and to adjust ‘top-down’ policies are, the smaller is the scope for (RDAs) and nine Government and decisions to reflect those meaningful participation. Offices of the Regions (under needs and priorities as well as On the face of it, therefore, Gordon Brown, the voluntary specific local conditions, is vital to the Labour government’s new regional assemblies are being participative democracy. However, emphasis on greater public abolished). The RDAs are local government in this country participation and new forms of quangos with considerable has been gravely weakened, in democratic practice in decision- powers to drive and coordinate terms of independent resources, making at local and neighbour- economic development and powers and functions; and, hood level clearly has much to regeneration and have now been crucially, has no constitutional do to address the ‘democratic given responsibility for preparing protection against the inroads deficit’ 103 between national and ‘single’ regional economic, social that central government has made local government and to create and environmental strategies into its role over the past 50 years. more self-confident citizens able under the Brown government’s Governments have continually re- to participate in determining review ‘of sub-national economic organised, abolished, re-made and their futures. Since 2000, there development and regeneration.’ 97 dismembered local authorities in has been a surge of consulta- The Government Offices represent the UK.98 On most counts, central tion exercises, area committees, 11 Whitehall departments in controls over policy and finance citizens’ juries, user groups and the regions, implementing and the absence of adequate other participative forums, and departmental policies and tax-raising powers contravene the even briefly community elections, coordinating decision-making standards of the European Charter reflecting what are viewed as generally. Regional assemblies for Local Self-Government that the communities of interest or identity. used to be charged with making UK government has signed.99 This trend was given a new RDAs accountable. It seems The government has increas- impetus after the creation of the that the Prime Minister is now ingly recognised the potential new Department for Communities creating a new structure for value of local contribution to and Local Government (DCLG) regional accountability through public services determined in 2005. In January 2006, the Parliament. In June 2007, he centrally with a new emphasis then minister David Miliband appointed ministers for the on localised ‘place shaping’.100 gave a keynote speech, setting English regions who are to be Indeed, John Healey, Financial out a range of models by which subject to ‘formal and consistent Secretary to the Treasury, local communities may be given parliamentary scrutiny’ through once again emphasised ‘the more power over the delivery of newly-established regional select compelling case for reform’ local services, including neigh- committees in the House of to give local authorities and bourhood managers, petitions, Commons. communities greater responsi- satisfaction surveys, delegated Lower down the scale, there bilities and opportunities in his budgets, neighbourhood charters are two main tiers of local 17 July statement to the House and parish councils. 104 His government in England – large of Commons.101 But thus far the initiative was followed by a county councils, London boroughs supposed ‘new localism’ falls far local government white paper and unitary city-based authorities short of local self-government on in October 2006 designed to and smaller district authorities, the European model, let alone re-shape public services around both urban and rural. Local the ideal promulgated by the the communities who use them. government in Scotland, Wales 1986 Widdicombe inquiry of a The Local Government and and Northern Ireland follows local government able to provide Public Involvement in Health a single-tier model, based on ‘political checks and balances, Bill Act seeks to consolidate this counties and country boroughs and a restraint on arbitrary shift in public policy for England (Wales), council areas (Scotland) 98 See the Widdicombe report, The Conduct of Local 102 The ‘Widdicombe’ report, op cit. Authority Business, Cmnd 9797, HMSO, 1986; Bradley, A. and districts (Northern Ireland). 103 Stewart, J., From innovation in democratic practice W., and Ewing, K., Constitutional and Administrative Law, towards a deliberative democracy, School of Public Pearson Longman 2007; Weir and Beetham, op cit.; and Responsible and representa- Policy, University of Birmingham, 1999. Beetham et al, op cit. 104 The speech was converted into an official Office 99 Weir and Beetham, op cit.; and Beetham et al, op of the Deputy Prime Minister local:vision website cit. 97 See the statement by John Healey, local pamphlet, Empowerment and the deal for devolution: government minister, HC Hansard Debates, 17 July 100 See www.lyonsinquiry.org.uk a discussion document, February 2006, www. 2007 (col.161). 101 See fn. 133 above. communities.gov.uk/index.asp?id=1163597 .

32 The Democratic Audit by enacting many of the white facilities, and to give more weight encounters that have the capacity paper’s proposals.105 to petitions. 107 The Act creates to change their orientation in what The Act aims to empower only a duty to ‘inform, consult they do.’ 110 local citizens and communities and involve’ people, not a right by placing local authorities under to participate. However local The Brown effect a duty to secure their participa- people should be able at least to The Prime Minister has tion in the design and delivery of press for full consultation through announced and begun work public services, both their own and judicial review in the courts; as on ambitious plans to reinvig- those of other official ‘partners’. It the recent Greenpeace test case orate democracy in the United introduces the ‘Community Call on government consultation on Kingdom. Many of the changes for Action’, a device designed the new round of nuclear power floated in the green paper on to strengthen the ability of local stations showed, 108 the courts governance have the potential councillors to speak up for their are developing the law on what to redistribute power or powers constituents and demand answers constitutes ‘genuine’ consultation away from the core executive. when things go wrong by enabling that sets standards for consultative Here we briefly describe his them to involve a council’s process by government at local as democratic ‘route map’ through overview and scrutiny committees well as national level. the prism of local participation. in resolving issues of concern. As this brief summary of the The green paper on governance (The Police and Justice Act 2006 position in England 109 up to July pledges that the government will enables people to take crime and 2007 indicates, a great variety ‘better enable local people to disorder problems to councillors of ‘handles’ or opportunities hold service providers to account; who must then investigate and for taking some hold on power place a duty on public bodies possibly involve new crime and are being created, and many to involve local people in major disorder committees in dealing authorities are taking the trend decisions; assess the merits of with the problem.) further (for example, Harrow giving local communities the Initially this ‘Community Call’ and Salford are among a group ability to apply for devolved or gave the power to communities of authorities which have delegated budgets’; and ‘rein- to demand answers, but it got been pioneering participatory vigorate our democracy, with watered down to give rights to budgeting, first practiced in Porto people proud to participate in councillors who already have the Alegre, Brazil, in which local decision-making at every level’.111 moral right to demand answers. communities share in the budget- These pledges derive originally There are moves to reinvigorate making process). The authors from the white paper112 and and create parish (possibly re- of an in-depth study of recent essentially pull together those named as ‘community’, ‘village’ public participation projects in two initiatives. The green paper’s or ‘neighbourhood’) councils English cities note, major innovation is a pledge that – ‘the most local tier of local ‘channels of access to the the government will work with the government’ – to act as the voices political system are widening, Local Government Association to of local communities and to new opportunity structures are establish a concordat governing deliver services in partnership being opened up, and more the relations between central and with the councils above them. active forms of dialogue are being local government: 106 Various measures are being fostered. In the process not only ‘This will establish for the introduced to create stronger and are some “lay” publics becoming first time an agreement on the more visible council leadership, more expert in how to navigate rights and responsibilities of to reform the standards regime the public policy system, but local government, including its for local councillors, to allow for public service workers are being responsibilities to provide effective changes in electoral arrange- exposed to new experiences and leadership of the local area and to ments, to encourage community empower local communities where involvement in owning and 107 House of Commons Library, op cit. possible.’ 108 See www.consultationinstitute.org/research/ running local services and briefingpapers.asp; see also Mr Justice Webber’s definition of consultation, in R v Secretary of State for Social Services, ex parte the Association of Municipal 105 Department for Communities and Local Authorities, 1986. 110 Barnes, M., Newman, J., and Sullivan, H., Power, Government, Strong and prosperous communities, Cm 109 As the governance green paper, states, Participation and Political Renewal: Case studies in public 6939, TSO, 2006; available at www.communities.gov. ‘’Communities in Northern Ireland, Scotland and participation, The Policy Press, Bristol, 2007; see also uk/index.asp?id+1503999. Wales also have measures to hold service providers to www.participatorybudgeting.org.uk 106 House of Commons Library, The Local Government account’; Ministry of Justice, The Governance of Britain, and Public Involvement in Health Bill, Research Paper op cit. Consideration of these ‘measures’ is outside our 111 The Governance of Britain, op cit. 07/01, House of Commons Library, January 2007. scope. 112 Op cit, see fn 122.

Power and Participation in Modern Britain 33 The local governance growth agendas. 116 Overall, too, for a flourishing democracy was framework113 the government’s regional offices 5,040; Aristotle felt this was too 118 However, the trend towards will continue to act as ring-holders many. By these standards, but greater participation is taking for strategic priorities and funding also by the standards of other west place not within a comprehen- streams and the guardians of European states, local authorities sive framework of elected local government priorities. in Britain are too large and too government, but within the wider, The smaller 238 district remote from local communities more diverse and often opaque councils below county councils to be properly representative and structure of regional and local have only a minimal role in this open to the views of local citizens. governance. The most significant high-level activity. The strategic Several studies have established decisions will take place at the agreements are supposed to take that local authorities in the UK are higher reaches of a governance their plans into account and, like by far the largest in west Europe. 119 structure of strategic partnerships primary care trusts, the police Their size is a factor in the low and will be negotiated between and other local agencies, they turnout in local elections, thus the larger local authorities, are required to be involved in the diminishing the prospect of an the major official ‘delivery high-level negotiations. But it is electorate able to exercise political partners’ and the government not clear how, especially now that control through the ballot box. – in day-to-day practice, the the RDAs are to become more The mean turnout up from 1995 to Government Office for the Region, powerful still. Yet they are closer to 2005 has been 35 per cent against a largely invisible but highly local communities than the huge a mean of 66.3 per cent across EU 120 influential institution.114 These unitary and county authorities member states. First-past-the- complex structures by their nature and the major bodies that will post local elections in England make participation more difficult compile the strategic agreements and Wales produce distorted for citizens. The partnerships (Kent for example is supposed to results which make a nonsense bring together public agencies serve 1.37 million people, Essex of the idea that local people can and regional quangos with 1.34 million). Philip Bostock, chief exercise a measure of repre- private, business, community and executive at Exeter (a district sentative power over a council’s voluntary organisations; the larger authority), has observed that the policies through the ballot box. For local authorities involved are only ‘relentless growth’ of these high- example, in May 2007, a majority one actor and not necessarily the level agreements is impelling of people in at least seven councils decisive actor, though they are district authorities to seek higher voted for one party but woke to formally to ‘lead’ the partnerships. unitary status: find that another party had seized 121 Under the Brown govern- ‘As more central funding control. ment’s new proposals, the RDAs, streams are diverted to the county- Moreover the local unelected unelected regional quangos, wide pot, so local power, influence quango state often has more will have a commanding role, and accountability ebbs away. power over resources than elected preparing ‘single regional This is potentially damaging for local authorities, diminishing strategies’, though they will be any district, but for cities like further the power of the ballot. under a duty ‘to consult’.115 Local Exeter, it will seriously undermine For example, in their study of authorities will also be asked to their ability to do what they do governance in Burnley and prepare their own ‘visions for best – deal with the complexity of Harrogate, two district authorities, sustainable development.’ Among uniquely urban issues and drive Wilks-Heeg and Clayton found other significant non-elected economic growth for the wider that the combined spend of 117 players, the Housing Corpora- region.’ Burnley and Lancashire County tion’s five regional offices play a The debate over the relation- Council came to 40 per cent of the commanding role in providing ship between the size of governing total of public money spent in the institutions and democracy has social housing and directing 118 Dearlove, J., The Reorganisation of British Local been ongoing since Athens Government: Old orthodoxies and a political perspective, 113 This section is based on the House of Commons became the first democratic Cambridge University Press, Cambridge, 1979. Library briefing report on the Local Government and 119 Beetham, D., Byrne, I., Ngan, P., and Weir, S., Public Involvement Bill, Research Paper 07/01, January state (of a sort) in 50 BC. Plato Democracy under Blair, Politico’s, 2002. See also 2007, augmented by an interview with Jane Foot and Swianiewicz, P. (ed), Consolidation or Fragmentation? comments by Jane Foot and Peter John on a first draft calculated that the optimum size The size of local governments in Central and Eastern (see Acknowledgements) Europe, LGI Books, Budapest, 2002 114 House of Commons Library briefing; interview 116 See www.housingcorporation.gov.uk/server/ 120 Wilks-Heeg, S., and Clayton, S., Whose Town is it with Jane Foot. shiw/nav.394 Anyway? The state of democracy in two northern towns, 115 Healey, J., statement to House of Commons, HC 117 Bostock, P., ‘The joys of being single’, Municipal Joseph Rowntree Charitable Trust, York, 2006. Hansard Debates, 17 July 2007 (col. 161). Journal, 30 November 2006. 121 Polly Toynee, The Guardian, 10 May 2007.

34 The Democratic Audit area. Burnley’s own spending as a Further, the Local Government proportion of all public spending Ombudsman, Tony Redmond, in its area came to only 7 per cent. also issued a special report on Thus more than half the public local partnerships on 10 July expenditure in the council’s area 2007, saying, ‘The problems was in the hands of unelected involved in handling complaints bodies.122 where there is a partnership The overall point is, local of service providers need to governance is a highly complex be addressed urgently’. In the and fluid governing structure special report the three Local within which power varies Government Ombudsmen for according to the issues at hand England highlighted the difficul- and it is impossible to locate ties members of the public often accountability within the various have in knowing who they should governing partnerships. Even the complain to and how. They say, strategic partners involved are too, that councils often do not confused about their respective have proper, clear procedures roles, let alone outsiders who and protocols for handling these wish to know where and how to complaints.125 intervene. The government’s own assessment found that

‘evidence has shown that partnership working is not always effective or comprehen- sive. Lines of accountability for achieving targets are often unclear. Community Strategies are not always underpinned with a firm evidence base and are often disjointed from delivery mechanisms.’123

It is thus hard to determine where accountability lies, especially as the governing structures are being re-assembled. The new local government bill will empower local authority overview and scrutiny committees to review and scrutinise the actions of local partners in regard to targets. John Healey’s statement, cited above, stresses the need for ‘further freedoms’ and ‘greater powers, flexibilities and incentives’ for local authorities. 124 However, for the moment, the two powerful bodies in these processes, the RDAs and Government Offices of the Region, are effectively accountable upwards to Whitehall.

