Salers PDO Cheese : the Diversity and Paradox of Local Knowledge Laurence Bérard, François Casabianca, Marie-Christine Montel, Claire Agabriel, Remy Bouche

Salers PDO cheese : the diversity and paradox of local knowledge Laurence Bérard, François Casabianca, Marie-Christine Montel, Claire Agabriel, Remy Bouche

To cite this version:

Laurence Bérard, François Casabianca, Marie-Christine Montel, Claire Agabriel, Remy Bouche. Salers PDO cheese : the diversity and paradox of local knowledge. Culture & History Digital Journal, 2016, 5 (1), pp.e006. 10.3989/chdj.2016.006. hal-01354020

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HAL is a multi-disciplinary open access L’archive ouverte pluridisciplinaire HAL, est archive for the deposit and dissemination of sci- destinée au dépôt et à la diffusion de documents entific research documents, whether they are pub- scientifiques de niveau recherche, publiés ou non, lished or not. The documents may come from émanant des établissements d’enseignement et de teaching and research institutions in France or recherche français ou étrangers, des laboratoires abroad, or from public or private research centers. publics ou privés. Culture & History Digital Journal 5(1) June 2016, e006 eISSN 2253-797X doi: http://dx.doi.org/10.3989/chdj.2016.006

Salers Protected Designation of Origin cheese, France. The diversity and paradox of local knowledge in geographical indications

Laurence Bérard1, François Casabianca2, Marie-Christine Montel3, Claire Agabriel4, Rémi Bouche5† 1 CNRS Ressources des terroirs, F-01000, Bourg en Bresse, France e-mail: [email protected] (corresponding author) 2 INRA-SAD, Laboratoire de recherches sur le développement de l’élevage, F-20250, Corte, France e-mail: [email protected] 3 INRA, Unité de recherches fromagères, F-15000, Aurillac, France e-mail: [email protected] 4 VETAGRO-SUP Campus de Clermont-Ferrand, 63370 Lempdes, France e-mail: [email protected] 5 INRA-SAD, Laboratoire de recherches sur le développement de l’élevage, F-20250, Corte, France

Submitted: 18 July 2015. Accepted: 17 November 2015

ABSTRACT: Our case study of Salers cheese production in south-central France highlights how place-specific knowledge grounds the various networks shaping the rise of geographical indications (GI) in food production. In 1961, Salers cheese producers created a “Protected Designation of Origin” (PDO). To preserve the distinctive character of their product, they opted to require use of the gerle, a traditional wooden vat, and an on-farm cheese making process. The gerle came recently under scrutiny from French governmental hygiene regulation enforcement, and the subsequent public controversy jeopardized the entire supply chain and destabilized Salers cheese-making methods. Prevailing in their efforts to protect Salers, producers established the gerle as mandatory and have since set up a governance board to ensure PDO brand integrity. Our analysis suggests that the diversity of technical choices and associated set of knowledge in Salers cheese production has paradoxically been both its strength and weakness. Local agricultural know-how forges links among participants in Salers networks, connecting cheese producers and con- sumers, to cattle, microbes, landscapes, wooden tools, and cheeses. Yet, diversity of local expertise creates a tension among producers who must collaborate to achieve unified standards within a PDO while resisting homogeneity. Such results contribute to discussing on PDO governance: an arena to share, compare, and unite local knowledge is critical for GI and thus for sustainable agricultural systems.

KEYWORDS: Salers; geographical indication; local knowledge; dairy farming systems; cow cheese; supply chain. Citation / Cómo citar este artículo: Bérard, Laurence; Montel, Marie-Christine; Agabriel, Claire and Bouche, Rémi (2016) “Salers Protected Designation of Origin cheese (France). The diversity and paradox of local knowledge in geographical indications”. Culture & History Digital Journal, 5 (1): e006. doi: http://dx.doi.org/10.3989/chdj.2016.006.

RESUMEN: El queso con Denominación de Origen Protegida Salers (Francia). La diversidad y las paradojas de los saberes locales en indicaciones geográficas protegidas.- Nuestro caso de estudio sobre producción de queso de Salers, en el centro-sur de Francia, ilustra cómo los saberes específicos locales explican el origen de la formación de una indicación geográfica (IG). En 1961, los productores del queso de Salers crearon una denominación de origen protegida (DOP). Para preservar el carácter distintivo de sus productos, optaron por requerir como condiciones nece- sarias tanto el uso de la «gerle», una cuba de madera tradicional, como el hecho de que la producción del queso se haga en la propia finca por el ganadero y con la leche de sus propios animales. El uso de la «gerle» fue objeto de examen por parte de las autoridades regionales francesas desde el punto de vista de la aplicación del Reglamento de higiene en la producción de quesos. La subsecuente controversia pública sobre la idoneidad higiénica de las cubas 2 • Laurence Bérard, François Casabianca, Marie-Christine Montel, Claire Agabriel, Rémi Bouche

puso en peligro toda la cadena de producción y desestabilizó los métodos de fabricación de queso de Salers. En sus esfuerzos para proteger el queso, los productores establecieron la obligatoriedad de utilizar la «gerle» y se creó un Consejo Regulador para garantizar la calidad específica de la marca colectiva de la DOP. El artículo sugiere que la diversidad de opciones técnicas y el conjunto de saberes asociados a la producción local de queso de Salers han constituido, paradójicamente, tanto su fuerza como su debilidad. El saber agrícola local forja vínculos entre los par- ticipantes en las redes del queso de Salers, conectando a los productores con los consumidores, el ganado, los micro- bios, los paisajes, las herramientas de madera y los quesos. Sin embargo, la diversidad de saberes expertos locales constituye un elemento de tensión entre los productores que les obliga a colaborar entre sí para alcanzar estándares unificados dentro de la DOP. Los resultados del trabajo contribuyen al debate sobre la gobernanza de una DOP: un espacio para compartir, comparar y unificar el saber local es un factor clave para el buen desarrollo de una IG y, por tanto, para construir sistemas agrícolas sostenibles.

