University of Ss Cyril and Methodius in Trnava Slovakia in International Cooperation with The John Paul II Catholic University of Lublin Poland Political Systems of Visegrad Group Countries Editor Wojciech Gizicki Trnava - Lublin 2012 Reviewers Doc. PhDr Martin Klus, PhD Prof. Wojciech Sokół Language editors The Authors and Dr David Reichardt with Dr James Asher Cover design and technical editing Jakub Gondek Publisher University of Ss Cyril and Methodius in Trnava, Slovakia Publication financed by The John Paul II Catholic University of Lublin and © Instytut Sądecko-Lubelski ul. Koncertowa 7/22, 20-950 Lublin www.isl.org.pl ISBN 978-80-8105-434-1 Contents Wojciech Gizicki Architecture of the Visegrad cooperation _____________________ 7 Stanislav Balik, Vit Hloušek, Jan Holzer The Political System in the Czech Republic ___________________ 13 Gábor Török The Political System in Hungary ___________________________ 43 Monika Kowalska, Tomasz Bichta The Political System of Poland_____________________________ 71 Juraj Marušiak The Political System in the Slovak Republic__________________ 107 About the Authors _____________________________________ 149 ARCHitEctuRE OF THE VisEGRAD COOPERatiON Wojciech Gizicki The fall of the Cold War order, political changes and the start of a new era led to the emergence of a clear vision of Euro-Atlantic integration wi- thin the sovereign policy of Czechoslovakia, Poland and Hungary. The am- bitions of joining the cooperation in the Euro-Atlantic space, though, had to be supported by a diametrical change of the political system in each co- untry, which until 1989 for more than forty years had remained in the sphe- re of Soviet influence and operated on non-democratic, socialist principles. Still, the idea of integration, though shared by each of the countries, was in the initial period pursued according to their own individual opportunities and capabilities. The dominant view was that membership in NATO and the EU could be attained on the principle of independent action. What is more, among Czechoslovak and Hungarian politicians there were opinions for the need to autonomously pursue the international objectives under di- scussion. It was also recognized that this would necessarily involve com- petition between countries where those better able to take effective action would gain priority. This situation altered dramatically with the changing of the international environment in the early nineties of the 20th century, which opened new possibilities. The nature of these changes was extremely dynamic, and for each country to rely solely on its own capabilities and intentions, especially in the case of the new democracies, did not seem re- alistic. Thus, despite initial scepticism, the Central European countries re- alized the need for closer cooperation. However, this cooperation was not to be arranged in the form of an official organization but a platform for fixed consultation and dialogue at the intergovernmental level1. An important 1 For more on the genesis of the Visegrad Group see e.g. P. Leszczyński, M. Szczepaniak, Grupa Wyszehradzka. Współpraca polityczna i gospodarcza, Toruń 1995; B. Góralczyk, Współpraca Wyszeh- radzka. Geneza, doświadczenia, perspektywy, Warszawa, 1999; M. Herman, Grupa Wyszehradzka. 8 WOJCIECH GIZICKI factor common values and the Central European identity was the support of intellectual and academic circles. They formulated an unambiguous vi- sion of the merits of closer cooperation on the basis of geographical, histo- rical and cultural closeness, providing an important argument in favour of political cooperation. Regional cooperation between the three and then four2 Central Eu- ropean countries involved was based on the Visegrad Declaration signed on 15 February 19913. Throughout, the document emphasizes specific ob- jectives, links and a common heritage of the three Central European co- untries that wish to jointly pursue their vested interests. What enables a real chance of such cooperation are particularly „the similar charac- ter of the significant changes occurring in these countries, their tra- ditional, historically-shaped system of mutual contacts, and their cul- tural and spiritual heritage and common roots of religious traditions. The diverse and rich cultures of these nations also embody the fundamental values of the achievements of European thought.” The Visegrad countries rather successfully pursued the goals contained in the Declaration. Crucial in this respect was a complete departure from any of the dimensions of the totalitarian regime. The main task was to build a new, democratic, modern state, which would be based on civil liberties and free market economy. A clear priority was also the decision to be involved in building a