122 Wilks-Heeg and Clayton, op cit. 123 DCLG, Regulatory impact assessment, October 2006: www.communities.gov.uk/index.asp?id=1504070 124 HC Debs, 17 July 21007, col. 161. 125 www.lgo.ng.uk/special-reports.htm

Power and Participation in Modern Britain 35 Part 3 Handles on power

ere we describe and power and control that modern assess the government’s progressive politics can offer: commitment to consulta- ‘The era of “I can” is the tion and participation up to culmination of the long decline the end of the premiership of deference and automatic of Tony Blair. We consider authority. It is the late flowering of theH formal state provisions that individual autonomy and control. give citizens a grasp on power and It is, in other words, one of the means of complaint and redress; founding ideas of left-of-centre we examine the ability of civil politics: to put power in the hands society and the trade unions to of the people. People want to be provide countervailing influence players, not just spectators. … on power in the UK; and we “I can” must be combined with consider the more ambivalent role a sense of “we can” -the belief of political parties as instruments that there is a shared willingness of participation and power brokers. within each community that We also consider the potential role individuals’ actions will be recip- of the internet. rocated by others.’ There is however concern, Government policies on expressed well in the Guardian by participation Professor Ruth Lister, a specialist Throughout Tony Blair’s on poverty, that, ‘Under the premiership there was an meritocratic model of social justice emphasis on consultation that espoused by Blair, both privilege grew into ministerial commitments and deprivation make a mockery to participation in 2007, a trend of the aspirations of those unable that looks likely to be more to climb the ladder.’2 We have yet significant under Gordon Brown.1 to see what power over their lives The most prominent spokesperson the Brown government will offer for this shift in emphasis among the ‘I can’ts’. younger ministers was probably The Blair governments David Miliband who stepped up combined a commitment to ‘strong the new drive towards participa- government’ with building on tion at local level as Minister at the previous Major government’s the Department for Communities moves to make space for consulta- and Local Government. In an tion at national and local level. In article in the New Statesman on reply to a report on participation 2 April 2007, Miliband wrote from the Public Administration of the politics of ‘I can’ for a Select Committee, the government ‘more demanding, educated, declared in 2001 that savvy population [who] want the ‘Effective participation in central and local government 1 Ministry of Justice, The Governance of Britain, Cm. 7170, TSO July 2007. 2 Guardian Letters, 14 May 2007.

36 The Democratic Audit decision-making by the widest local challenges to PFI schemes;7 to account. Ordinary and very possible range of people and or sometimes manipulative, as often disadvantaged citizens organisations is an important part with council tenants who voted – and non-citizens – are using it of the government’s commitment in government ballots that their regularly inside but more often to democratic renewal, with homes should remain in council outside the courtroom to protect change coming from the bottom ownership, contrary to government the quality of their lives, to secure up as much as top down’.3 policy. The government used to their rights to decent and fair The government issued a Code deny the additional investment in public services and to assert their of Practice on Consultation, based improving their homes that would dignity. Through collective action, on the general principle – by no have accompanied the transfer of guided by lawyers, citizen’s means always adhered to – that the stock and even forced re-run advice bureaus and organisa- major policy decisions should be ballots where authorities retain tions such as Help the Aged, it preceded by seeking the views their housing stock.8 When it is slowly creating rights-based of interested parties. 4 The extent comes to cases, departments have practice and respect for people to which departments consult found it hard to identify examples within the public services. The varies enormously; and just of consultation actually changing Home Office concluded after an because a body or individual has outcomes.9 And as we suggest official review that the Act is a participated, critics have pointed later (see p.56), government has ‘powerful framework’ that delivers out, that it does not guarantee been unwilling to change policies ‘a commonsense balance between their views will be accorded the in the face of citizen protests, even the rights of individuals and the same importance as others who when they have been extensive rights of victims and communities are more favoured. In the words and well-informed. to be protected against harm’. 11 of Dowding ‘civil servants tend to Literally thousands of destitute make use of groups when they are Rights and citizen mobilisation and homeless asylum-seekers useful and ignore them (as far as As Keith Dowding points out in have received state support since they can) when they are not.’5 It Power, the state ‘enables collective 2005 when the courts ruled that may be that appearing to consult action by the rights it gives for the government’s refusal to meet is a deliberate means of ignoring group mobilization’.10 The civil their needs constituted ‘inhuman certain arguments, through and political rights guaranteed by and degrading’ treatment. People creating a false impression of the 1988 Human Rights Act (and with disabilities have perhaps openness. In an area where a under the European Convention benefited most from the Act department does not have a on Human Rights) – the freedoms which has overturned prejudicial particular preference of its own, of speech, expression, association practices in a variety of settings. it may be more amenable to and assembly – are framed in The elderly in care homes, outside influence. It is possible terms of the individual, but they travellers and homeless families that lobbies which appear generally facilitate collective are groups who have asserted their strong only do so because their organisation and mobilisation and right to live in dignity. 12 preferences happen to be shared people can try to enforce them in The official bodies set up by the relevant department. the courts and obtain redress. The to enhance the position of The government’s record has Act’s impact on the government’s minorities in British society been patchy, sometimes praise- counter-terrorism laws has gained – the Commission for Racial worthy, sometimes opportun- most political and media attention. Equality, the Equal Opportunities istic, sometimes opaque 6; and But the Act is a landmark reform Commission and the Disability when government policies that gives people a set of simple Rights Commission – have now were challenged, sometimes written rights which they can been amalgamated into a single downright antagonistic, as with use to hold public authorities body, the new Commission for Equality and Human Rights 7 See the PFI vs Democracy series by McFadyean, M., and Rowland, D., The Case of Birmingham’s Hospitals; (CEHR), which is charged with Selling off the Twilight Years: the transfer of Birmingham’s 3 PASC, Public Participation: Issues and Innovations homes for elderly people; and School governors and the 11 Home Office and Department for Constitutional (the government’s response), HC 334, TSO, 2001. Haringey Schools PFI Scheme, Menard Press, 2002. Affairs, The Human Rights Act: the DCA and Home Office 4 http://www.cabinetoffice.gov.uk/regulation/ 8 See for example, Shifrin, T., ‘Government accused Review, Cm 7011, TSO, January 2007; available on www. consultation/code/index.asp of denying council tenants choice’, Guardian Society, 1 dca.gov.uk July 2004; and generally, www.defendcouncilhousing. 5 Dowding, K., The Civil Service (Routledge, London, 12 See for example, the 13 case studies in the British org.uk 1995), p.117. Institute of Human Rights pamphlet, The Human Rights 6 See Weir and Beetham and Beetham et al, 9 PASC, Public Participation: Issues and Innovations, Act – Changing Lives, BIHR, 2006; Equality and Diversity op cit; also Kearton, I., Review of Current Protests, HC 373, TSO, 2001. Forum, Human Rights and the Human Rights Act, June memorandum, Democratic Audit, May 2003. 10 Dowding, op cit. 2006, and www.edf.org.uk

Power and Participation in Modern Britain 37 promoting the Act’s values and citizens and their organisations what they could expect from contribution. The CEHR and some grasp on power, if only public services and make it easier the Act should serve as a focus after the event, and provide a to complain. Major explained in for collective action at all levels route for influence and change his memoir that the ‘big idea’ was of society. Although the Human as well as for redress. Central to raise ‘the quality and standing Rights Act has provided some government departments, local of public service as a whole’. protection for people in the social authorities, most quangos and Major was motivated by his and economic sphere, it does not regulators are required to provide economically insecure background run to the systematic protection mechanisms for redress. The and his knowledge that the of economic, social and cultural scale of the redress operation is less privileged were dependent rights that are contained in the huge. Approximately 1.4 million upon public services, but often UN International Covenant which cases are received through central found them unresponsive. 18 Britain has ratified13 – and that government redress systems, The Citizen’s Charter set basic Gordon Brown’s green paper on processed by more than 9,300 staff standards of service, promoted governance specifically rules at an annual cost of at least £510 best practice across public services out for the future. 14 The Council million. Such problems as the and promised more adequate of Europe’s European Social complexity and lack of simplicity systems of redress. It was not Charter as well as a substantial associated with the redress system legally enforceable nor supported body of economic and social (and issues such as the difficulty by additional public spending, but rights embedded in basic EU of making phone complaints) it was flexible and accessible. In law does however enable British led Professor Patrick Dunleavy 1998 the Charter was re-launched citizens and groups to organise to recently to tell the Public Adminis- as Service First; in 2004 it became obtain, for example equal pay and tration Select Committee (PASC), Charter Mark, the ‘national workplace rights and protections ‘I do not think we are getting standard for excellence in that are being gradually and to a a Rolls-Royce service for the customer service’19 limited degree enforced through money that is being spent’.16 The Redress has been a significant tribunals and courts up to the philosophy of redress nowadays element in the New Labour European Court of Justice.15 There partly turns on the concept of the government’s plans to reorientate are also an unknown number of citizen as consumer – an idea that public services around consumer statutory and other entitlements is widely criticised for diminishing needs, but the system as a whole and regulations that can be the status of the interaction has developed in a piecemeal brought to bear to assist citizen between the individual person fashion and is not without action. For example, the Race and the state. On the other hand, inadequacies and arbitrary Relations Impact Assessment people who are less politically practice. A National Audit Office process aided the campaign involved may find this means of report in 2005 found a strong that was seeking to repeal the exercising power a more familiar distinction between ‘complaints’ government decision to end free and appropriate one. and ‘appeals’ in public redress ESOL classes (see p 14); a clause The setting up of the Parlia- that had no equivalent in the in the Companies Act gave Ben mentary Commissioner, or private sector. Around half of Birnberg access to Tesco’s annual Ombudsman, was an important central government organisations meeting (see p.14 above). Official stage in the development of could not establish how many seeds regulations gave anti-GM the principle that the public complaints they had received in campaigners a forum for their had a right to redress for acts of a particular year; and there was concerns. maladministration and misuse of no single established definition government power in 1967. The of a complaint. Focus group Redress aim was to ‘humanise the whole evidence suggested that citizens The Ombudsman service, a variety administration of the state.’17 In ‘regard redress arrangements of tribunals and other formal 1991, the then Prime Minister in government organizations as mechanisms of accountability, John Major introduced the time-consuming and requiring complaint and redress, offer Citizen’s Charter to tell people a lot of persistence…to secure a useful outcome.’ Tribunals 13 Weir, S., Unequal Britain: human rights as a route to 16 http://www.publications.parliament.uk/pa/ were ‘seen as…more formal and social justice, Politico’s, 2006 cm200607/cmselect/cmpubadm/uc251-v/uc25102. 14 Ministry of Justice, The governance of Britain, TSO, htm July 2007. 17 Labour Party manifesto, The New Britain, Labour 18 Major, J., The Autobiography, HarperCollins 2000. 15 Weir, S., Unequal Britain, op cit. Party 1964. 19 See www.cabinetoffice.gov.uk/chartermark/

38 The Democratic Audit more intimidating for ordinary . . and they want the system to ‘advice deserts’; ‘significant parts people’. Seemingly influenced by change for other people’. of the country are inadequately the model of the Dutch National serviced by legal aid lawyers or MPs nowadays provide a Ombudsman, the NAO report other appropriate services, and this generally effective complaints recommended that the government is likely to intensify.’ Two thirds of process and they must be the first consider establishing a ‘single its local CABs experienced difficul- port of call for anyone who wants point of contact for impartial ties in finding solicitors to deal to complain to the Parliamentary information on where to make a with immigration cases. 25 Ombudsman. With their improved complaint or seek redress’.20 Private industry and many staffing, dealing with constitu- Government departments are professions also establish their ents’ concerns and complaints concerned to address issues of the own ‘Ombudsmen’, bodies like the (immigration, asylum and tax transparency and effectiveness of Press Complaints Commission and credits cases bulk large in their redress. In 2004 the Department complaints and redress services. workload) is one means for MPs of Constitutional Affairs issued However, as Philip Cullum said to strengthen their incumbency a white paper on simplifying to PASC, ‘professional bodies that against electoral challenge. A tribunal services, Transforming assess complaints notoriously number of agencies have now set Public Services: Complaints, favour the industry side, which is up special MPs’ hotlines. Often Redress and Tribunals; 21 in its why gradually in areas like legal MPs can be useful to constituents 2006 white paper, Strong and services there has been a shift in progressing complaints, though Prosperous Communities, the away from that.’ they may not alter the result Department for Communities There is a variety of other (indeed they usually pass on a and Local Government sets out public scrutiny bodies, such complaint in a neutral fashion, proposals to ‘modernise and clarify as the Health and Safety since it is not practical to inquire the role and working practices Executive, the Healthcare into its merits). No MP wishing of the [Local Government] Commission, regulators to maintain a constituency profile Ombudsman’.22 like Ofcom and Passengers can nowadays avoid this role, but Redress is apparently a First, the Office for Judicial it is not always welcome. When the process for individual people, not Complaints, the Sustainable late Tony Banks MP stood down communities. But like the courts, Development Commission, the from the Commons in 2005 he was redress mechanisms can be used Standards Commission (for local quoted as saying that ‘all you were to further collective remedies (and government), etc, to which people was a sort of high-powered social indeed good redress systems build may turn for information and worker and perhaps not even a in a monitoring function). Philip assistance and even redress. It good one’. 23 Cullum, deputy chief executive of is impossible to enumerate here Legal aid is an important the National Consumer Council, all the scrutiny bodies across the component of the system of redress explained in oral evidence to public sector to which potential and poor individuals can apply PASC on 4 April 2007 that, campaigners may turn – and for legal aid from the Community unnecessary. The Centre for ‘I think our evidence suggests that Legal Service, the civil wing of Public Scrutiny has published The often, as well as their own case, the Legal Services Commission.24 Scrutiny Map that charts for 2005 people are concerned more The service funded nearly 800,000 the range and reach of scrutiny generally about being sure that cases in 2006-07 in such areas bodies in all levels of government, this [their complaint] is not as debt, employment, housing, from the centre to local authorities, going to recur for other people mental health and family law, but and the main public services – . . . so rather than being bought legal aid has suffered severe cuts criminal justice, education, health off in their own circumstances, which limit the range of people and social care, housing and people want some sort of that can receive it, the issues regeneration, public utilities and reassurance that in some way which it covers and the areas transport. 26 it is being fed back into the where it is readily available. A organisation … They want their Citizen’s Advice report of 2004, own situation to be remedied . The Geography of Advice, drew attention to the opening up of 25 See http://www.citizensadvice.org.uk/geogra- 20 See http://eprints.lse.ac.uk/595/ phyofadvice . 21 See http://www.dca.gov.uk/pubs/adminjust/ 26 Centre for Public Scrutiny, The scrutiny map: transformfull.pdf . 23 http://news.bbc.co.uk/1/hi/uk/4047123.stm charting the range and reach of scrutiny bodies across the 22 See http://www.communities.gov.uk/index. 24 For the Legal Services Commission website, see: public sector, CPS (£25 from the EC Group, PO Box 364, asp?id=1503999 . http://www.legalservices.gov.uk/ Hayes, Middlesex UB3 1US0, June 2005.