PALABRAS CLAVE: Salers; indicación geográfica; saber local; sistemas de producción lechera; queso de vaca; cadena de suministro.

INTRODUCTION tive government applies to the EU, which ultimately grants (or not) the PDO. In this manner, the building of The concept of Geographical Indication (GI) is de- a PDO brand thus implies a pooling of skills and collec- signed to protect a product’s name based on particular tive action in defense of a shared asset. Yet, situations qualities derived from its geographical origin. The two vary considerably from one PDO to another. As this pa- main pillars of this initiative are the identification of the per aims to demonstrate, it leaves considerable room for geographical area that is entitled to use a particular name, local discretion. and the specification of production methods. Particular knowledge and skills are essential factors in establishing SALERS PDO CHEESE the link with origin (Bérard and Marchenay, 2004). The establishment of the rules of production raises multiple Salers cheese is a prime example of the difficulties questions which this research aims to address. Yet, the faced by producers in asserting a unified code of produc- choice of techniques covered by specifications, and the tion. As one of the five “flagship” cheeses of the Au- way those specifications are applied and used by the dif- vergne region in south-central France, Salers epitomizes ferent players in question, are all expressions of local bal- the artisanal quality that GIs attempt to support. The Au- ances of power. Subsequent misunderstandings and mis- vergne region boasts fertile soil atop volcanic mountain appropriations may be seen as defects by the authors of hillsides covered in native wildflowers and wild grasses. those specifications. However, such divergent opinions Farmers and herders of the area have kept alive ancient and techniques may also express the dynamism, vitality, dairy farming techniques, specific to this landscape. and even resistance of a local community facing homog- Cheese exemplifies this agrarian artisanal heritage. enizing forces from the highly concentrated agribusiness Formerly part of the Cantal Protected Designation of industry. Decisions made for the GI may therefore be Origin (PDO), in 1961 Salers became a PDO in its own seen as a powerful marker of the pressures, issues, and right in a bid to protect and preserve a system of free- paradoxes present in all local production sectors, because range production relying on traditional skills. These are here, more than anywhere else, the skills associated with upheld as such in the process of differentiating from a GI the recognition of a GI belong within a community that that is seen as overly generic. One of the cheese’s most has its own codes. original features is that the raw milk must be curdled in a Historically, countries in Europe utilized their own wooden tub, known as a “gerle”, which plays a key role geographic origin labels: AOC (appellation d’origine in the local cheese culture (Didienne et al., 2012) and is contrôlée) and the Italian and Spanish DO (denominazi- part of the specifications. Recently, it was at the centre of one di origine in Italy; denominación de origen in serious debate launched by producers taking advantage of Spain). In 1992, the EU created a continental PDO la- sanitary rules to point out the potential dangers of wood- bel. To qualify for PDO status, farmers must prove de- en containers. Food safety regulation rejects this tradi- finitively that the properties and characteristics of their tional form of production, with hygienists who prefer to product are particular to its place of origin. Accordingly, sanitize and do not consider spontaneous microbes posi- it must be produced, processed, and prepared entirely tively, as Latour (1988) describes in “Pasteurisation of and exclusively within that region to merit the proposed France”. Hygienists follow and perpetuate a particular PDO name. The certification process begins locally, discourse of sanitation, and work to inscribe it as scien- with producers applying to their national government tifically incontestable —“to speak of hygiene was already for an official designation, and if approved, the respec- to take up a position” (Latour, 1988). Here microbial pol-

Culture & History Digital Journal 5(1), June 2016, e006. eISSN 2253-797X, doi: http://dx.doi.org/10.3989/chdj.2016.006 Salers Protected Designation of Origin cheese, France. The diversity and paradox of local knowledge in geographical indications • 3 itics echoes long-standing explorations of the politics of non-human”. From this perspective, the code of practice scientific authority (Foucault, 1980; Dove, 1996; Knorr- for Salers PDO cheese could be seen as a technical ob- Cetina, 1999; Fischer, 2000). The historical phenomenon ject that also entails social dimensions. Sharing compe- of pasteurization, as chronicled and analyzed by Latour, tencies among all actants in the network becomes a main parallels the current fixation on sanitation in cheese pro- support for the future of the PDO and the continuing ex- duction: istence of this cheese. The emergence of a learning process may be based on two-way exchange (Callon, 1998) Wherever the microbe may find itself, an authorized and built on this common knowledge. This will give agent must be there to chase it away. If militant hygiene more strength to collective democracy and to individual achieved this aim, it had created a new source of power, producers as well. a power unthinkable a few decades earlier and one that In line with such ANT analysis, we assume that the was rapidly becoming irreversible (Latour, 1988). gerle is core in the Salers Actor Network’s constitution and evolution. But we must consider also two other com- Thus, traditional material such as wood is forbidden, ponents of the local situation to be articulated with the and even though dispensations exist for hygiene, it is very approach of the Salers Actor Network. First is the coordi- difficult to obtain them (Bérard and Marchenay, 2008). nation capacity of the local actors and we discuss the con- The application of European food safety regulations de- sequences of the Salers stakeholders’ diversity as we pends on the economic and cultural background of each could observe, according to the framework proposed by country. It leads to economic restructuring (Dunn, 2003). Ostrom (1990) on the common-pool resource manage- In France, the great diversity of traditional products is ment. We focus on the content of the specification rules threatened by it and the farmers’ scale suffers from it. To- and on the great absence of some key-elements such as day, the divisions within the Salers sector between those rules concerning the breeds. Second is the nature of pro- for and against the gerle have left the entire sector seri- ducers’ technical practices and choices together with the ously weakened at a time when it must unite to confront stakeholders’ strategies, using the approach of collective and resolve its internal contradictions within a production action provided by Olson (1987). So, we try to face the context where investment in time and labour reinforces in- complexity of the Salers situation thanks to a crisis period dividualism. that revealed how these elements are interacting and gave us the possibility to an in-depth study of the concrete con- ACTOR NETWORK THEORY AS RELEVANT ditions for collective action. FRAMEWORK At the center of our analysis of the Salers Actor Net- work, we find a fundamental point of tension between the The concept of actor-networks could help scholars importance of diversity within agricultural systems, and and farmers to re-conceptualize the role of traditional ag- the need for collective unity among those producers who ricultural knowledge in GI food production. According must defend the system, particularly when, as in our case, to actor-network theory (ANT) “entities take their form it has been codified in the form of a PDO. Thus, our hy- and acquire their attributes as a result of their relations pothesis is to assume that the diversity of local agricul- with other entities” (Law, 1999), such that social, eco- tural knowledge among the Salers farmers is paradoxi- nomic, political, and technical factors do not provide the cally providing both strength and weakness to the whole background for activity and interactions between actors sector. —they are themselves built into the networks. “Net- work” here refers to the active process of forming and DIVERSITY WITHIN THE LOCAL AGRO-FOOD being formed by other actants, “a series of transforma- SYSTEM tions —translations, transductions— which could not be captured by any of the traditional terms of social theory” Reinforced by economic history and the weight of (Latour, 1999). ANT deliberately includes non-human sanitary requirements, an important diversity characteriz- entities as actants1: es this supply chain based only upon on-farm processing. It is appropriate to approach this concept of “diversity” An innovation is but a syntagmatic line (i.e., a line con- with attention, to explore it. Is any diversity favorable? necting programs to further programs) containing hu- Within a collective feature, do some kinds of diversity man and non-human actants that were recruited to coun- potentially weaken the position of the organization? To ter the anti-programs (Czarniawski and Hernes, 2005). what extent do we identify deconstructing heterogeneity as presenting paradoxes? Our orientation is that local knowledge and know- As a public process, the founding and development of how form the core that binds all elements in a socio-tech- a GI is fully controlled by the local producers’ organiza- nical network —humans, objects, and discourses— as tion known as an “Organisme de défense et de gestion” per the actor network theory (Callon, 2004). In line with (Protection and management body). Under the French Akrich (1992), we agree that “technical objects partici- system, this organization is responsible for the first draft pate in building heterogeneous networks that bring to- of the code of practice (gathering together the product re- gether actants of all types and sizes, whether human or quirements and production rules) submitted to the INAO.2