peaceful, in- tegrated European space. The signatories managed to overcome difficulties and to adopt common positions on pivotal issues, including cooperation for security. Examples of this were the bilateral treaties between each of the Vi- segrad countries. However, alongside these successful and beneficial initiati- ves, there was no lack of problems and difficult moments in Central European cooperation. At the beginning the Visegrad initiative was not well-received or taken seriously by all international actors and circles. Some countries, especially the other post-communist democracies, saw in it a threat to the- ir own interests. Several Western European centres did not believe in the merits and the possibility of success of project prepared and maintained by weak and still rebuilding ex-communist, not fully sovereign states. It should Narodziny, rozwój, perspektywy, Polish International Affairs, No. 2, 2001, p. 161 f. 2 The the initial arrangement was formed between Czechoslovakia, Poland and Hungary. After the breakup of Czechoslovakia in 1993, the Czech Republic and Slovakia became separate parties to the agreement. 3 The official title of the document is the Declaration on Cooperation between the Czech and Slovak Fe- deral Republic, the Republic of Poland and the Republic of Hungary in Striving for European Integration. Text: http://www.cvce.eu/content/publication/2004/2/9/6e592602-5431-42fd-8e65-2274e294ad89/pu- blishable_pl.pdf, [Read 10 February 2012]. INTRODUctiON - ARCHitectURE OF THE VISEGRAD COOPERatiON 9 be remembered that for several years after 1989 Soviet troops were still sta- tioned in the Central European territories, and political elites were heavily influenced by former communist activists. All the Visegrad countries faced economic problems, including rapidly rising unemployment and galloping inflation. In addition, between members of the Group there were conflicts of varying gravity. All this on the one hand was a serious problem but on the other brought to the surface a need to intensify efforts to achieve the main objective of each country, i.e. the integration with Euro-Atlantic structu- res and the establishment of stable, safe grounds of sovereign statehood and regional cooperation. It could be said therefore that the ongoing initiative was strengthened not only by joint successes, but also, paradoxically, by its failures. They made everyone aware that the basis for national and interna- tional success could only be effective cooperation. Coordination of activities, taking into account the specificities of individual state entities, gave hope (fully justified , as it turned out), of achieving the principal objectives. The basic success of the Visegrad Group is that it is still ongoing. The main objectives have been achieved. Cooperation, undertaken mainly for rational, pragmatic reasons4 (driven by the reason rather than the heart, a matter more of convenience than love), has continued, despite emerging concerns and differences over often fundamental matters. This indicates that the Visegrad countries are aware of the existence of much more durable ties that connect them. Thus, differences do not cause mutual abandoning of efforts but rather inspire a search for common ground. The contempo- rary diversity of ideas, goals and interests, especially in the European space (the EU), gives a clear signal that undertaking the necessary cooperation is a worthwhile endeavour. The common heritage, the Central European identity, as mentioned above, gives a real reason to continue a form of co- operation lasting now for over twenty years. As numerous matters in the the EU require the support of many countries, then the central European platform of the Visegrad Group can be an important, common front of action. Still, it is up to the V4 countries themselves to decide whether their position will be a real, strong and audible manifesto. 4 Such reasons are natural in the case of international cooperation. At the same time, they do not preclude the possibility of basing cooperation on deeper, more permanent bases than pragmatism. See e.g. P. Bajtay, (ed.) Regional Cooperation and the European Integration process: nordic and central Eu- ropean experiences, Budapest 1996; P. Bukalska, Nowa Grupa Wyszehradzka w nowej Unii Europejskiej –szanse i możliwości rozwoju, Warszawa 2003; A. Jagodziński, (ed.), The Visegrad Group – A Central European Constellation, Bratislava 2006. 10 WOJCIECH GIZICKI The main objective that motivated all the members of the Visegrad Group both individually and collectively was integration into the Euro- -Atlantic institutions. The achievement of this goal was essential in both the individual and regional perspective. Each country individually and the whole region, through full membership