Power and Participation in Modern Britain 39 Countervailing influences – willing to represent individuals All these bodies in one sphere civil society and communities within their or another can and do bring We have described the close areas of interest, taking ‘test cases’ influence to bear and may prove influence that organised interests in the courts and sponsoring valuable allies in a campaign. have on government policy participation exercises. This active associational life is through policy networks and Around 300,000 charities of course open to criticism that, policy communities (see p.25). are registered with the Charity individually or collectively, it is However from at least the 19th Commissioners. Many of these unrepresentative of the public and century onwards, the UK has are associations, international, relevant populations, and tends developed a lively tradition of national and local, that in fact to favour the already advantaged independent pressure groups, self- have often set out to educate and and articulate (see further Part 4). help groups, charitable or phil- influence the public and to exert Such considerations should serve anthropic societies, grant-giving political and social influence, to temper an uncritical enthusiasm foundations and campaigning despite the legal prohibition on for public participation, but they groups of all kinds. Among other political campaigning by charities. do not alter the main point that sources of power, the churches, The government’s green paper active citizenship and a vigorous or ‘faith communities’, can have on governance now pledges to civil society are necessary 28 influence at least on national work with the Charity Commis- components of democratic life. government and in a huge variety sioners to explore giving charities The Citizen Audit, funded by of local campaigns and initiatives, and charitable pressure groups the Economic and Social Research but also – and more importantly more room for manoeuvre. Even Council, found that in 2000-01 – on public opinion, as in the a largely apolitical body like the broadly four out of 10 people (40 recent ‘Make Poverty History’ National Trust can assume a per cent) were part of this active campaign. The UK is also rich in political role. The National Trust, citizenship – that is, they were independent non-governmental inspired by the desire to protect members of at least one organised bodies that can bring influence the ancient Hatfield forest on the group. Two out of five people to bear nationally and globally edge of Stansted airport, took its belonged to two, three or four through government departments, place alongside Friends of the groups and 2 per cent to five or MPs, peers and parliamentary Earth and numerous community more. One in four people partici- committees, the media and groups, to oppose the expansion pated in the activities of an organi- society in general. Just how much of the airport at the public inquiry sation and one in ten volunteered influence they actually have that opened in May 2007; John to work for an organisation. So varies greatly and is impossible to Vidal and Dan Milmo observed in 18 million people belonged to an assess. But these interest groups the Guardian that, organisation, 11 million partici- pated in their activities, and four are undoubtedly important to ‘While the government does not million volunteered their time. democratic governance. Some, want to disappoint BAA [the The Audit offered people a list of such as Shelter and the Child British Airports Authority] . . . types of organisation and the bulk Poverty Action Group, seek to It is equally wary of upsetting of this associational life was not ensure that marginal interests are the millions of National Trust inherently political or social in represented; others, like Liberty, members who make up a nature. People were most likely to the Institute of Fiscal Studies significant portion of middle join a motoring organisation (29 and the Campaign for Freedom England.’ 27 of Information, scrutinise, check per cent of the total), followed by and report on the activities There is an unknowable host sporting activity or the gym (14 of government. Charities like of voluntary organisations, though per cent). Of those with a potential Oxfam and War on Want press it is possible to enumerate such political or social character, trade government on development aid bodies in particular areas through unions came in at 9 per cent, policies as well as seeking to national lists – the 1994 register residents and neighbourhood raise substantial sums of money of environmental organisa- associations at 6 per cent, profes- from the public. These bodies can tions, for example, listed 1,600 sional bodies at 5 per cent, and bring specialist knowledge and organisations. There are producer churches at 3 per cent. A cluster experience to bear upon public and professional organisations. of groups – environmental, animal policy and introduce an element rights, humanitarian and human 27 Vidal, J., and Milmo, D., ‘Stansted Public Inquiry’, of pluralism. Many of them are Guardian, 29 May 2007. 28 See further, Beetham et al, op cit, ch. 11.

40 The Democratic Audit rights, patients, consumer, women social and political power. 31 contrast between their present and disabled – each scored 1 per Their powerful position, position and the high watermark cent; in all, about one in 10 people political and economic, was of their power in the 1970s when participated in the activities of a demolished by the trade they were probably as powerful residents, housing or neighbour- union laws of Mrs Thatcher’s and influential as trade unions hood group.29 Separate British governments after 1979 and the have ever been in any liberal Social Attitudes surveys indicate defeat of the miners’ strike and democracy. But trade unions are that organisational membership has not been restored under New still the largest independent organ- rose from about one in six people Labour. In the words of Anthony isations in the civil society. Trade to one in four (25 per cent) from Sampson, ‘In the first post-war union membership stands at about 1994 to 2000; and that some 22 decades the trades unions were 30 per cent of the workforce – a per cent belonged to one or more respected and feared by both much higher density than in many community organisations, such as Labour and Tory governments.’ other countries, including France Neighbourhood Watch schemes, But economic and political trends and the United States. Addition- tenants’, resident or parent- undermined their status and they ally, they represent broadly a third teacher associations; and another became scapegoats for Britain’s of the workforce through collective 22 per cent were members of a economic malaise; the ‘winter of bargaining agreements that extend trade union or staff association. discontent’ in the last year of the to non-members. 34 (Differences in methodology Callaghan government sealed their Moreover, they have continued explain the differences between fate. For Blair, they were symbolic to play an important political the Citizens Audit and BSA of Old Labour and he was anxious role, very largely defensive, over estimates.) However, a vital to dissociate New Labour from the past 30 years and still have a consideration, three quarters of the their influence; as Sampson says, residual role in internal Labour population were ‘non-joiners’. ‘he saw little reason to come closer party politics and a share of the to the unions, which got in the way vote in elections for the party Countervailing influences – trade of his plans for modernisation and leader and deputy leader. It is true unions were always liable to scare away that New Labour in government Historically, much working class middle-class voters and business keeps its distance; and they have political activity was collectively supporters.’32 Structural changes been unable to reverse significant channelled through the trade in employment also weakened aspects of Mrs Thatcher’s trade unions; their existence is a classic the trade unions, especially as union laws. But as recently as 2004 example of the need for the employers took advantages of the they negotiated the pre-election relatively powerless to organise Conservative governments’ trade Warwick agreement with Labour, if they are to exert power. The union legislation, and between securing important protections for trade unions created the Labour 1979 and 1997 trade union workers and improved working Party and have long been, and membership fell by seven million. conditions. Indeed, they had continue to be, a bulwark of the The prevalent interpretation of previously inserted key policies social democratic tradition in trade union power and influence in the government’s agenda, British society. In his historical is one of ‘decline’ within, for including the national minimum analysis of their role Alastair J. example, a ‘marketised society in wage. Reid argues that emphasis Reid argues that trade unions have which emphasis is placed upon on the distance between them and made a vital contribution in Britain the optimisation of individual New Labour overlooks the ‘positive to the development of human needs in the market’.33 There is long-term contribution of trade rights and diversity, and have reason for this interpretation, of unionism’ to British democracy. acted as an important check on course, but it rests upon the stark He predicts a possible rise in central government. 30 After 1945, their future influence because of 31 Ewing, K. D. (ed.), The Right to Strike: from the 35 they formed the third element Trade Disputes Act 1906 to a Trade Union Freedom Bill economic and recruitment trends. 2006, Institute of Employment Rights, 2006; Aldcroft, in the post-war era of tripartite D. H., and Oliver, M. J., Trade unions and the economy, Trade unions also play a ‘corporatism’ and by the 1970s 1870-2000, Ashgate, Aldershot 2000; Fraser, W. H., A important, though fragmented, History of British Trade Unionism 1700-1998, Macmillan, they were at their height of their Basingstoke 1999. role in empowering people and 32 Anthony Sampson, Who Runs This Place? The strengthening participation Anatomy of Britain in the 21st Century , John Murray 2004. 29 Pattie, C., Seyd, P., and Whiteley, P., ‘Civic Attitudes 33 Quote from Pattie, C., Seyd, P., and Whiteley, and Engagement in Modern Britain,’ in Parliamentary P., Citizenship in Britain: Values, Participation and 34 http://www.ek.fi/ek_englanti/figures_in_labour_ Affairs, vol. 56, No. 4, October 2003. Democracy, Cambridge University Press, Cambridge market/latest_fig_in_labour_market/tradeUnionDensi- 30 http://www.historyandpolicy.org/archive/policy- 2004. The index of this major survey includes only two tyEU.pdf paper-05.html . references to ‘trade unions’. 35 Reid,op cit.

Power and Participation in Modern Britain 41 through contributing funds to conditions, union recognition, proportion to how near or far they social causes and campaigns, casualisation and privatisation.’ are to gaining power; and these sponsoring the political education She cites examples such as the parties may therefore be open to of working people, pursuing Chix bubble gum factory strike the influence of their members or work-related activities to assist in Slough in 1979, the Bursnall external groups. those in work, and participating strike in Birmingham in 1992, The era of the mass party is in a wide range of national and the Hillingdon hospital cleaners’ over and membership of the more local campaigns, such as for opposition to privatisation in traditional political parties is in example, the National Pensioner 1995 and the Lufthansa Skychef long-term decline. This is a trend Convention campaign to restore catering company dispute of 1998, across western Europe, but it is the earnings link for pensions, which ran for 17 months making more pronounced in the UK than the national anti-BNP electoral it ‘the longest-running in British elsewhere. A recent study found campaign alongside Searchlight, industrial history.’37 that mean party membership of and numerous other movements. the electorate in 20 European We have already mentioned in Countervailing influences – democracies was 5 per cent; the passing the role that UNISON has political parties? UK was at the bottom of the table played in Newcastle (see p.20) in The traditional route through at 2 per cent.39 The true figure combating ‘out-sourcing’ public which citizens could seek to is almost certainly lower, given services, not only to protect their exercise political power through that parties are reluctant to reveal members’ employment and wages, being members of and active in their falling memberships. The but also as Wainwright observes, one of two major parties is now old two party system is gradually to maintain decent standards closed off as their party leaders being replaced by a multi-party for users of services, such as are focused almost wholly on system. Even at Westminster, there home-care. UNISON also took on persuading the public at large are now eight ‘other’ opposition the private sector at its own game (and swing voters in particular) parties, as well as independents. and won a ten-year contract in through the intense cultivation There is however a paradox: the 2002 for the ‘in-house’ delivery of a media image that active grasp on national power of the of the city council’s IT and members cannot be allowed two major parties has proved related services, including benefit to endanger by making their to be enduring so far (though payments, council tax and debt own demands and raising the there is a prospect of a ‘hung’ collection, in face of competition spectre of ‘party splits’. Internal Parliament at the next election); from BT. 36 ‘democratic’ processes in both at local level, the picture is more Trades union activism can parties are designed to head off diverse with growing numbers of provide a route for marginalised ‘party activists’. Indeed, both local authorities with ‘no overall groups into political and social Tony Blair and David Cameron control.’ Thus there is more space activism, therefore offering the have sought to improve their for organisations or communities prospect of greater power. Middle reputations by taking on their seeking to influence political aged women of Asian origin members over one or other party parties at local level. were major participants in the shibboleth. Party members are So what kinds of parties do we Gate Gourmet dispute of 2005 largely valued as sources of funds now have? Political scientists have (see p. 31). Rahila Gupta has and as electoral foot-soldiers,38 identified four basic models, each described how Jayaben Desair, though modern party fundraising of which gives a recognisable, and who was previously involved in and campaigning techniques valuable, insight into the nature the Grunwick dispute in 1977, threaten even this residual role. of the beasts as they evolve. First, provided an antidote to the 1980s Other parties with less at stake there is the classic ‘mass’ party, ‘favourite media stereotype [of electorally are able to give their organised nationally in response the] “passive” Asian woman members a greater say broadly in to national elections. There is the who walked five feet behind her ‘cadre’ or ‘caucus’ party, a loose man.’ Gupta notes that since 37 Gupta, R., ‘Heroines of the picket’, Guardian, 27 elite grouping around senior August 2005. then ‘history has delivered us a 38 See for example, the arguments of the politicians, of a kind that predated surfeit of working-class Asian independent LabOUR Commission, www.labourcom- mass suffrage and is common mission.org.uk and of the Campaign for Conservative women heroes at the forefront of Party Democracy. Gordon Brown has just launched an official Labour Party commission to introduce ‘new actions against poor wages and rights for members to be consulted on policy’. See also 39 Mair, P. and Van Biezen I., ‘Party Membership Seyd, P., and Whiteley, P., ‘British Party Members: An in Twenty European Democracies, 1980-2000’, Party 36 Wainwright, op cit. Overview’, Party Politics, vol.10, No.4, Sage 2004. Politics, Vol 7 No. 1, 2001, pp. 5-21.

42 The Democratic Audit around the world. In The Rise of laristic-clientele-oriented, etc.); tives on the place and role of the British Presidency Michael and tolerant and pluralistic political parties in modern society. Foley identifies a tendency (or democratic) versus proto- Geoff Mulgan, a former head of called ‘leadership stretch’ which hegemonic (or anti-system).42 policy at 10 Downing Street, for seems to give a British twist to Party members do have example has imported a concept this paradigm.40 Increasingly, some influence even within the from engineering, distinguishing he argues, leaders of political Conservative and Labour parties. ‘strong power and weak power parties have taken on ‘presiden- First, they do have a say in the controls’ to describe social tial’ characteristics, building election of the leader (and the changes he argues are taking up leadership cults around deputy leader in the case of the place. Strong power controls use themselves. As a consequence Labour Party), always provided ‘large quantities of energy relative collective institutions such as the that there is an election. The to the processes they control, while cabinet and parties have been parliamentary parties in both weak power controls use very minimised in importance and cases are supposed to act as little’.43 Mulgan suggests that leaders – whether in government filters, giving MPs a degree of ‘[t]he era of strong power political or opposition – have tried to influence. However, Conservative institutions’ – in particular mass, appeal direct to the electorate via members were able to force Iain hierarchical parties – ‘may now the media, bypassing mediating Duncan Smith upon a reluctant be coming to an end, at least bodies. He traces such behaviour parliamentary party in 2001; and in the advanced industrialized at least as far back as Harold it was Cameron’s appeal to party countries’; and that weak power Wilson but has argued it became members that swung Conserva- structures – such as the ‘women’s more pronounced from Margaret tive MPs behind him in 2005. and environmental movements’ Thatcher onwards, with Tony Blair Local party members can select – are more attuned to the times. taking it to a new level. and de-select MPs (and though Their advantage being that they There is the ‘catch-all’ party, they may be leaned on by the ‘have usually been organized as which seeks to draw on diverse centre, such interference can horizontal networks, without the sources of support, as in the USA backfire); and it may be the case need for a single programme, a – a model that seems apposite that leaders will defer to their single leadership, a hierarchy of in relation to the New Labour wishes on certain policies which officials and committees.’44 project. There is the ‘cartel’ party they hold dear (sometimes as a Helen Margetts posits a further without a large membership trade-off for adopting other less model for the political party, which cleaves close to the state popular measures). For instance, that of the ‘cyber party’, which for political and financial support Blair finally gave way, partially, to organises on the internet and (this model is now a common his party’s commitment to a ban has supporters rather than formal feature of British politics; political on fox-hunting, and Cameron has members, who possess multiple parties are subsidised directly stumbled over party opposition preferences and lend their support and indirectly by the national to his retreat from a continuing according to context.45 and local state to a far greater commitment to grammar schools. extent than is acknowledged).41 On the big issues however party Power and the Internet Another way of analysing and leaders can and do prevail over The internet – the giant global understanding the nature of the what their members wish. Some of meeting place and library – is modern political party has been the strongest resistance to Blair’s changing the world. It has had a advanced by Richard Gunther most prominent political decision, far-reaching and growing impact and Larry Diamond. They identify to join the invasion of Iraq, came on governmental, corporate and 15 ‘species’ of party using three from within the Labour Party media communications in the criteria. They are: the nature of the – from party members and MPs UK and has greatly expanded party’s organisation (thick/thin, (including the two largest parlia- their influence. Survey evidence elite-based or mass-based, etc.); mentary rebellions in history). Yet indicates that use of the internet the programmatic orientation of this was the party of government reflects the inequalities of British the party (ideological, particu- that nonetheless implemented the society. There is a ‘digital divide’

policy. 43 Mulgan, G., Politics in an Antipolitical Age (Polity 40 Foley, M., The Rise of the British Presidency There are many other perspec- Press, Cambridge, 1994), p.116. (Manchester University Press, Manchester, 1993). 44 Mulgan, G., Politics in an Antipolitical Age (Polity 41 See: Katz, R. and Mair, P. (eds.) Party Organizations: 42 Gunther, R. and Diamond, L., ‘Species of Political Press, Cambridge, 1994), p.124. a Data Handbook on Party Organizations in Western Parties: A New Typology’, Party Politics, Vol 9, No. 2, 45 Margetts, H., ‘The Cyber Party’, paper to School of Democracies 1960-90 (Sage, London, 1992). 2003, pp167-99. Public Policy, University College London, 2001.