Culture & History Digital Journal 5(1), June 2016, e006. eISSN 2253-797X, doi: http://dx.doi.org/10.3989/chdj.2016.006 4 • Laurence Bérard, François Casabianca, Marie-Christine Montel, Claire Agabriel, Rémi Bouche

As a consequence of new European and French regu- The Salers PDO: a paradoxical lation relating to the local organization and within the trajectory timescale of our research work, a Salers section has been created within the regional CIF (Regional board for local A Local Industry out of step with productivity cheese industry, a common body shared with the Cantal PDO). This is now the real authority for any decisions re- The local production of Salers cheese stands in con- lating to the cheese and its producers’ problems and for trast to the powerful industrial sector that grew up around relationships with other authorities. At the conclusion of traditional Cantal-type cheese production in the late our fieldwork, we regard this new section as our primary 1960s. Intensified production was based on the direct im- interlocutor. plementation of technologies first introduced to improve The finality of our work explores the link between GIs output in the milk-producing area of the Massif Central. and sustainable development. It provides a framework for The result was a selection process that ruled out many lo- a multidisciplinary approach combining researchers in cal cheese-making traditions, alienating a number of pro- anthropology, cognitive ergonomy, microbiology, and ducers who set up the independent Salers PDO. livestock science. Coordinated by INRA (the French Na- Without revisiting those negotiations in detail, it is tional Institute for Agricultural Research), ENITAC (the worth noting a few major issues that remain relevant to- Clermont School of Agricultural Engineering —this day (Delfosse, 1992). The established Cantal PDO could school joined recently the Vetagro-Sup that has been cre- have advanced free-range production instead of creating a ated meanwhile) and the CNRS (the French National new PDO. It was not the choice of the Salers producers. Centre for Scientific Research), the research methods in- Seasonal free-range production is a key feature of the Sal- cluded ethnological and film research, strategic analysis, ers specifications. Salers cheese is based on the raw milk a study of livestock practices, and microbiological evalu- of a single dairy herd, processed twice a day following ation. each milking, in a wooden container called a gerle. The Researchers pooled their methods throughout the cattle are essentially pasture-fed; each herder is required 2006 and 2007 seasons in a bid to analyze the Salers sup- by law to declare his or her period of turn out to pasture. ply chain and understand its main trends. As part of this The regulations state that cheese made exclusively from process, interviews were conducted with 17 producers, the milk of the Salers cattle breed could be labelled “Tra- four cheese ripeners, two technicians, one gerle maker, dition Salers”. and officials from the CIF and the regional INAO centre. The Salers production sector covers some hundred Our approach was to gather information by focusing on producers and a wide range of farming practices. This local skills in terms of their status (individual or collec- must be seen in relation to the region’s economic history, tive), their development, and their transmission. We also which is closely linked to that of the Cantal PDO. The made video recordings of cheese production, and used late 1960s brought a decline in demand for free-range these tapes to collect the views expressed by producers, cheese that gradually led producers to concentrate on technicians, and trainers. milk production. The same period saw the development Finally, we reported our main findings on 2008 to the of cooperatives and industrial cheese plants. Some herd- Salers section, together with representatives from the CIF ers remained faithful to the Salers breed but most turned and the regional INAO centre. The objective was to help to more productive, less demanding breeds such as Hol- decision making at the local level, with regard to the ma- stein and Montbéliarde cattle (Ricard, 1994; Delfosse, jor issues surrounding the development of the code of 1992). practice, and also to explore opportunities for strengthen- Two decades later, “cheese making” was back in fash- ing authentic production. After this period of field study ion and Salers cheese became a profitable business once ended by the report to the Salers section, we stop our again, helped by milk quota restrictions, falling milk pric- work as the ANR project (dedicated to the link between es, and growing consumer interest. Many young cow GI and sustainable development) where our work was in- herders started making cheese, supported by bank loans cluded was ended, and we had no more means to do such from the Credit Agricole that were sometimes conditional work. So, we ignore the further evolution of the local sit- on abandoning the Salers breed. uation. Production is a complex process (Photos). Renneted The first part of this article discusses the paradoxical milk is left to curdle in the gerle at a temperature of 30- trajectory of this free-range production that exists along- 34°C. The curds are then sliced, reformed, and sliced side its industrial neighbour but is the victim of its eco- again, before pressing several times in a special cheese nomic success as well as a strong sanitation controversy. press. This is left to acidify and mature for 8-12 hours It continues by analyzing the effects of producers’ techni- before grinding, salting, and stirring by hand. After a sec- cal, economic, and cultural choices on the perpetuation ond, shorter ripening stage, the ground and salted and/or evolution of knowledge, within a sector that al- “tomme” is hand-fed into cylindrical moulds where it is lows the coexistence of a wide range of factors. From pressed for 48 hours and turned several times. This twice- there, it discusses the results and goes on to explore the a-day production is substantial work. collective difficulties faced by producers in forming a Ripening continues for at least three months starting separate official entity. from the day of moulding, with the cheese turned and

Photo 1. Open-air milking a herd of cows belonging to the Salers breed, with the presence of the calves.

Photo 2. The « gerle » in action, with the beginning of decurding. wiped at regular intervals. Ripening is almost always carried out by third-party ripeners who, like the producers themselves, are diverse. An increasing number are integrated within the supply chain. The most powerful also produce Cantal cheese and does have some influence on Salers cheese making. Throughout its 40-year existence, the Salers sector has thus maintained traditions that its powerful neighbour has discarded. The two sides went their separate ways, Cantal production evolving while Salers produc- Photo 3. The curd is gathered in the gerle (Gaec des Coches).

Culture & History Digital Journal 5(1), June 2016, e006. eISSN 2253-797X, doi: http://dx.doi.org/10.3989/chdj.2016.006 6 • Laurence Bérard, François Casabianca, Marie-Christine Montel, Claire Agabriel, Rémi Bouche

Photo 4. Cutting the « tomme » before grinding, salting and Photo 5. Salers cheese ready to be sold, after some months of stirring. ripening. tion remained more or less unchanged. There are strik- production of Cantal cheeses was 17900 t. of which 98% ing contrasts between the two: Cantal pursues produc- was produced by 14 dairy plants representing more than tivity-based, large-volume output and low milk pricing; 2000 producers (data from Agreste, the office for agricul- Salers is devoted to low-volume, small-scale produc- tural statistics and studies, and DRAAF Auvergne, the tion, linked to an image of authenticity and specific French regional authority for foods, agriculture, and for- character. Salers cheese, until the late 1990s, served to estry in Auvergne). The map (see Figure 1) shows the pro- demonstrate how far Cantal production departed from duction areas for Salers and Cantal cheeses. However, local traditions. But the situation is not as clear as it thanks to the strong Cantal organization and the CIF re- seems. In the same period, the Cantal sector underwent sources, the Salers sector found enough funds for justifying significant development with careful consideration be- the gerle use. ing given to its quality objectives. The Cantal PDO had The Cantal PDO zone includes all communes in the serious problems with very low mass-market cheese Cantal department, plus some twenty in the Puy-de-Dôme prices, which in turn depressed the price of local milk to department and some in the departments of the Aveyron, below the national average. The Cantal PDO board Corrèze, and the Haute-Loire. The Salers PDO zone cov- therefore tried to modify the rules, looking to raise the ers 4250 km2, centred on the Cantal volcanic massif. Nat- perceived status of its cheese by raising the quality. ural conditions here are satisfactorily homogenous. The The progress made by Cantal did help to re-energize area is wholly enclosed within the 7200 km2 of the Cantal the entire sector. It was then that the gerle controversy es- PDO zone. calated, focusing attention on the sanitary status of the livestock required for Salers production. Despite a fa- The Great Gerle controversy vourable outcome for the gerle, now confirmed as compulsory, the INAO still expects producers to do more The gerle is key to the development of the specific work in the area of milk quality and the hygiene of tools character of Salers cheese, thanks to the role of the micro- and premises. In a move to support Salers producers, the bial flora present in the wood. It is used in the first stage of INAO also recommends tightening the specifications of production when the curds are formed. The gerle is inte- the gerle in terms of capacity, shape, type of wood, etc. gral to product specifications and an essential feature of Reinforcing quality initiatives within the context of an the Salers PDO production methods. The decree of 14 industrialized sector created a new and dynamic image for March 2000 enforced compulsory use of the gerle, with a the Cantal cheese industry. Meanwhile, the Salers supply dispensation (until 2003) for producers using stainless- chain seemed backward due to the suspicion surrounding steel tanks. its traditional, free-range practices, based on raw milk and The French INAO is the administrative body responsi- wooden tools. Interestingly, however, research increasingly ble for final validation as a compulsory set of obligations. indicates the benefits of wood (Devoyodet al., 1987; Mari- For the sake of transparency and formal democracy, the ani et al., 2007) and raw milk (Michel et al., 2008). This procedure is available to all parties concerned. The final de- comparison was made all the more striking by the absence cision is made by the French ministry of agriculture and of a structure specific to each PDO. In 2007, 1574 t of Sal- published as an official specification, which is then pro- ers cheeses were produced by 86 producers. By contrast, posed for the European register. Every producer complying