Power and Participation in Modern Britain 43 between the haves and have-nots: between people in or out of work. with other people in the same internet users are younger, more 48 ) Use of the internet clearly situation. The capacity of the highly educated and richer than has the potential to influence internet to segment populations non-users, and more likely to significantly the capacity of into groups such as these, be men than women and more ‘ordinary’ citizens and weaker with similar interests, however likely to live in London and the social or political groups to gain geographically or socially south-east than elsewhere. 46 information and expertise; and we dispersed, is an increasingly Yet its ability to link groups can reasonably assume that it aids valuable resource. and individuals and to facilitate building a positive rather than With respect to reputation, the joint action plainly has great negative reputation. 49 internet provides the possibility potential for those who seek First, with respect to for individuals or groups to to organise wider participa- information and expertise, the acquire reputation in ways that tion in public and social life, internet and growing world-wide circumvent traditional methods especially if it can be placed as web vastly increases the range such as print and broadcast a tool in the hands of disadvan- of information that is freely media or elite networks. So, for taged groups. Joe Trippi, a US available to any internet user, on example, sites like You Tube (the campaign manager, has described virtually any subject imaginable video-sharing web site) or My the Howard Dean presidential but certainly political informa- Space (the home-page creation campaign that organised 600,000 tion.50 Before the rise of search web site) have acquired billions activists in 2004 as ‘the first engines in the early 2000s, it was of users in only a couple of years shot’ of a revolution, ‘a digital often argued that meaningful largely by ‘word of mouth’ – or at reawakening of democracy’.47 information was difficult to find, least, via millions of communica- What then are the implications like looking for a book in an tions carried out via online social of widespread use of the internet uncatalogued library – but search contacts 52. The characteristics for power relations and participa- engines have revolutionised of network structures make tion? We return first to Dowding’s our ability to seek information, the creation of reputation via resource-based account of power and organisations that seek network contacts (as opposed in which actors are powerful and strategise to be visible to broadcast media) far easier. because of the resources they generally can make themselves Researchers have shown that the bring to a bargain with others so. Survey evidence suggests world-wide web exhibits ‘small and the resources he identified as that by 2007, nearly two thirds world characteristics’, which being important in determining an of internet users would ‘go to means that any two pages are actor’s power (see p.15 above). the internet first’ to find out the connected via a surprisingly The ability to form groups is name of their MP if they didn’t small number of links.53 In this crucial to the acquisition of power: know it already. 51 With respect ‘small-world’, linkages between social power always depends to expertise also, it is possible to clusters within networks have upon a coalition of interests. As argue that the internet provides the potential to transform the we have discussed, some groups new possibilities for individuals to nature of political communica- (particularly those lacking in acquire professional expertise in tion, meaning that news about these resources) are particularly specific areas. This development events, groups or individuals vulnerable to collective action is particularly marked in health can spread incredibly quickly. problems, and are unlikely where an ordinarily educated but Once a phenomenon, group to form. (The unemployed skilled internet user can become (or individual) has acquired constitute a classic example of a an expert on a given complaint a certain reputation then so called ‘latent’ pressure group, or illness, challenge the views traditional media may help to that is large but geographi- of health professionals and enlarge it, but neither media cally dispersed, heterogeneous gain knowledge from and ally prominence nor advertising is and short of any of the above necessary to reach such a level. resources; yet interestingly, there 48 Gardner and Oswald, op cit. 49 For a fuller discussion, see Hood, C., and Margetts, is no ‘digital divide’ in internet use H., The Tools of Government in the Digital Age, Palgrave 52 See (My Space), http://news.bbc.co.uk/1/ 2007. hi/business/6034577/stm and (You Tube), http:// 46 See for example, Gardner, J., and Oswald, A., 50 Bimber, B., Information and American Democracy: news,bbc.co.uk/1/hi/magazine/4782118.stm ‘Internet use: the digital divide’, in Park, A., et al, British technology in the evolution of political power, 53 See Albert, R., Jeong, H., and Barabasi, A-L , th Social Attitudes: the 18 Report, National Centre for Cambridge University Press, Cambridge 2002. ‘Diameter of the World-Wide Web’, Nature, vol. 401, Social Research/Sage, 2001. 51 Helsper, E., and Dutton, W., The Internet in Britain September 1999; and Watts, D. J., and Strogatz, S.H., 47 Trippi, J., ‘Democracy reborn, digitally’, Sunday from 2003 to 2007, Oxford Internet Surveys, Oxford ‘Collective dynamics of “small-world” networks’, Nature, Times, 10 June 2007. Internet Institute, Oxford 2007. vol. 393, pp. 440-442, 1998.

44 The Democratic Audit For this reason, entry costs for formation are reduced, what are in the online world, others are smaller political parties and the social and political implica- able to challenge government organisations are far lower than in tions? Obviously, not everyone nodality.57 the off-line world. is a skilled internet user or even In Dowding’s terms, nodality Turning to collective action has access to the internet at all, might be viewed as a combination problems, the internet seems so the effect of differential rates of of reputation and information; and to reduce the costs of collective internet usage and penetration on so for those citizens who expand action since information and any shift in power relations have their reputation and information reputation are the resources most to be considered. Around 65 per environment successfully, the needed to facilitate collective cent of UK citizens have access internet allows new possibilities action. The internet also helps to to the internet. However, such a for influencing state organisa- work against heterogeneity, an figure does not necessarily mean tions. For example, in 2006 No. 10 element of the collective action that the remaining 35 per cent Downing Street introduced a new problem identified by Keith are excluded from the resources facility on their web site allowing Dowding,54 given its capacity to which the internet gives citizens to set up on-line petitions. to aid the identification of access. Survey evidence suggests This application was used by the people with shared interests and that around 70 per cent of non- individual Peter Roberts to set preferences across geographical internet users could ‘probably’ up a petition against the policy boundaries (e.g., diasporas, inter- or ‘definitely’ get someone to use of vehicle tracking and road national terrorists or people with the internet on their behalf if they pricing, which attained 1.8 million multiple sclerosis). It also aids needed to, suggesting that less signatures by the deadline of 20 group interactiveness, shrinking than 10 per cent of the population February 2007. 58Tony Blair, then coordination problems caused by are completely excluded from on- the Prime Minister, was moved size and geographical dispersion; line resources.55 by the blaze of publicity that indeed, many protests, particu- Secondly, the internet has accompanied this petition to write larly international ones such as a differential effect on different to all 1.8 million signatories, which anti-globalisation demonstra- types of actor. The difference it must have been the largest mass tions, are now organised almost makes to the state, or government, email by a government ever to entirely on-line. The internet also and therefore the ability of take place. Although the petition promotes visibility. citizens and social groups to will of course not necessarily The most recent develop- influence what the state does change government policy, it has ments in web-based technologies is of great importance to our certainly raised the reputation of further facilitate the formation interest in its potential contribu- the ‘no’ case and has caused the of groups and the overcoming tion to widening and deepening government to invest resources in of the collective action problem. citizen participation. Research raising its own nodality. Loosely described as ‘Web 2.0’ suggests that the British state Some characteristics of the on- such applications enable users tends to be less innovative than line world mean that pre-internet of web sites to generate content private sector organisations patterns of power and influence and to create or participate in or social groups in terms of are reinforced on-line. With ‘on-line communities’. The social developing an on-line presence respect to information, ‘the media- networking sites (like My Space, and maximising ‘nodality’ – that rich get richer’, as the American Facebook, Second Life, You Tube is, being at the centre of social political scientist Bruce Bimber and Flickr), where video clips and and informational networks and put it, on observing that those photos can be posted and shared, having capacity to disseminate likely to access print or televised demonstrate the potential for and collect information. 56 In the political news are more likely to other groups to set up and grow traditional world, government is access such information on-line. networks of like-minded people, in a privileged position in terms 59 With respect to reputation, there sharing information and images. of nodality – the collection and is a strong argument that there is So if some of the resources dissemination of information; but a ‘winner-takes-all’ effect – that at the root of power relations are easier to acquire in the on- 55 Oxford Internet Surveys 2005 and 2007: Dutton, 57 Escher, T., Margetts, H., Petricek, V. ,and Cox, I., W. and Helsper, E.,The Internet in Britain: Oxford Internet ‘Governing from the Centre? Comparing the Nodality line world, while some of the Survey Report 2007; and Dutton, W. and di Gennaro, of Digital Governments’ paper to the annual meeting of C., The Internet in Britain: Oxford Internet Survey 2005 the American Political Science Association, Philadel- traditional problems of group Report, Oxford Internet Institute, Oxford, 2005 and 2007 phia, September 2006. 56 See Hood, C., and Margetts, H., op cit. 2007, for a 58 http://bbc.news.co.uk/1/hi/uk/6349027.stm 54 See Dowding, K., Power, op cit. full discussion of their term, ‘nodality’. 59 Bimber, op cit.

Power and Participation in Modern Britain 45 is, as a network gets larger, a site is more likely to link to a site that has a large number of links. This hypothesis has been disproved in some areas, but at the simplest level, a web site with more links coming into it is more likely to be visible to search engines (who use the number of links in part as a proxy for popularity) and therefore more likely to be linked to in the future. Thus, in conclusion, the internet provides ordinary citizens with new potential for acquiring some of the resources that lead to power, notably information, expertise and reputation. It can also aid group formation, through the reduction of problems tradi- tionally associated with collective action. A key implication of this potential is that non-state actors can become more powerful vis- à-vis state actors, which tend to suffer a net loss of nodality in the on-line world. Such potential however, can be distributed inequitably, given that different internet users use the internet for different purposes; that internet use is unequal; and that some citizens do not use the internet at all. Furthermore, as on-line networks increase in size some actors acquire dispro- portionately greater resources while others lose visibility. Any endeavour to use the internet to re-balance power relations and enhance participation must take account of these inequities.

46 The Democratic Audit Part 4 Participation in civil society

n Part 4, we consider first advent of the ‘super rich’ under the structures that create turbo-capitalism.1 Certainly, New inequalities in resources Labour’s deference to corporate and power and lead to social interests (see p.25) and the exclusion and middle class ‘relaxed’ tax regime for the ‘super hegemony. We describe rich’ and business, coupled with whichI groups in society make the political parties’ concentra- use of the opportunities for tion on the interests of ‘middle participation and analyse the England’ and ‘the centre’, inhibit significance of associational policies that could re-balance life life. We then describe ‘citizen chances between the middle and action’, a remarkably buoyant skilled worker classes and the phenomenon, and participation bulk of the working class and give in closed, invited and claimed/ working class people in general created spaces. Part 4 ends with more opportunities to participate some observations on citizen in the policies that affect their action. lives (see ‘Who participates’, p.52). Moreover the rich and very rich Inequalities in resources and do have immediate impacts on the power life chances of the majority.2 It has long been the govern- ment’s goal to ‘win the battle’ Poverty and social exclusion against poverty, especially Poverty breeds social exclusion child poverty, but there is no and social exclusion breeds government strategy or target in powerlessness. 3 Millions of place to reduce major inequali- people live in poverty in the UK. ties in income and wealth – a Poverty levels began to fall after strategy that would at least open 1997-98 but inequality in incomes up the way to wider participa- has increased and in 2003-04 was tion. Yet gross inequalities in more or less unchanged from the income and wealth spawn the situation in 1996-97 and remains inequalities across society in at historically high levels.4 health, education, housing, Arguably, income inequality would employment and local environ- be even greater without a series

ments – and of course deepen 1 For the traditional view, see Giddens, A., Over to social exclusion for poor and You, Mr Brown, Polity 2007; for a re-think, see Wilby. P., ‘Is greed good for us?’ (review of Peston, R., Who Runs marginalised individuals and Britain? How the Super Rich are Changing Our Lives, Hodder and Stoughton, 2008), Guardian Review, 2 communities. The traditional February 2008. view is that taxing the rich 2 For example, in the housing market; see Barker, K., Delivering Stability: Securing Our Future Housing Needs, more heavily would yield only TSO March 2004. negligible gains for public 3 Weir, S., Unequal Britain: a human rights route to social justice, Politico’s 2006 services, but this argument now 4 Brewer, M., Goodman, A., Myck, M., Shaw, J., and requires re-examination with the Shephard, A., Poverty and Inequality in Britain: 2004, Institute for Fiscal Studies, 2004.