Figure 1. Cantal and Salers PDO areas (source: Brunschwig et al., 2000). with the requirements (localization, production rules, and producer. With this plan in place, a committee was formed effective assessment) is then entitled to use the protected under the control of CIF, reporting to DGAL (French pub- designation. lic food authority), INAO, and DSV. It was then that DSV As the 2004 deadline for the switch to the gerle was required that the producers control cheese safety in a stain- approaching, a major conflict erupted over its use: faith- less tank before the use of the wooden gerle. This decision fulness to this tradition was costing Salers producers disregards the gerle’s function and its capacity to provide dearly indeed. Suddenly their future hung in the balance its own fermenting. It denies the specificity of the produc- after a group of Salers producers challenged the use of the ers’ practices and the competencies on which they rest. gerle in the context of sanitary regulations. Despite the The local representative for the INAO agreed to derogate lack of evidence of food poisoning from PDO Salers temporarily for the use of the gerle to resolve this situation cheese, they alerted the French Health Ministry to the po- as some producers were prohibited from manufacturing tential risks from this form of production. This alert led simultaneously in a stainless tank and a wooden gerle. the Cantal DSV (public administration in charge of food safety and sanitary regulation) to assess the microbial The DGAL, DGS (French health public authority), safety of the cheese in terms of EC regulation (Directive and DGCCRF (French competition, consumer, and anti- 92) on the grounds that more than half the cheeses pro- fraud public authorities) sought scientific advice from duced did not comply with the bacterial standard (pres- AFSSA (the French food safety agency) about the sani- ence of Listeria monocytogenes and high level of Staphy- tary situation and risks. AFSSA concluded that the S. au- lococcus aureus). reus risk was not linked to the use of the gerle, but to the After an audit of every PDO Salers cheese producer by sanitary conditions of the herds. Despite the AFSSA’s the CIF, this professional body defined a safety plan, based positive conclusions, and a real improvement in the safe- on a self-assessment of the microbial level in line with the ty quality of the cheese, the same group made fresh repre- criteria of EC regulation, backed by individual help to the sentations in 2005, pointing out the sanitary risks and the

Culture & History Digital Journal 5(1), June 2016, e006. eISSN 2253-797X, doi: http://dx.doi.org/10.3989/chdj.2016.006 8 • Laurence Bérard, François Casabianca, Marie-Christine Montel, Claire Agabriel, Rémi Bouche problems of compliance with EC regulations. Their aim the ripeners for the fresh cheese. Salers cheese thus has was to have the INAO revise its decree and authorize the effectively taken the place of authentic, free-range Can- use of either the wooden gerle or stainless-steel vats. At tal, which is now rarely available at the local level. the same time, a group of producers argued that the gerle This heterogeneity is compounded by a relatively was necessary for the cheese’s sensorial qualities, cultural large production area that extends across three distinct re- heritage, local know-how, and product image. At the end gions: the Monts du Cantal, cradle of the appellation, the of 2005, a “commission of inquiry”, composed of profes- Aurillac Basin (plain), and the Cézallier plateau which sionals and scientists nominated by INAO after consulta- includes the Saint-Flour and Planèze plateaus, where the tion with all players in the supply chain rendered a fa- cultural pattern is weaker. The latter are characterized by vourable opinion for the gerle. The controversy then died more clustered farm settlements (Durand, 1946; Fel, down, thanks to local producers who crystallized the is- 1962) that may be some distance from the grazing mead- sues at stake, with input from local research and training ows, forcing herders to use a mobile milking unit and centres studying the role of wood (Callon et al., 2004; transport the milk back to the farm to make it into cheese. Didienne et al., 2012). After that time, every Salers pro- The organization of the work is also diverse. Some ducer who submits a proficiency statement is required to farmers employ a professional cheese-maker, so that herd pass a series of product safety tests prior to authorization. management and milk processing are the responsibility of two people of different status. Then again, many farms An ambiguous set of rules are run entirely by the husband and wife who divide the tasks between them depending on their skills and inclina- The gerle is the centrepiece of pressure and contro- tions. Whatever the case, the workload is considerable, at versy, but behind it lies a more general difficulty: build- a time when the cost and shortage of labour make it in- ing a sense of collectivity around co-existing differences creasingly difficult to maintain a traditional, labour-inten- that are hard to reconcile such as the Salers and Holstein sive farming system (Bordessoule, 2006). breeds of cattle, gerle capacity ranging from 400 to 1000 What does it mean to own a herd of Salers, Holstein, litres, and cheeses made from herds grazed in lush sum- or Montbéliarde cattle? What criteria determine that mer pastures or on the plain. choice and what are its implications for overall organiza- In practice, product specifications are open to inter- tion? pretation. The result is a wide variety of farming methods For centuries, the Salers breed, lynchpin of the tradi- and the coexistence of different, sometimes conflicting tional Cantal farming system, has imprinted its rhythm on models within a growing business sector subject to strong local society. The maternal character of the cow and her hygienic pressures. These two factors have a disruptive devotion to her calf, often mentioned by herders, has a influence on the supply chain as a whole. very real effect on milking. Today, as ever, she will only produce milk if her calf is close by. The intimate relation- Technical choices of a very different kind ship between the herder and the cow is evident from a variety of factors such as the naming of the calf and the A brief summary of recent economic history can ex- way the herder calls it to its mother’s side then ties it to plain the way things stand today, as surprising as they her leg to prevent suckling during milking. may seem. That coexistence of unrelated production sys- Average milk output from a herd of Salers cattle is ap- tems is the legacy of cultural mores and standards that proximately 3500 litres per year, and the animals are al- have been handed down through the generations. A hand- most exclusively fed on grass. The milk’s composition is ful of purists and enthusiasts remain devoted to tradition- particularly well suited to cheese making. By suckling at al production and continue to move their herds to summer the end of milking, the calf takes the milk that is richest in pastures where they make cheese in a “buron” (shep- fat, modifying the composition of the milk that is used to herd’s hut), using milk produced exclusively by nursing make cheese. In triggering letdown, the calf also cleans Salers cattle, when open-air milking is particularly diffi- the teats with its tongue. Small-scale ripeners who work cult due to the presence of the calf. The number of such alongside Salers herders all agree that only Salers cheese producers grows smaller every year but they enjoy a firm- made from Salers milk can withstand the prolonged rip- ly established status. Others also make cheese from herds ening required for the full development of the aromas. grazed in mountain pastures, but from the milk of Mont- Some ripeners say that the difference is evident within béliarde cattle. The vast majority, meanwhile, make five to six months of ripening and can become quite re- cheese on the farm from the milk of Holstein, Mont- markable after 24 months. This type of husbandry goes béliarde, Abondance or, much more rarely, Salers cattle. hand in hand with the use of gerles with a capacity never The size of a herd ranges from 40-100 or even 150 head greater than 300 l., and methods of production that re- on large farms. quire no fermenting agents. Based on these production Some producers have turned to tourism and sell part principles, the cheese has the characteristic taste and ap- of their output direct to the consumer. Others sell milk to pearance, especially in terms of the rind. In the end, the cooperatives and commercial dairies. The production of choice of breed cannot be considered in isolation. It forms fresh free-range Cantal cheese (in its unrefined state) has part of an integrated, harmonious approach to production. all but disappeared because of the very low price given by This is particularly true of the Salers breed that serves as