Power and Participation in Modern Britain 47 of pro-poor budgets and Gordon chances and mean that social Social divisions such as these, Brown’s ‘passive redistribution exclusion and disadvantage along with those of gender and strategies’ as Chancellor. 5 But can pass from generation to race, profoundly affect the distribu- such measures have halted a rise generation’ .10 tion of power in the UK. It has long in inequality in incomes rather been recognised that the formal The Unit has expressed than directly reducing it. In civil and political equality on which concern about the vulnerability of 2003-04, the poorest fifth of the democracy is based in principle older people to social exclusion: population received 5.9 per cent of does not in practice bring about total income while the richest fifth ‘Too often this exclusion is equality in power. 14 Democratic got 43.6 per cent, more than seven compounded by the failure Audit’s framework for auditing times as much.6 Wealth inequality of services to react to the democracy, now made universal is even greater than income complexity of exclusion in under the auspices of the inter- inequality and is increasing. 7 later life. This is why we need governmental body, International European-wide figures a more responsive model for IDEA (the Institute for Democracy published in 2004 confirmed services for older people that and Electoral Assistance), regards that the UK was the fourth most addresses these needs.’11 socio-economic rights as one of unequal society across the EU-15 the pillars of democracy. 15 People Social mobility in Britain is in 2004 and more unequal than six who are less privileged economi- silting up – which means that the of the ten new member states.8 cally and socially are less able poor and their children encounter In a 1998 report on neigh- to participate fully in democratic obstacles in their efforts to bourhood renewal, the Social society.16 The concept of social make progress, thus deepening Exclusion Unit informed the exclusion, now recognised by exclusion. A 2001 discussion paper Prime Minister that ‘Over the the European Union, rests on cited international comparisons last generation, this has become the perception that groups and suggesting a link between higher a more divided country. While individuals suffering from multiple rates of social mobility and more most areas have benefited from disadvantages are denied full equal incomes. Countries were rising living standards, the poorest citizenship – and with it, power. 17 divided into ‘fluid’ and ‘less fluid’ neighbourhoods have tended to Further, the American sociologist clusters; the UK was in the less become more rundown, more Hilary Silver has identified what fluid category 12 In 2007, LSE prone to crime, and more cut she describes as a ‘European left researchers for the Sutton Trust off from the labour market.’9 A paradigm of social exclusion’, in reported that Britain and the following report in 2004 noted which social exclusion ‘entails USA had the lowest rate of social that, ‘The risks of social exclusion the interplay of class, status and mobility out of eight European are not evenly shared but concen- political power and serves the and North American countries in trated in the poorest individuals interests of the included’. ‘Powerful a comparative study, identifying and communities’; and further, groups, often with distinctive again the key role played by class that: cultural identities and institutions disparities in education. 13Sir . . . restrict access of outsiders to ‘Children’s life chances are Peter Lampl, chairman of the valued resources through a process still strongly affected by the Sutton Trust, said: of “social closure.”’18 circumstances of their parents. ‘These findings are truly shocking The social class a child is born . . . those from less privileged 14 Miliband, R., The State in Capitalist Society, into and their parents’ level of backgrounds are more likely Weidenfeld & Nicolson, 1969. education and health are still 15 See Beetham, D., Byrne, I., Ngan, P., and Weir, S., to continue facing disadvan- Democracy under Blair, Politico’s, 2002 and Beetham, major determinants of their life D., et al, The International Handbook on Democracy tage into adulthood, and the Assessment, International IDEA/Kluwer Law International, The Hague, 2002; see also http://www.democraticaudit. 5 Hirsch, D., ‘Trends in poverty and inequality’, affluent continue to benefit com/auditing_democracy/index.php . Prospect, May 2004. disproportionately from 16 Weir, S., Unequal Britain: human rights as a route to 6 Child Poverty Action Group, Key Findings from the social justice, Politico’s, 2006 2003/04 Households Below Average Income Series, 2005; educational opportunities.’ 17 See further, Lee, P., and Murie, A., Literature www.cpag.org.uk/info/briefings_policy.htm Review of Social Exclusion, Scottish Office, Edinburgh, 7 H.M Revenue and Customs, Personal Wealth, 1999; and Gore, C., ‘Markets, citizenship and social 10 Social Exclusion Unit, Breaking the Cycle: Taking (Series C) Table 13.5, 2004. exclusion’ in Rodgers, G., Gore, C. and Figueiredo, J. (eds), stock of progress and priorities for the future, 2004. 8 Dennis, I, and Guio, A, Monetary Poverty in New Social Exclusion: Rhetoric, Reality, Responses (Interna- Member States and Candidate Countries, Statistics in 11 See Social Exclusion Unit, A Sure Start to Later Life: tional Institute for Labour Studies/United Nations focus, Population and Social conditions, 12/2004, Ending Inequalities for Older People, 2006. Development Programme, Geneva, 1995). European Communities 2004a. 12 Aldridge, Social Mobility, op cit. 18 Silver, H., ‘Reconceptualizing social disadvantage: 9 Social Exclusion Unit, Bringing Britain together: a 13 Blanden, J., Gregg, P., and Machin, S., Intergenera- Three paradigms of social exclusion’, in Social Exclusion: national strategy for neighbourhood renewal, Cm 4045, tional Mobility in Europe and North America, Sutton Trust Rhetoric, Reality, Responses, International Institute for TSO 1998. 2007. Labour Studies/UNDP, Geneva 1995.

48 The Democratic Audit Towards middle class hegemony available evidence suggests the in many cases more than the 23 Most poor people are members middle classes in Britain have poor. He points out that public of the working class, though substantial resources and may spending tended to be on services they may also be disadvantaged be both lucky and powerful, in that the middle classes used more, through their gender, ethnic a latent and reactive sense. The and that the imbalance of benefits identity, age or dependence on structure of the welfare state has reaped from the social services the state. As well as being less proved enormously beneficial was even greater, once again in 24 powerful as individuals, the to them; politicians pander to favour of the middle classes. In collective political strength of their needs; and they are able to the view of Goodin and Le Grand, what can be termed the ‘working mobilise against perceived threats. ‘beneficial involvement’ by the class’ on which the poorer people The ‘beneficial involvement’ non-poor in public services is in the UK were once able to rely thesis, advanced by Robert E. inevitable and there is ‘little scope’ has ebbed away as it has shrunk Goodin and Julian Le Grand, for egalitarian remedies. numerically. Well into the 20th describes how the middle classes The Goodin-Le Grand thesis is century, political calculations on benefit substantially from the widely shared. For example, Fred 22 both left and right assumed the welfare state. Their analysis C. Pampel and John B. Williamson presence of a growing or at least begins with how in ‘some of the explain that ‘democratic processes stable manual working class. standard interpretations of the offer the means for a variety of That assumption no longer holds purposes of welfare programmes, groups to influence public policy good. 19 In what is now a far more the non-poor are officially not in their favour’. Thus politically complex society, the sociologist meant to benefit directly from driven welfare spending is not John Goldthorpe has set out the them.’ Yet they found that ‘the directed to those most in need, but following range of social class non-poor nonetheless play a rather reflects, in part, the political divisions under the ‘salariat crucial role in (variously) creating, strength of other groups and has 25 system’: 20 expanding, sustaining, reforming minimal effects on equality. and dismantling the welfare state.’ The lesson that Goodin, Le Higher salariat 12 per cent In some instances ‘the motives of Grand and others draw from their Lower salariat 16 per cent the non-poor are wholly altruistic.’ analysis is that egalitarians who Routine clerical 24 per cent But it was far more common ‘for seek greater social justice should Petty bourgeoisie 7 per cent the non-poor to play all these examine ways of correcting ‘the Foremen and technicians 5 per cent various roles in the affairs of the primary income distribution’ Skilled manual 11 per cent welfare state with an eye to their rather than trying to ‘patch up’ Unskilled manual 25 per cent own direct benefit.’ Le Grand and reform welfare distribution. 26 Thus manual workers make up writes, But here again middle class power and ‘luck’ prove to be an obstacle just 36 per cent of the population ‘There was a time when many for politicians in the major political and are outnumbered by the people in Britain believed that parties, including the Labour middle class and aspiring groups state provision of such services Party that has traditionally been (64 per cent). as health care, education, the repository of working class According to Dowding, housing, even transport, free interests. In the wake of Labour’s evidence that a particular group’s or at heavily subsidized prices, 1992 election defeat, the fourth in interests are being furthered does would in itself be a significant a row, David Piachaud, an expert not prove that they are powerful. contribution to redistributing on social administration and They may just be lucky. The income to the poorest members previously an adviser to Labour real test of their power is how of the community. Inequalities governments of the 1970s, wrote: they respond to the mobilisation would diminish and a classless of contrary interests, and ‘the society would be a little nearer ‘there is now virtually no evidence prior to that response attainment. These dreams were is the resources they are known 23 Le Grand, J., ‘The Middle-Class Use of the British not fulfilled’. Social Services’ in Goodin, R. and Le Grand, J. (eds), op 21 to have at their disposal.’ The cit. Instead, most of these services 24 Le Grand, J., ‘The Middle-Class Use of the British Social Services’ in Goodin, R. and Le Grand, J. (eds), op 19 Jacques, M., and Mulhern, F. (eds), The Forward actually benefit the middle classes cit. March of Labour Halted? New Left Books, 1981. at least as much as the poor, and 25 Pampel, F. and Williamson, J., Age, class, politics, 20 Jones, B., Dictionary of British Politics, Manchester and the welfare state, Cambridge University Press, University Press, Manchester, 2004. 22 Goodin, R. and Le Grand, J. (eds), Not Only the Cambridge, 1989. 21 Dowding, K., Rational Choice and Political Power Poor: The Middle Classes and the Welfare State, Allen & 26 Goodin, R. and Le Grand, J. (eds), Not Only the (Edward Elgar, Aldershot, 1991), p.114. Unwin 1987. Poor: The Middle Classes and the Welfare State, op cit.

Power and Participation in Modern Britain 49 likelihood of further substantial social hierarchy’.31 In this way, Mickey Mouse universities, are redistribution of income the power of the middle classes now to be reduced to a raffle.’34 through taxes and social expands downwards. Meanwhile, So it was hardly surprising security benefits. This is not they retain a significant ability to that the announcement shortly because any further redis- mobilise against threats. In many afterwards by David Cameron and tribution is impossible or areas, for example, they are able to David Willets that the Conserva- undesirable; rather it is based dominate entry to more successful tives would not support the on a judgement of what is state secondary schools by buying extension of grammar schools politically feasible.’27 into homes in their catchment met with a stronger response still. areas. In February 2007, the local The Sunday Express stated that Rising stars within Labour education authority in Brighton Cameron ‘must learn that those took note. A key restraint on any and Hove announced plans to who want a Tory government egalitarian designs Labour still introduce lotteries for secondary believe grammars offer children had has been the determination school places. As BBC News an excellent education and the to retain the support of the middle reported, middle class parents chance of a better future’35; while classes. Blair’s political strategist, formed a vigorous protest group, the Telegraph commissioned a Philip Gould, held fast to the Schools4Communities, fearing poll which it claimed showed view that ‘we had to reach out to that their children would lose that ‘More than twice as many the middle classes.’28 This group their places in the more popular voters – and five times as many was ‘the great majority of our schools.32 Conservative supporters – back an population and the great majority The right-wing press, education system based around of the coalition Labour needed ever vigilant to protect what grammar schools than any other to build to win power.’29 Thus newspapers like the Daily Mail, single option.’36 New Labour’s huge investment Daily Express and Telegraph (both in the NHS and education was daily and Sunday) perceive as the Economic, social and cultural targeted on those services from interests of the middle class, were inequalities which the middle classes most quick to seize upon such a threat The UN Committee on Economic, benefit; at the same time, the to the privileged position they Social and Cultural Rights Blair governments presided over often occupy in state secondary has protested in both of its last a severe and growing shortage of school education. The prospect of reports (in 1997 and 2002) on the affordable housing (a situation the school places being awarded by United Kingdom that ‘despite the Prime Ministers has pledged to lottery endangered the middle- protection of laws and elaborate reverse).30 class right to buy into a good machinery’ significant de facto The prospects for ‘primary school’s catchment area. The Mail discrimination exists against redistribution’ within an increas- on Sunday proclaimed: women, blacks and other ethnic ingly aspirational society are not ‘The idea of selection by minorities – and especially the good. In a lecture given in 2000, lottery is an arbitrary gamble. It ‘marginalised and vulnerable’ Frank Field MP, a long-term also teaches children the demoti- among the ethnic minorities – and campaigner for a more equal vating lesson that hard work does people with disabilities in the most society, argued that a substantial not have a reward. The laziest important spheres of life.37 proportion of the working and competitor is just as likely to win Women have historically lower middle classes had for the lottery for a school place as the suffered systemic exclusions from the first time incomes that gave most hard-working.’33 the major spheres of economic, them ‘real choices’. In these The Telegraph cried out: ‘The political, social and much cultural circumstances, such people life-chances of our children, life in British society, and of ‘rarely look to those below them’. already crippled by the bigotry course, globally. Feminism and the They associate themselves against grammar schools and the women’s movement have begun increasingly with the aspirations mountain of debt that must be processes to reverse this historic common to those ‘higher up the climbed to attend even one of our 27 Piachaud, D., What’s wrong with Fabianism? Fabian 34 Booker, C., ‘Blair’s ‘choice’ for parents – a lottery’, Pamphlet 558, Fabian Society, 1993. Daily Telegraph, 3 March 2007. 28 Gould, P., The Unfinished Revolution: How the 31 Field, F., Making Welfare Work: The Politics of 35 ‘Tories wrong on grammars’, Express on Sunday, 20 Modernisers Saved the Labour Party, Little, Brown 1998. Reform, (Stevenson Lecture), University of Glasgow, May 2007. 29 Gould, P., op cit. Glasgow, 2000. 36 Wilson, G., ‘Backlash as poll shows 70 per cent of 30 See further, Byrne, I., and Blick, A., ‘Home truths’ in 32 See http://news.bbc.co.uk/1/hi/education/ Tory voters support grammars’, Daily Telegraph, 18 May Weir, S., Unequal Britain: human rights as a route to social 33 Rees-Mogg, W., ‘How dare they gamble with 2007 justice, Politico’s, 2006 children’s lives’, Mail on Sunday, 4 March 2007. 37 Weir, S., Unequal Britain, op cit.