The “Holstein system” described by one breeder de- Diversity and Gerle use fining his particular livestock practices —80 cows, pasture rotation with concentrated feed supplements, free Public uproar threatened to put an end to Salers pro- stalls, and a milking room— might apply equally to num- duction altogether. Producers split into two fiercely op- bers of Montbéliarde breeders. Some Montbéliarde posing camps, represented by two separate associations, breeders also tend to have the largest gerles (more than for and against the gerle. It is difficult to explain the vio- 1000 l. capacity) and the largest milking units and are lence of this controversy. It has something to do with the nearly twice as numerous as all the other Salers producers cultural pride of using this tool. In fact, it is more difficult combined: there are 44 Montbéliarde herders compared to curdle raw milk in a wooden container that in a stain- with 14 Holstein, barely 10 Salers and an indeterminate less steel one. Producers must learn to use it; it is part of number of herders with crossbreed cattle. collective local know-how. A number of new producers Therefore, the choice of breed does not necessarily im- have learned to make Salers in a stainless steel vat and ply very different patterns of livestock breeding. Different they refuse to take the sanitary risk of using a local tool milks do in fact have different effects on cheese produc- that doesn’t make any sense to them. tion. According to some ripeners, Salers cheese made from milk with high fat content seems to have a shorter What I do not admit is that it is the gerle, they are so in- aging period. Some producers get around the problem by coherent things, one is under the constraint of hygiene 3 and one makes us take risks! (interview to a producer partially skimming the milk. Others curdle the milk dif- using a 1200 l. capacity gerle). ferently: rather than leaving it to curdle slowly as required by the traditional method (so as to retain the maximum At the other end of the chain are the producers for amount of solids), they swirl it around quickly in order to whom the gerle represents all. “If the gerle had been lost separate and “lose” some fat content. These differences we would have stopped” (interview to a producer using a were readily visible in our video recordings. Producers 450 l. capacity gerle). Producers in the heart of the pro- with Salers cows kept the maximum of fat while produc- duction zone are more attached to the gerle than those in ers with Holstein cows removed a great quantity of fat. It the border areas. follows that an old code of practice written only for the The controversy over gerle use dramatically illumi- Salers breed is no longer relevant to all farmers. nated all the difficulties of establishing hygiene stand- Naturally, not all Montbéliarde breeding is intensive. ards compatible with tradition. It also revealed the local Most of the herds range from 40 to 60 head and some tensions when tradition is not lived in the same way, breeders continue to use the methods they applied when perhaps far from it, by the various actors of the sector. they were using Salers breed. To keep gerle use or to remove it rests on arguments be- Our Montbéliarde cattle know just where to stand, al- longing to various registers. Those declared against the ways in the same place, just like we teach them, train gerle, the minority, do not account for the particularity them like we trained our Salers cattle. Hard work minds of this container and treat it as a stainless tank. For the you…Montbéliarde cattle are the closest to Salers (in- others, the gerle “works” if its use is correctly “carried terview to a breeder). out”. But the health issue has led to greater confusion and In winter, a few continue to make small quantities of disrupted production methods, raising doubts and forcing free-range Cantal, curdling the milk in stainless-steel an unnecessarily detailed exploration of the management tanks (not in gerles). But most simply sell their milk to of microbial ecosystems. Gerle maintenance —rinsing commercial Cantal cheese plants. The cattle diet is modi- with whey, scrubbing after use, priming at the start of the fied accordingly, with particular emphasis on output since season— is an example. How should the condition of the until very recently Cantal production specifications con- gerle and the qualities of the raw milk be handled? Is the tained few restrictions on cattle feeding. Therefore the aim to implant the beneficial microbial biofilm on the sur- most productive systems are also the most profitable, sup- face of the gerle? On the one hand, it is necessary to ported by a technical monitoring programme that aims to maintain a balanced microbial population (lactic acid develop the most hygienic practices. bacteria and non-lactic acid bacteria separated into Gram

Culture & History Digital Journal 5(1), June 2016, e006. eISSN 2253-797X, doi: http://dx.doi.org/10.3989/chdj.2016.006 10 • Laurence Bérard, François Casabianca, Marie-Christine Montel, Claire Agabriel, Rémi Bouche

Photo 6. Cleaning the « gerles » in order to respect the microbes for the next cheese fabrication (Caldeyrou Arpajon).

positive and Gram negative yeasts and moulds) that work A Collective faced with difficulties together for the development of the product’s flavour. On the other hand, it is necessary to eliminate pathogenic This is a critical moment in the reform of certification bacteria to comply with EC regulation (Didienne et al., and inspection authorities, so it seems timely to ask ques- 2012). tions about the role of local knowledge in relation to col- The practices entailed here are difficult for producers lective action. The Salers cheese sector was traditionally to justify since they find themselves in unfamiliar territo- managed by the same “Syndicat de Defense” as the Can- ry, called into question on the status of their habitual ex- tal sector. Now that it has its own governing body, it is pertise. As tensions mount, some producers try to avoid learning how to function as a collective. Given the con- the risk of sanctions by adapting their working methods. text, it is difficult to see how collective action might be New security rules appear that make no sense to the pro- organized for the protection and development of Salers ducers themselves, particularly those requiring excessive cheese production. cleaning of the gerle (with boiling water and detergent) and the often needless addition of fermenting agents. How to deal with Heritage? Such use is often suggested and sometimes enforced by ripeners, who acquire undue influence on the finished Many of the current difficulties arise from the fact product. However, there is a broad range of answers that Salers cheese was abandoned by the previous gen- which reflects more or less self-confidence, capacity to eration and then recently revived. The continuity main- impose knowledge, and perseverance to explore this dif- tained by some producers exists alongside innovations ficult field of microbes. The size of the gerle, which is not introduced by others, reinforcing the characteristic het- regulated, is another very disturbing element in the coher- erogeneity of the sector —a sector nonetheless founded ence of practices. on the stricter observance of authenticity. The initial Such diversity becomes a real problem for the supply break came in a period marked by major agricultural up- chain itself. There are too many diverging interests, and heaval: changes in herd composition and new feeding the players involved have too few reasons to find com- methods that included the introduction of silage. The re- mon ground. The Salers cheese sector has the character of turn to traditional production methods occurred under a highly heterogeneous set of individuals, not a real col- very different conditions, which may be the problem: lective. Differences such as cattle breed, pasture type, and “there is just ‘too much room for free play’. The limits herd size are in effect a collective weakness. The great of that free play might have been better defined” (Os- “gerle” controversy, that jeopardized the Salers sector, trom, 1990), if product specifications had focused more also demonstrated the difficulties of grouping such dis- thoroughly on the pressure points, and had done so similar producers under a single PDO. sooner.

For instance, Salers specifications did not originally There’s a huge festival in Allanches in celebration of include the compulsory use of the gerle. As a result, sev- the herd’s movement to summer pasture, but it’s mis- eral newcomers learned to make the cheese in stainless leading because Salers cattle now play only a marginal steel tanks, particularly in regions where the model was role in the production of Salers cheese (interview to a less culturally rooted, such as the Aurillac Basin and the ripener). Cézallier plateau. Use of the gerle was made compulsory by the very last decree, representing a major victory for One can well imagine how embarrassing this is for those in favour of more traditional methods. For the time the producers. being however, there are no regulations covering either A similar difficulty is raised by the image of the “bu- the capacity of the gerle or the choice of breed, which is ron”, the little cheese house that was traditionally used left to the discretion of individual herders. In practical by people in the mountain season. When the Salers PDO terms, it is plainly as important to regulate these two fac- was created, these burons were numerous and had their tors as it is to regulate seasonality or free-range produc- place. Nowadays they are disappearing. But should the tion. Otherwise such gaps in regulation encourage a drift PDO allow this foundation myth to perish with the last that creates problems for the general consistency of the buron? They may no longer be a model for the young sector and its capacity to form a collective (Casabianca et producers (the way of life is really too removed from al., 1993). present lifestyles); still, this heritage question is a heavy The discrepancy in this area underscores the affinity responsibility. that exists between the most intensive producers and industrial cheese makers. They share the same mentality Diversity of local knowledge: strength or weakness? and account for a large part of the Salers sector in terms of quantity. The cheese they make is very similar to Can- Until now Cantal and Salers cheese production shared tal and based on much the same principles. They receive a common syndicate, with a marked imbalance in finan- advice from the big Cantal dairy firms. The fermenting cial contributions to their joint trade association, the CIF. agents are the same and the oversized gerles serve little What can we expect to happen following the INAO re- or no practical purpose, their use being in any case hotly form currently underway? The rifts resulting from the contested by industrial cheese producers. Advocates of handling of the crisis ran deep and threaten to re-open. the traditional wooden gerle were outraged when some- Added to this is the sheer workload entailed in twice-dai- one suggested “wrapping” a stainless steel tank in wood. ly cheese production, each fresh ‘tome’ taking at least Nevertheless, Salers cheese is good business and indus- three hours to process. Producers are also very isolated trialists would love to steer production in a more homo- from each other, scattered across the zone. All of this geneous direction. Their influence, however, is disrup- helps to explain why there is so little collective feeling, in tive to the identity of Salers and fosters rifts within the terms of the points of view expressed and the behaviour sector. patterns observed. The specifications do retain certain strong points and As mentioned, the new legislative reform of the economic conditions remain favourable. The gerle itself ODGs has led to a big change in the existing structure by has particular significance in terms of the producers’ gen- creating a Salers section within the CIF. This first step to- eral perception of things, the production problems associ- wards self-organization represents a golden opportunity ated with the use of a wooden container, and of the limit to build much needed cohesion within the collective. Pro- to what may be shared by “authentic”, “opportunist”, and ducers or their representatives can come to terms with “new” producers alike (although they are all, in a sense, principles of collective responsibility that have so far “newcomers”). This sharing —recent for some produc- largely eluded them. ers— is still more theoretical than actual, which does a lot In the end, the weight of tradition symbolized by the to explain the weak response to administrative injunc- Salers breed —summer milking and cheese-making in a tions at the time of the disagreement over hygiene. “buron”— puts too great a mental and psychological The Salers breed plays a key part in positioning the load on many of the current Salers producers. Will they whole sector. Referring as well to the name of their have what it takes to move the rules forward, towards cheese, the fact that this cattle breed became marginal production systems that are more practical and viable in makes producers feel nostalgic for the animal and sad to economic terms, and dispel tensions arising from models give it up. But there is also a clear, often first-hand aware- that are no longer socially acceptable today? Authorities ness of the difficulties entailed. An ever-smaller handful such as the newly formed Salers section plainly provide of producers remain passionate about the lifestyles asso- the conditions for producers to move in this direction, ciated with the breed, however harsh. and reduce the seemingly excessive diversity of current The heritage of the Salers breed, as illustrated in practices. many fine books, is proving particularly difficult to man- The Cantal PDO illustrates one possible approach: age. The omnipresent, powerful image of the Salers cow choose the more efficient or more frequent technique, and —from its touchingly maternal behaviour to the cheese- add that to the code of practice as a rule for all producers. making methods and places that it stands for— tends to In reality, this normative approach seems irrelevant to the backfire in a disruptive, uncontrollable fashion: current circumstances of the Salers PDO.