50 The Democratic Audit exclusion through their own efforts population in Britain is from an classes and the disadvantages and both the state and in civil ethnic minority; and 8.1 per cent that women, ethnic minorities society. The 1970 Equal Pay Act, is non-white. The data on social and others encounter throws up the 1975 Sex Discrimination Act exclusion and disadvantage important questions for the future and the establishment of the Equal among some ethnic minorities are of political power and participa- Opportunities Commission are shocking. Some ethnic groups are tion in the UK. As we shall see in three landmarks of state interven- significantly more at risk of being the next section, these inequalities tion; EU laws have also made a poor than other groups in British create inequalities in the patterns substantial difference, especially society, suffering particularly of associational life and participa- in employment. The available from low employment rates and tion in Britain. research 38 points in some respects high unemployment. 40 Overall, Keith Dowding suggests that to substantial improvements in ethnic minority workers are certain groups, among them the the social status of women in the disproportionately more liable economically disadvantaged, past 30 years. Educationally, girls to be out of work and less likely face pronounced difficulties in out-perform boys and women’s than their white counterparts to mobilising in order to exercise employment has increased from be promoted when they are in power, even if other groups about 60 to 70 per cent since work; ethnic minority women, do not act against them. He 1975, but their presence in especially those of Bangladeshi or states ‘Groups have differential employment does not match their Pakistani origin, suffer worst from abilities to mobilize, based upon educational performance: the unemployment. Well-qualified properties of the group, not upon gender pay gap between men and graduates experience discrimina- the opposition of other groups.’42 women stands at 17.1 per cent tion in obtaining managerial or Even before they face ‘explicit for full-time work and 38.4 per professional work and progress opposition’ they may be powerless, cent for part-time work; women more slowly in their careers since: are over-represented in low-paid than less well-qualified white ‘first they have to overcome their work and under-represented in graduates. These inequalities are own collective action problem. senior and managerial positions multiplied in education, housing How that problem is structured (only 34 per cent of managers and and health.41 may depend upon deliberate senior officials are women; only A large body of research actions of powerful individuals 17 per cent of directors and chief shows that the ‘ethnic penalty’ and organizations in the past executives of major organisations, persists in British society, even but not necessarily upon action earning on average £56,000 a year, though a statutory framework is in on the part of the powerful are women). Eight out of nine place to prevent race (and faith) today. Rather those who benefit university vice chancellors are discrimination, dating back to from others’ collective action men; nine out of ten senior police the 1965 Race Relations Act. In problems are lucky.’ officers are men; three out of four 2004-05 3,080 complaints of racial senior civil servants are men; and discrimination were lodged with Once less powerful people eight or nine out of ten senior employment tribunals. The ethnic do mobilise, they ‘may then face judges are men. Despite Mrs penalty reaches into political life. opposition from those whose Thatcher’s recent pre-eminence, For example, there are only 13 interests are threatened’.43 In an few women really carry weight in ethnic minority MPs. In the civil interview with Dowding, he said Westminster politics; fewer than service ethnic minority staff make that technological developments, one in five MPs are women.39 up 8.2 per cent of the total, but such as the internet (see above), (The ratio of women to men in the account for only 3.3 per cent of offer a possible means of helping Scottish Parliament and National senior staff. to overcome the ‘collective action Assembly of Wales is higher, at problem’, though he is not overly 40 and 50 per cent respectively, The balance of power optimistic. He is more sceptical reflecting positive action policies This brief discussion of the shift still about proposals for institu- by some political parties.) in the balance of power and tional reform and the devices of Nearly 12 per cent of the influence between the social ‘deliberative democracy’, such as citizens’ juries. In his view 38 See in particular the soon-to-be-merged Equal Opportunities Commission: http://www.eoc.org. 40 See, for instance, a report by the Prime Minister’s uk/Default.aspx?page=0 . Strategy Unit of 2003, Ethnic Minorities and the Labour 42 Dowding, K., Power, Open University Press, 39 For a fuller survey, see Beetham, D., et al, Market: Final Report, London: Cabinet Office (2003): Buckingham, 1996. Democracy under Blair: a Democratic Audit of Britain, ch. http://www.emetaskforce.gov.uk/reports.asp . 43 Dowding, K., Rational Choice and Political Power, 11, 2002. 41 See Weir, S., Unequal Britain, op cit. Edward Elgar, Aldershot, 1991.

Power and Participation in Modern Britain 51 47 such devices, now being widely Table 1: Variations in political among them. ) The authors noted practiced to facilitate greater participation the ‘individualistic’ nature of the participation, may serve to most common actions; and more enhance the power of the middle No. of political actions 0 1-4 5 plus collective actions (acting together class further and are a way to (%) (%) (%) in a demonstration, political ‘avoid facing up’ to the basic meeting, strike or illegal protest, inequalities in power that derive All 15 52 33 or forming a group) were less from the unequal distribution of Class common. ‘material things’. Professional and The British Social Attitudes managerial 8 45 47 survey in 2000 asked people what Who participates? Intermediate 14 51 36 actions they would undertake Amidst general concerns about the Manual 18 58 24 if Parliament were considering decline in civic citizenship and a law that they thought was premonitions of ‘apathy’ among Household income ‘really unjust and harmful’ and the British population, there is Under £10,000 19 56 25 secondly, what actions they had often a note of optimism centring £50,000 and over 3 43 54 ever undertaken in response on the levels of participation and to an unjust and harmful Time in education political activity, associational government action. Nearly a third life and ‘social capital’ in the UK. 15 years and under 19 57 24 of respondents said that would Contrary to claims of political 16-18 15 52 33 take three or more actions from inactivity, the Citizen Audit in 19 years and over 7 43 50 a list that they were offered; and 2000 found that ‘people frequently 16 per cent said that they would Ethnicity participate in activities designed go on a demonstration or protest, to influence political outcomes’.44 White European 15 52 34 a figure twice as high as it was The 18th British Social Attitudes Black/Asian/ 18 56 26 when this question was first asked survey for the same year indicates Caribbean/other in 1983. As to what people have Source: adapted from Pattie et al, op cit, Table 3.4, that associational life in the UK 2000:86 actually done, just over half the has been ‘relatively stable’; and respondents reported that they Audit conducted a survey to as about one in four people are had undertaken at least one discover what actions people took members of organisations, social action in response to an unjust or would take ‘to influence rules, capital shows no signs of being or harmful government action. laws or practice’, giving them a in decline.45 But which segments Signing a petition was by far and choice between 7different acts of society participate? Who gains away the most common action (42 of political participation, from from the ‘tangible’ benefits of per cent), but there has also been giving donations to an organisa- social capital? How far are the a slow but consistent increase over tion, voting in local elections and inequalities in resources and time in the proportion of people signing a petition to contacting power that we have noted above who have been on a protest or a politician or the media, taking perpetuated in civil society, demonstration (to 10 per cent).48 part in a legal or illegal protest associational life and political There are however marked or going on strike.46 More than participation? biases in which segments of three quarters of the respondents society participate and which had engaged in one or more of Variations in political do not that reflect the inequali- these activities over the previous participation ties in resources and power that 12 months, and one in three had But first, what proportion of the we have noted in the previous taken five or more actions. (A public participate for political section. The Citizen Audit found Home Office Citizenship survey ends and what forms does their that the poorest members of in 2001 found that 38 per cent participation take? The Citizen society, manual workers, and those had taken part in political actions with fewer years in education, 44 Pattie, C., Seyd, P., and Whiteley, P., ‘Civic Attitudes over the past 12 months, but and Engagement’, Parliamentary Affairs, vol. 56, No. 4, are more likely to be politically October 2003. This article summarises the findings of respondents were given only the ESRC-funded Citizen Audit of 2000, fully reported in Pattie, Seyd and Whiteley, Citizenship in Britain: Values, five choices and voting was not 47 Prime, D., Zimmick, M., Zurawan, A., Active Participation and Democracy, Cambridge University Communities: Initial Findings from the 2001 Home Office Press, Cambridge 2004. Citizenship Survey, Home Office 2002. 45 Johnston, M., and Jowell, R. , ‘How robust is British 48 Bromley, C., Curtice, J., and Seyd, B., ‘Political civil society’ in Park, A., et al, British Social Attitudes: engagement, trust and constitutional reform’, in Park, the 18th Report, Sage and National Centre for Social 46 Pattie, C., Seyd, P., and Whiteley, P., Citizenship in A., et al, British Social Attitudes: the 18th Report, Sage and Research, 2001. Britain, Cambridge University Press, Cambridge, 2000. National Centre for Social Research, 2001.

52 The Democratic Audit inactive while the richest, best been a similar decline in social provided some sort of support for educated and professional and trust in the UK. ‘To a significant – people in the community (e.g., managerial people are more and sustained – extent,’ they write shopping for neighbours, visiting likely to be politically active. For in the BSA report, ‘British people old people, etc.) and one in five example, those with an annual tend to . . . spend portions of their belonged to an informal network household income of £50,000 or discretionary time in the service of (e.g., pub quiz team, book-reading more are twice as likely as those community goals.’ circle, etc.). living on less than £10,000 a However, they also found that Johnson and Jowell are very year to be politically active; and this activity is unequal and reflects clear about the benefits of asso- manual workers as twice as likely the inequalities in resources and ciational activity, explaining that as professional and managerial power that we have discussed in the opportunities for fellowship workers to have taken no political the previous section. They write and the formation of reciprocal actions (see Table 1 further). 49 that participation remains concen- relationships constitute a form of trated among familiar groups of ‘capital’ that can subsequently Associational life and social advantaged people who, be drawn upon. As well as other capital benefits (group discounts, awards, ‘then bolster those advantages in In this section, we consider recognition, ‘exclusivity’), 53 they the course of their voluntary associational life – as measured observe that organisations often “joining” activities. In time, by membership of organisations give their members administra- as their social capital (in – and social capital together, tive and social skills, expand common with other forms of since though social capital is a their networks and help to build capital) generates increasing broader phenomenon, belonging a system of shared norms and returns, these advantages will to organisations in civil society mutual trust. Yet they note that tend to be reinforced. This is the most reliable indicator of membership, and so access matters for those who are left its presence and strength. Social to what they describe as the out, restricting their access to capital is broadly defined as ‘tangible’ benefits of associa- important sources of support, ‘connections among individuals tional life varies ‘very markedly’ influence and confidence. And – social networks and the norms between different social groups. it matters, too, for society at of reciprocity and trustworthi- So who gains? Table 2 overleaf large, tending to perpetuate ness that arise from them’ 50 In provides an insight into the old divisions.’ the 18th British Social Attitudes different levels of citizen ‘connect- (BSA) survey, social researchers The BSA surveys show that edness’ by class, gender and race Michael Johnson and Roger organisational membership has and some appreciation of one Jowell reported that people risen from about one in six people vital aspect of social exclusion: with social capital – that is here, to one in four from 1994 to 2000. the table shows that participation ‘stronger links to voluntary Some 22 per cent belonged to is plainly higher among ‘more organisations’ – tend to be more one or more community organisa- powerful segments of society’ and trusting of others, less estranged tions, such as Neighbourhood thus higher among the middle from government, more willing to Watch schemes, tenants’, resident classes rather than working fight perceived injustice and more or parent-teacher associations; classes, among whites rather likely to help their fellow citizens. broadly as many were members of than other races, and among men 51 The celebrated American a trade union or staff association. rather than women. However, the political analyst Robert Putnam The Citizen Audit survey found sample of ‘other’ races was small has mourned the erosion of social that just four in 10 people were and very heterogeneous, as the capital and civic engagement paid up members of an organisa- authors point out, and their list in the US in a celebrated work, tion; the mean number of organi- of organisations almost certainly Bowling Alone, 52 but Johnston sations they belonged to was two. omitted many kinds of activity that and Jowell find that there has not Just over half the Citizen Audit may be particularly important to

49 Pattie, Seyd and Whiteley, op cit. respondents belonged to no organ- minority communities. They point 50 Putnam, R. D., Bowling Alone – the collapse and isation (the BSA figure for non- out that, ‘Difficult economic and revival of American community, Simon and Schuster, New York, 2000 joiners was 75 per cent). Citizen social conditions will inevitably 51 Johnston, M., and Jowell, R. , ‘How robust is British Audit also measured ‘informal’, inhibit and discourage social civil society’ in Park, A., et al, British Social Attitudes: the 18th Report, Sage and National Centre for Social less organised forms of activity; Research, 2001 they found that one in three 53 See Wilson, J. Q., Political Organizations, Basic 52 Putnam, op cit. Books, New York 1973.

Power and Participation in Modern Britain 53 Table 2: Belonging to community organisations that cross social divides and help Group Percent belonging to Percent belonging to to foster social cohesion’. The community organisations countryside organisations authors explored the possibility No of organisations 0 1 2+ 0 1 2+ that a great deal of the social All 76% 18% 6% 83% 13% 5% capital to be found in Britain is Gender of the bonding variety – that is, Men 76% 18% 6% 80% 14% 6% bonding for the middle classes Women 76% 18% 5% 85% 12% 4% but not for others, thus adding Ethnic group the advantages of organisational White 76% 19% 6% 82% 13% 5% links to already significant social Other 84% 14% 2% 98% 2% - and economic resources. They Social Class found that a 20 per cent sample Professional/employer 68% 20% 12% 70% 20% 11% of rich people, well endowed Intermediate non-manual 69% 25% 7% 73% 19% 7% with social capital, proved to be Junior non-manual 74% 21% 5% 70% 20% 11% a highly organised constituency, Supervisory/skilled manual 81% 16% 3% 90% 8% 2% accounting for nearly a third Semi-skilled manual 84% 13% 3% 91% 8% 1% of all community memberships Unskilled manual 84% 12% 4% 92% 5% 3% – among them those which Source: Adapted from Johnston and Jowell, the 18th BSA Report, Table 8.12, Sage/NCSR, 2001:191 clearly conferred an advantage on their members. For these rich people with significant social participation and integration and members of such groups, except and economic resources, their in turn help to perpetuate social for trade union membership 55 greater organisational connections exclusion’. True, but the 2000 Thus while the overall stock of enlarged and reinforced inequali- Home Office citizenship survey social capital in Britain seems to ties in resources and power: reported that black and Asian be relatively strong and constant, ‘So, to the extent that organised people were equally as involved so too is the inequality of its activities tend to ‘bond’ along as white people in helping groups distribution: class lines rather than ‘bridge’ and organisations, and more ‘If a rich organisational life and across class boundaries, these involved in attending them. The strong social trust are indeed disparities in participation do discrepancy in findings may be powerful social and economic matter.’57 explained by the fact that the assets and, like other forms of ethnic minorities are predomi- The Citizen Audit also capital, embody advantages nantly involved in their own analysed the differences between that accumulate over time, organisations, as the BSA authors joiners and non-joiners and they then significant parts of Britain suggest.54 too found that it was ‘the well- continue to be strikingly asset- The gradient in the table is educated and well-heeled’ who poor’.56 especially steep when it comes are more likely to be engaged in to social class. The higher a Here lies a ‘dark side’ to political and voluntary action. person’s occupational status is, social capital. Putnam identifies The young and old, women, the more likely they are to be in Bowling Alone ‘bonding’ manual workers, the poor, the ‘connected’ to other aspects of social capital that may promote less well-educated, and the Scots civil society, ‘conferring a kind or reinforce unhealthy group were less likely to belong to two of double benefit’, as Johnston identities to the detriment of or more organisations than the and Jowell remark. Moreover society, uniting certain segments middle-aged, men, professional they also found that the higher and excluding others, creating and managerial workers, the rich, classes were particularly likely boundaries rather than building the well-educated and those living to join ‘groups that may serve to connections and perhaps fostering in the south east of England. The protect or buttress their relative indifference and hostility to conclusions from the commentary social advantage’ whereas people ‘outsiders’. It is ‘bridging’ social on these data echo those from the in lower-status occupations were capital that is good for society at BSA study: consistently less likely to be a whole – ‘people’s connections ‘[P]olitical engagement is very

54 See Beetham, et al, Democracy under Blair, or a 55 Johnston and Jowell, op cit. fuller discussion of this issue. 56 Johnston and Jowell, op cit. 57 Johnston and Jowell, op cit.

54 The Democratic Audit much dominated by the their capacity to exert political and social analysis that precedes already well-resourced: in influence, so the latest BSA it. We consider citizen action other words, the most highly report concentrates on those who through the prism of Gaventa’s educated, the rich and those ‘agree strongly’ with statements typology of spaces for potential from the top occupational relevant to feelings of personal influence and political participa- echelons. Political voice, efficacy. The proportion of those tion, examining also the way in therefore, must inevitably take who strongly agree with the view which people participate – is their on the sound of protecting the that ‘People like me have no say action individual or collective interests of those who already in what the government does’ in nature? Is it unstructured or possess the greatest resources’; has risen from 14 to 25 per cent structured through an existing from 1974 to 2000; 18 per cent organisation or channel? Is it and, of people strongly agree with a time-bound or one-off or ongoing ‘people are also extensively second statement – ‘Sometimes through time? Is it reactive networked into various forms politics and government seem so or proactive? Our emphasis of associational life and complicated that a person like me is on citizens taking action informal activities . . . as with cannot really understand what is outside existing organisations political engagement, much of going on.’ Thus the BSA survey or channels. But we have also this diverse and rich associa- indicates that something between been constrained by our limited tional activity is dominated by one in four or five people in this resources, especially in relation to the rich, the well-educated and country do not feel a sense of the richness and impact of asso- those from professional and personal efficacy, but this figure is ciational activity at all levels. managerial backgrounds.’ 58 not broken down in terms of class, Our analysis has extended gender, ethnic origin or age. broadly over a range of questions Personal and political efficacy As we state above, participa- and issues that concern power in A variety of practical and tion depends in part on people’s the UK and beyond. We regard theoretical explanations for the belief that the state or authorities this wide survey as significant relative political inactivity of poor will respond. The data show to our main pre-occupation with and other groups is on offer, but clearly that trust in politicians and strengthening citizen action there is no commanding answer. ‘system efficacy’ has fallen consid- in both ‘invited’ and ‘claimed/ At the nub of the unanswered erably over the past 30 years, but created’ space at community and question are two issues that can once again there is no breakdown individual level, because we need at least be partially measured: in terms of the categories above. an understanding of how power at ‘personal efficacy’, or people’s If we assume that there is some all levels and in different manifes- confidence in their ability to correlation between political trust tations affects, circumscribes and make demands and take effective and ‘social trust’, then it is likely makes possible citizen action and action; and ‘political, or system, that those with a higher level of participation. 61 We need also to efficacy’, or people’s views about social trust will feel confident incorporate in our analysis a wider the ability and willingness of the about their political influence and concept of ‘community’ than the state or authorities to respond will participate; and here the data merely geographic. Communities to any demands that they may show that social trust is closely can cohere from particular or make. Of course, those who feel correlated with membership of professional interests, medical personally efficacious also tend to organisations and with men rather conditions or a love of beer; they be those who feel that the system than women, white people rather can grow within the spread of is efficacious.59 than other racial groups, and social movements; and with the Once again, the British Social the professional and managerial internet especially, a great variety Attitudes surveys present some classes rather than manual of communities are being born evidence on both the strength of workers. 60 and growing. personal and political efficacy in The major opening in current the UK. Clear majorities of people Citizen action politics lies in the government’s have always been sceptical about Here we seek to review the genuine interest in encouraging experience of citizen action and facilitating the engagement of 58 Pattie, Seyd and Whiteley, op cit. against the background of the ordinary citizens in the delivery, 59 Pattie, C., and Johnston, R., ‘Losing the Voters’ Trust: Evaluations of the Political System and Voting theoretical, structural, political and to some extent, the design of at the 1997 British General Election’, British Journal of Politics and International Relations, No. 3, 2001. 60 Johnston and Jowell, op cit. 61 Gaventa,op cit.

Power and Participation in Modern Britain 55 public services. This interest is officers’ provided the ‘framework groups of citizens or users may be widely shared, and is not just the of [government] discussion and empowered. Organised people’s theme of the Geoff Mulgans and decision-making’ on war with groups or individuals may attempt David Milibands. For example, Iraq in a series of 25 meeting from to use such spaces to engage with Hazel Blears, a conventional April 2002 to the invasion, thus the authorities and may even shift Labour loyalist (and now in limiting wider cabinet discussion from advocacy strategies to collabo- charge of local government), and by-passing the concerns of ration, or more likely, to adopt a recently wrote a Fabian Society many MPs, the churches and a mixture of both. On the other hand, pamphlet in which she argued the majority of the public.63 it is the authorities that determine case for more community control the agenda for such openings and 2. Invited spaces over services. One of the issues they are often seeking consent Efforts to facilitate participation she deals with was the danger or its appearance for policies on and to move from closed to ‘open’ that democracy can become which they are already decided. spaces have created what John the pursuit of an ‘established, Key figures – officials in central Gaventa calls ‘invited spaces’ wealthy minority’ – a difficulty government offices, say, or local into which people may be invited that we spell out above. 62 We councillors jealous of their elected to participate as citizens, benefi- should consider citizen action and status – may limit the opportuni- ciaries or users by various kinds participation against this backdrop ties to participate fully, or head off of authorities, be they central or and the formidable obstacles, proposals or ideas that they dislike. local government, supra-national identified above, that stand in Several recent issues reveal agencies, quasi-governmental the way of wider participation in a clear disjuncture between the bodies or NGOs. Within the UK, British society and politics. government’s commitment to such spaces are opening up at participation and consultation and every level, from a representa- Spaces for participation its commitment to its own policy tive gathering of people at No 10 1. Closed spaces agendas. To take two examples: Downing Street – a kind of super Closed spaces, within which focus group – to citizens’ juries, 1. To assuage public concerns political actors make decisions citizen panels, user programmes about plans to introduce behind closed doors often without and other mechanisms by GM crops and foodstuffs even the pretence of extending assorted bodies at local level. in the UK, the government the opportunities for inclusion, The aspirations are high; Geoff organised farm-scale trials abound in governance in the UK. Mulgan recently wrote that and extended an existing This is not to say for example that voluntary moratorium on the decisions taken at national ‘Public participation could commercial planting with the level do not reflect electoral radically improve our quality industry.65 The trials quickly calculations, the influence of of life. It can contribute to became the primary target for powerful interest groups, media creating more active citizens, direct action and provoked a pressures, popular campaigns, help manage complex wide variety of bodies, such focus group results or other problems in public service as the Women’s Institute, the external influences. They do – and design and delivery, help Townswomen’s Guild, the at all levels of governance. As build the new relationships Consumers Association and we have seen, for example, the and shifts of power required Country Landowners and discussions that lead to the UK’s for 21st century governance, whole-food companies, to back participation in intergovernmental and develop individuals’ skills, a moratorium on GM crops. organisations (IGOs) and foreign confidence, ambition and Supermarkets, restaurants policy in general are secret. Global vision.’64 and other businesses and institutions and bodies like Nato In such spaces, formal organisations withdrew from are opaque. The deliberations of power may be more diffusely GM products; and public the EU Council of Ministers are shared between authorities opinion polls showed increases confidential. The Butler review and members of the public and in opposition despite a major found that a ‘small number of key public relations campaign. Ministers, officials and military 63 Report of a Committee of Privy Counsellors (the The government inaugurated Butler Review), Review of Intelligence on Weapons of Mass Destruction, HC 898, TSO, Juky 2004. 62 Blears, H., Communities in Control: Public services 64 Mulgan, G., Introduction in People and participa- and local socialism, Fabian ideas pamphlet 607, Fabian tion: how to put citizens at the heart of decision making, 65 Kearton, I., Review of Current Protests, private Society, June 2003. Involve 2005. memorandum, Democratic Audit, May 2003.

56 The Democratic Audit a widespread public debate in social services and NHS user for healthy living and to create 2003. Within a month, people groups, senior citizens forums, services that were linked to ill- had returned over 10,000 residents and area advisory health and the effects of poverty. completed questionnaires; over groups – 17 case studies in all – in People in several groups carried 70,000 people had visited the two unnamed English cities. 68 out valuable research when given web-site and a further 13,000 This study is a treasure trove of the opportunity. But the bureau- questionnaires were completed information and insights. Briefly, cratic rule-book often stifled the online. The government the authors observe that more and flexibility required to make full abruptly cut the ‘public debate’ more participation is taking place, use of the participants’ contribu- short, claiming that it had ‘but the neo-liberal programme tion and could even lead to their proved flawed and ‘one-sided’, of state reform means that such being excluded from following up having been taken over by participation relates to an ever- their own initiatives with public anti-GM protesters. shrinking public sphere.’ They funding. Equally damaging can identify significant public issues – be the perceptions of officials and 2. The government’s ambivalent for example, PFI hospital building professionals who assume that attitude towards consulta- schemes and council procurement service users lack the capacity or tion was evident in the way policies – that have profound ability to contribute. ministers handled the series of local consequences but are not The authors found that separate Muslim working groups set up subject to participation exercises. organisation – the occupation of after the July 2005 bombings The case studies suggested to ‘created’ or ‘claimed’ space – often in London under the general them that the emphasis in these enabled potentially disregarded title of ‘preventing extremism exercises on the delivery of public users to generate a collective together’. The government services was too narrow and that voice and to challenge the way ‘in quite clearly had an agenda ‘quite wide ranging’ issues of which their identities as “clients” – to co-opt community leaders legitimate public concern from or “patients” had been constructed to its counter terrorism policies environmental protection to neigh- in professional discourses’ – a – and it was in a hurry. 66 The bourhood safety were also proper perennial issue.69 Some organised working group on community matters for participation. groups managed to remain rooted security noted in their report Overall, the authors’ findings in autonomous action; others noted that they have led them to being relatively became partly ‘captured’ by the ‘retained significant reserva- pessimistic about the potential professionals or organisations tions about the Government’s of participation initiatives ‘to they were dealing with. Organised intentions and commitment overcome entrenched institutional pressure groups could be valuable to the process. This is partly or political forms of power’ and and enabling and groups of people based on the rushed and poorly ‘barriers to institutional change’. with origins in social movements organised nature of the current However, they also identified or campaigning could make consultation process; and the cases – for example, a campaign to some genuine official acceptance impression conveyed by the keep a health centre open – which of ‘partnership discourses and dialogue to date that these had positive outcomes and led to practices’, even if unequal, a consultation meetings were a wish among the participants to condition of their engagement designed more for effect than continue being engaged. What with official bodies. However, for any meaningful input.’ 67 also comes through clearly is that the authors wryly note that other the participants often brought to studies of participation under At local level, there is some bear a more holistic and experien- New Labour have suggested sturdy empirical research on the tial view of the services involved that the overall shift towards experience and effects of partici- that could potentially improve the ‘partnership’ closes down diversity pation exercises. We consulted quality of what was on offer and and autonomy, a warning note a recent study for the Economic make it more directly relevant to confirmed by much of their data.70 and Social Research Council that local needs and aspirations. For examines in detail policy forums, example, the health centre users 69 See also, Barnes, M., Care, communities and wanted it to become a centre citizens, Addison Wesley Longman, Harlow, 1997; 66 See Blick, A., Choudhury, T., and Weir, S., The Rules and Barnes, M., and Bowl, R., Taking over the asylum: of the Game: Terrorism, Community and Human Rights, empowerment and mental health, Palgrave, Basingstoke, Joseph Rowntree Reform Trust, 2006. 68 Barnes, M., Newman, J., Sullivan, H., Power, 2001. 67 Home Office, Preventing Extremism Together Participation and Political Renewal: case studies in public 70 See Newman, J., Modernising governance: New (Report of the Home Office Working Groups), Home participation, The Policy Press, University of Bristol, Labour, policy and society, Sage 2001; Taylor, M., Public Office, 2005. 2007. policy in the community, Palgrave, Basingstoke, 2003

Power and Participation in Modern Britain 57 While moves to make use of movements, and unstructured nationally with organisations citizens’ juries and other schemes campaigns and protests, though and campaigns in over 60 are encouraging, it is important to they overlap and metamorphise: countries, and locally linking acknowledge potential flaws. The for example, unstructured protests with groups such as the authorities tend to set and control or groups very often overcome Ugandan Debt Network; the agenda, can restrict options Dowding’s ‘collective action l horizontally, it not only and may steer participants away problems’ and form into short or challenged and made from wider, more fundamental long term associations. transparent the deliberations in issues. Indeed, they could used Unfortunately, there is scant relatively closed spaces, it also to pass the buck for unpalatable empirical work on the outcomes took advantage of new oppor- decisions, perhaps the result of of associational activities, tunities for consultation and resource allocation decisions taken though Iain Kearton’s paper for negotiation, in invited spaces at a higher level. A monograph Democratic Audit covered the such as discussions around from a team at the University of activities of the Countryside debt.75 Essex has set out possible flaws in Alliance (along with the 2000 the process: first, there is an over- petrol blockades, the GM crops There is no systematic emphasis on rationality and delib- protests and the campaign against published analysis of claimed and eration, thereby excluding voices the Iraq war). 73 We have however created spaces, as there is with at which employ other means of undertaken to chart the huge and least a sample of invited spaces. communication; secondly, there is various number of campaigns To get some grasp on this non or a drive towards consensus which and protests that have sprung up less associational activity, here is could serve to provide superficial since 1997 to try and assemble a the list of protests and campaigns solutions to fundamental disagree- collective picture of claimed and since 1997 that we have ments; and thirdly, once again, created citizen action. assembled. This is clearly not an there is the problem of agenda Even at global level citizens exhaustive list, but the variety of control. In other words, the can unite across the world and activities does reflect the diversity dangers of control and direction claim and create a broad space of political causes and actions in associated with ‘invited’ participa- that can have a profound effect the UK. tion are not necessarily avoided, on public policy. John Gaventa Animal welfare and may well be replicated in has for example analysed how the an apparently open and benign global movement, that came to be Disruptions of hunting with hounds process. The authors argue for known as Jubilee 2000, managed Releasing animals from mink farms more open-ended juries as a in less than 10 years to put the Actions against animal experimentation solution to these problems.71 impact of debt on poor nations Protests against the policy of destroying on the public agenda across the 3. Created/claimed spaces livestock in the foot and mouth epidemic world, informing and mobilising These are the spaces for action millions of people in both north Capitalism and globalisation and participation claimed by ‘less and south. This broad coalition of powerful actors from or against the May Day protests against capitalism people from 60 countries finally power holders, or created autono- International demonstrations involving brought about debt cancellation mously by them’ 72, though very UK activists at meetings of international for dozens of developing nations, often relatively powerful actors financial organisations ‘with tangible effects in some such as Sir Bob Geldof or Jamie places on education, housing Mass demonstrations in UK cities Oliver lend the weight of their and health care’. 74 Gaventa demanding international debt cancellation fame, or reputation, to particular explains how the coalition aligned The Gate Gourmet workers’ actions causes. Creation of these spaces itself across both ‘vertical’ and breaks down into two broad ‘Make Poverty History’ and Jubilee 2000 ‘horizontal’ dimensions of power: categories – structured, through Fair trade campaigns formal associations or social l vertically, it mobilised globally The environment and transport at G7, World Bank, Paris Actions against road-building and airport 71 Ward, H., Norval, A., Landman, T., Pretty, J. ‘Open Club and other gatherings, Citizens’ Juries and the Politics of Sustainability’, Political extensions Studies, 2003, Vol. 51, pp282-99. 72 Gaventa, J., ‘Levels, spaces and forms of power: 73 Kearton, op cit. Analysing opportunities for change’, in Berenskoetter, 74 Gaventa, J., op cit; and Mayo, M., Global Citizens: F., and Williams, M. J. (eds.), Power in World Politics, Social Movements and the Challenge of Globalization, Routledge 2007 (forthcoming). Zed Books, 2005. 75 Gaventa, op cit.

58 The Democratic Audit ‘Reclaim the streets’ protests against traffic refusals of cancer and other drugs over the Stephen Lawrence and pollution Numerous self-help associations of murder), or to provide a collective Blockades of fuel distribution in protest sufferers from medical conditions remedy independently (the Modbury ban on plastic bags, the against high fuel duties Parents’ and other campaigns against transition towns movement). It is Modbury ban on plastic bags deaths caused by dangerous driving the shared sense of grievance or Transition-towns movement (lessening Vigilantism injustice among a relevant public reliance on oil) Actions to force known or suspected that provides the ‘fuel’ for the Farming and the countryside paedophiles from their homes and campaign, but it usually requires one or two individuals to provide Countryside Alliance demonstrations neighbourhoods the ‘spark’ that sets it alight, against neglect of rural needs and hunting Campaign to identify the killers of James while existing informal networks ban Bulger on release from detention or organisations typically give Farmers’ blockades of ports and supermar- War and weapons of destruction additional ‘combustibility’. kets in protest at the import of cheap meat Mass campaign to ban handguns What is worth reflecting on, Mass trespasses by walkers demanding (‘Snowdrop’ campaign) given the wealth of literature on open access to the countryside ‘collective action problems’, is Campaign to ban use of landmines Destruction of trial GM crops how frequently these problems are Protest against Trident base in Scotland overcome, even among supposedly Campaign against Post Office closures Invasion of Menwith Hill communications disadvantaged latent groups, once Social justice and racial base in protest against its use in ‘Star Wars’ a shared grievance is sufficiently disadvantage programme strong. Incentives to collective action thus matter as much as Campaign for public inquiry into police Anti-Iraq war rallies and marches and some resources or opportunities. handling of Stephen Lawrence’s murder children’s demonstrations How to assess the impact or Mass protests by Asian youth in Oldham, Direct actions seeking to disable USAF ‘success’ of these citizen actions in Burnley and Bradford bombers on eve of bombardment of Iraq claimed or created spaces is more Protest demonstration in Brixton against Anti-Trident campaign difficult than to explain why they the police shooting of a black youth occur in the first place. Easiest Observations The McCartney sisters protest against their of course is where they lead to brother’s murder What is common to all these a reversal of a contested policy actions and campaigns is a shared Protests against deportations of asylum decision, as in the climbdown seekers sense of anger or grievance about of the Greene King brewery in a situation or policy decision face of the Lewes pub boycott, or Social policy and welfare that is perceived as damaging the courts’ reversal of the local Campaign by employees who ‘lost’ to people’s well-being, whether NHS decision to refuse a cancer pensions for government assistance that of the activists involved or drug. Less definitive is where a Demonstrations by the disabled against those they care about. In many policy is modified in the face of changes to benefit regulations cases the focus of resentment is protest rather than abandoned a policy decision by a powerful Campaigns and demonstrations against outright. Yet politics is not a public or private body that affects hospital closures zero-sum game; compromise people negatively, and the protest is a part of its fabric; and even Unofficial referendum in Scotland to keep activity can be described as a failure to reverse a contested ‘clause 28’ ban on local authority support reactive (post office or hospital decision can lead to a change for homosexuality closures, Gate Gourmet workers, in the calculations under which Fathers for Justice protest over access to Trident missile replacement). In future decisions are made. A children other examples the action can be classic example was the campaign Hospital closures campaigns described as proactive, since the against the Newbury bypass; Campaigns against PFI schemes basis of the campaign is the failure it did not succeed in stopping of a powerful body to address a it, but by hugely inflating the Campaign in defence of council housing perceived harm, and its purpose is cost of security for such devel- Service families campaign against service either to stir the responsible body opments, it led to the more conditions to take appropriate action (Jubilee contentious ones being abandoned Various patients’ campaigns against NHS 2000, Fair Trade, police inaction for a decade. Here the ‘law of

Power and Participation in Modern Britain 59 anticipated reactions’ can work in campaigners’ favour. Part 5 Conclusions Then there are other more indirect effects, such as influencing the climate of public opinion within which government and corporations have to work, but whose precise impact is more difficult to assess. The global demonstrations against the Iraq war could not stop it happening, but they are said to e bring this paper and their participation and have influenced the UN Security to an end with some networking in associational Council’s decision to deny it conclusions drawn activities widen the gap international legitimacy, which in from the various between their life chances turn had significant consequences perspectives on power and opportunities and those for the course of the occupation. and influence that we of poorer and disadvantaged The struggle for legitimacy, or Whave brought to bear; and some people. Participation policies ‘reputation’ in Dowding’s terms, preliminary comments and recom- must therefore concentrate is an important part of what is at mendations with regard to the on means to improve the issue in these campaigns. As one government’s existing policies and opportunities and resources of the Lewes pub campaigners recent participation proposals. for socially excluded groups remarked: and individuals to participate Perspectives on power and more fully, but government ‘We’ve shown that it’s possible for influence needs urgently to address and a small group of committed seek to remedy the damaging people to change the mind 1. Participation is a remarkably inequalities that scar British of a huge company. We knew buoyant phenomenon that society. the loss of trade was hardly engages a wide range of going to make a dent in their publics and communities over 3. The government’s commitment huge profits, but the loss of a diverse and even idiosyn- to participation should be reputation would really make cratic raft of issues. Despite grasped but without illusions. them think, so that’s what the inequalities in resources At national and local level, as we had to aim for, and we and power that we have noted we show above, the govern- succeeded.’ 76 above (and see point 2 below), ment’s commitment to its own protests and action rise sponta- policies has often outweighed neously at all levels of society. a commitment to participa- People who possess relatively tion; and at all levels, official little power have to combine policies and attitudes can if they are to achieve their frame and restrict agendas purposes and must be ready of ‘invited’ participation visibly to confront power- spaces, and even of apparently holders; but it is common and neutral and open exercises probably wise even for more like citizens’ juries. It makes powerful groups to combine sense to regard an invitation to forces. participate as the first round of a prolonged engagement and 2. However in sum participa- to organise outside the official tion undoubtedly makes an opening as well as within it. unequal contribution to public policy since it is the rich and 4. Many of the lessons for middle classes who possess the national action apply at resources both to participate local level. Here the idea of themselves and to restrict the ‘community’ is very strong. 76 The Guardian, 23 April 2007. access of others to resources; However, the notion of

60 The Democratic Audit geographic ‘community’ as the with. A sense of the governing most common distinction standard base for participa- regime and its principals will – that between individual tion or consultation requires be important to focusing any and collective action – does careful examination (see point campaign. not reflect the fact that many 6 below). individual rights or actions 8. The official emphasis on provide a handle or focus 5. Organised groups and area-based participation is for collective action. Many communities of all sorts and valuable in itself, but it does individual actions very soon at all levels should develop not reflect the great diversity lead onto collective action; the government’s emphasis of ‘communities’ in an and very often a collective on consultation into processes increasingly complex society. endeavour, as in the Modbury of active participation. The Official statistics themselves plastic bag ban, has been new duty on councils to reveal a ‘churning effect’ inspired by one individual. consult could be used to create in local areas, with up to a active participation in policy- third of populations changing 12. John Gaventa’s emphasis on making as well as service within one year. ‘Collective the different levels of power delivery. Such provisions action’ may be located in a is an important insight. But in as the strengthening of the local neighbourhood or other practice the effects of global scrutiny function of council geographic area and parents at decisions and policies on daily members, more space for a local school, frail old people life in the UK is still not part of petitions, experiments in direct attending a care centre, or the nation’s ‘common sense’. democracy, etc, offer opportu- aggrieved drinkers at a local In practice, the global only nities that can be buttressed pub may form a community. sometimes informs collective with analysis of local power However, junior doctors, action at national or local level structures. environmental activists, people – even though campaigns like suffering from cystic fibrosis, ‘Make Poverty History’ have 6. The use of formal channels of hauliers, fox hunters, women begun to inform and mobilise redress and inquiry and resort with breast cancer, fathers people at large over the north’s to the courts and tribunals denied access to their children, part in poverty in developing can give groups an additional racists and myriad others may countries and, as we have grasp on power: for example, combine in collective action. seen, the global consequences the ESOL campaign we of the widespread use of 9. Geoff Mulgan’s distinction mention on p.20 got a huge plastic bags brought about a between ‘strong power and boost from a formal Race local reaction in Modbury (see weak power controls’ (see p.14 Equality Impact Assessment; page 14). The links between above) is valuable, suggesting resort to the courts proved national, regional and local as it does that non-hierar- to be a turning point in policies is better appreciated, chical, horizontal networks can campaigns by women with and can more readily be exercise power using relatively breast cancer for access to explored and exposed, less little energy, placing them at drugs they were denied. so the impact of the global an advantage with respect to dimension that Kenny Ball, the 7. The complexity of the web of more traditional and hierar- UNISON branch secretary in institutions, actors and official chical organisations. Newcastle, discovered in Porto documentation at regional 10. People participating in official Alegre (see page 20). and sub-regional as well as ‘invited spaces’ have a stronger local level inevitably inhibits 13. The state itself provides voice when they are also part the ability of local groups to important resources for of an autonomous collective pursue major public policy collective action that give group. causes. However, sufficient individuals and groups a documentation and media 11. Most of the distinctions made grasp on power – e.g., ’civil reports generally exist that will with regard to participation and political and some social identify existing policies and and power, several of which and economic rights, access to the institutions that are making we make use of in this paper, official information, legislation the running in policy areas run the danger of simplifying on the minimum wage or that people are concerned what actually happens. The facilities for disabled people,

Power and Participation in Modern Britain 61 systems of complaint and influence, especially at local level determine major policies redress, elected representa- level where some parties along with larger local authorities tives, the presence of scrutiny may be in power and others in remote high-level ‘partner- bodies. Action by individuals, willing to challenge that power. ships’ above the heads of smaller both within and outside the However, the two main parties authorities; and quangos at all courts and tribunals, can are rarely open to the influence levels determine huge swathes deliver collective goods. of their members at national of local priorities and distribute level, though other parties resources accordingly. . 14. The internet provides ordinary may be persuaded to back a Gordon Brown has committed citizens with new potential campaign or protest. himself to ‘change’ in Britain’s for acquiring some of the constitutional arrangements. resources that lead to collective 18. National campaigns and Nowhere in the state is ‘change’ action and group formation protests depend to a great more essential than at local and and can add to their power, degree on securing public regional level. To make a reality notably through information, support which may not be of greater participation, especially expertise and reputation. A key sufficient for them to achieve over major decisions as promised implication of this potential their purposes but is generally in the governance green paper, is that non-state actors can essential if they are to do so. we recommend a fundamental become more powerful The public is willing to support reversal of existing policies towards vis-à-vis the state; state institu- direct action campaigns so local government and the quango tions tend to suffer a net loss of long as they are non-violent state so that local authorities nodality in the on-line world. and are undertaken in terms can be made considerably more But any endeavour to use the of the general, not sectional, autonomous in terms of their internet to rebalance power good. Protests can therefore policies, revenues and expenditure relations and enhance partici- make use of disruptive tactics and protected against constant pation must take account of that may even de-stabilise central government intervention. inequities in access, etc. society and everyday life. Otherwise, the government’s 15. A host of NGOs, charities 19. The ‘oxygen of publicity’ is proposals will raise people’s and associations at all levels vital at all levels. Experienced expectations too high for existing of society exist that enable pressure groups, charities local authorities to respond to their people to make use of state and other bodies generally wishes, except on the margins. and other opportunities for build a media strategy into Take participatory budgeting. collective action. More of their campaigns, as it helps to Hazel Blears, the Secretary of those that act as advocates on serve notice on the authorities State, has suggested that minor behalf of disadvantaged groups that there is or may be public local decisions – for parks, play or communities could do interest in a given issue. areas, ASBO policies and the more to involve them in their Publicity is of course an aid like – would be open to participa- arguments and campaigning. to informing and legitimising tory budgeting. Her proposals ‘Clientism’ is a sin. a campaign or protest and to throw into relief a striking contrast recruiting supporters. between Britain’s weak and remote 16. The trade unions are no local authorities and Porto Alegre, longer the significant players Comments on local democracy the Brazilian city that pioneered in political life that they were As we have shown above (see Part participatory budgeting. A World in the 1970s, but they are 2), ‘local governance’ is scarcely Bank Social Development Note an important part of social local at all. In the first instance, states that municipalities in Brazil democracy in the UK and local authorities are too large to like Porto Alegre have ‘consider- remain a huge resource for be close to their local populations. able autonomy over their revenues social justice campaigning Secondly, they are over-dependent (raised from local taxes, tariffs and outside the workplace. In some on central government financing federal transfers) and expenditures’ respects, the trade unions 1 which is available subject to – and it is this autonomy that themselves need to understand central government policy their potential. prescriptions and strict financial 1 Social Development Notes, Case Study 2 – Porto Alegre, Brazail: Participatory Approaches in Budgeting 17. Political parties are important controls. Thirdly, powerful and Public Expenditure Management, siteresources. worldbank.ng/INTPCENG/1143372-1116506093229/2051 channels for power and quangos at national and regional 1036/sdn71.pdf

62 The Democratic Audit makes participatory budgeting the basic principle that consulta- there meaningful. The World Bank tive and participatory processes note and other sources describe should take place within the a sophisticated annual budgeting structures of representative cycle with three distinct levels democracy. Direct democracy of citizen engagement through ought to be complementary to popular assemblies at regional representative democracy and and neighbourhood area, regional should not be allowed to replace it. budget forums and the municipal budget council. Every citizen has the right to be directly involved through electing a representative to the neighbourhood assembly. Decisions are usually based on needs criteria and direct nego- tiations between neighbourhood forums that go on to monitor implementation. The budgeting process decided major regional decisions on transportation; education, leisure and culture; health and social welfare; economic development and taxation; and city organisation, as well as neighbourhood decisions.2 The proposal for a concordat between central government and the Local Government Association seems to recognise the need for government to give authorities more autonomy. However, the way in which it is framed in the green paper places far more respon- sibility upon local authorities to satisfy central government than for central government to give formal recognition to local autonomy. We recommend that as part of its moves towards a written constitution the government hold a public debate about giving local government constitutional protection on the European model and create strong and self confident local authorities according to the criteria of the European Charter for Local Self Government . We have already emphasised

2 World Bank Social Development Note, op cit; .Chavez Minos, D., ‘Porto Alegre, Brazil: A new sustainable and replicable model of participatory and democratic governance?, www.tni.org/archives/ chavez/portoalegre.pdf ; Smith, G., Democratic Innovations: A Report for POWER, February 2005, www. powerinquiry.org

Power and Participation in Modern Britain 63 Power & Participation &in Modern Britain

Democratic Audit 64 The Democratic Audit