Culture & History Digital Journal 5(1), June 2016, e006. eISSN 2253-797X, doi: http://dx.doi.org/10.3989/chdj.2016.006 12 • Laurence Bérard, François Casabianca, Marie-Christine Montel, Claire Agabriel, Rémi Bouche

We reported our results directly to the new Salers sec- different players together is their passion, sometimes a tion, as material for internal debate. Mainly, we suggested passion for the Salers breed, but mainly a shared passion that not all differences between producers deserved the for making cheese. Time and again we were told that same approach. Some differences add strengths worth “you have to love this job”. In terms of local dynamics, preserving, while others contribute to collective weak- we think it essential to define local knowledge as the re- ness. The real discussion must focus on the distinction source that reinforces the relationship among producers between these two categories, and efforts be focused ac- and promises to cement the entire sector. cordingly. Debate has to focus on the product itself, on the way it is perceived, and on local skills and knowl- Conclusions edge. It has to bring together farm processors and ripeners. After spending so much time and energy on sanitary A Salers Actor Network issues, it is time to pay attention to the quality and typi- cality of the product. From these obligations of results, it The ANT conceptual framework acknowledges the becomes possible to approach diversity of technical fact that agrarian know-how is dynamic and interactive, choices and productive practices in a new way. The main and that it forms the relationships between farmers and message delivered to the Salers section was therefore di- their cattle, between ripeners and the gerle, even be- rected towards the major difficulty it encounters: to select tween hygenists, producers and the microbes them- between (1) what must absolutely be maintained in the selves. ANT takes power to be the effect or result —not variety of the situations of production, and (2) what the cause— of dynamics and interactions among act- should be regarded as a dangerous heterogeneity for col- ants. For instance, as we have shown for the gerle, its lective action and the shared identity. The results can clar- sheen of microbial action can assist small producers, or, ify this necessary selection and mitigate its potential con- hindered by harsh cleaning agents, shift power to ripen- flicting effects. ers and larger manufacturers. This managed diversity This way, the particular orientation of each producer —the discontinuous, interlinked, and often contradicto- should be to enable the milk, the young cheese, and the ry local knowledge— is the source of the renowned high ripened cheese to be part of the PDO. Maybe the Salers quality of the Salers cheese product and a source of section should consider different categories within the power for smaller artisanal producers, yet it also has PDO (the Cantal PDO includes three types). That way, hindered development of the label as a regulatory instru- the legitimacy of each current alternative might be ad- ment, and for somewhat different reasons, the coopera- dressed from a collective perspective, and not merely as tive relations among sector members. As ANT suggests, individual choices. Such an approach should give the this knowledge-diversity nexus can become the basis for Salers section the spirit of trust it needs to face up to the an empowered agrarian sector (Scott, 1998), and raises changes that have to be made, the rules that have to be important questions with respect to how the loss of even tightened, and the decisions that have to be reached and marginal practices might affect knowledge, power, and enforced. These rules relate to a variety of local resourc- quality, if differences can be sufficiently overcome to es that have an impact on the special nature of Salers permit the collaborative efforts necessary to solidify the cheese. Obviously, some choices are more reversible specifications and manage the PDO. than others, particularly the choice of the gerle wood, the Our analysis was conducted by an interdisciplinary capacity of the gerle —crucial for the effectiveness of research group including specific expertise in herd man- the microbial ecosystem— and the use of fermenting agement and the effect of wood on production, fields di- agents. Pragmatically, it could be proposed that the ex- rectly related to Salers production efficiency. The deci- tension services acting locally give some help to the pro- sion to focus on local skills proved fruitful, providing ducers during their learning period, thus making a short- opportunities to assess the consistency of the different term change feasible. systems used by the producers interviewed. A real actor Other choices impact the production system itself and network is emerging, including cattle, microbes, wooden seem to be harder to reverse. In particular, the size of herd tools, and cheeses, not only people. The competencies and the choice of breed appear to be out of the present that each one represents serve as links between the vari- debate within the Salers section. If such changes are con- ous actants. sidered necessary, some transition period must be imag- ined in order to allow producers to comply with the new The Salers section: A new arena for the PDO rules in the long term. governance Such learning processes should dramatically reinforce the sustainability of the Salers PDO sector. Salers produc- Local practices are considered here for what they are ers must now come to appreciate the full significance of and what they represent to those who use them. All of this gerle issue, and so rebuild their confidence and pro- these practices relate to characteristic product features ject themselves as a group (Olson, 1987). Does the issue created by the producers involved. This perspective is es- create a fresh base from which the group will emerge sential to understanding the resources that must be rein- with a renewed understanding of tradition and their socio- forced for the sake of the production system in question, cultural heritage? In the end, what seems to bind these and the rules that must be tightened.

The newly created section could provide a forum for NOTES discussion, debate, and development of collective rules. The range of knowledge and know-how now gathered 1 Though ANT may help explaining the dynamic, inter-active, net- could serve as material for these discussions, and become working role of local agricultural knowledge in Salers PDO production, it does present an interesting ontological tension regard- the essential link between producers. In particular, we ing essentialism. ANT is valued as ‘one of the many hope that the distinction between diversity as strength and anti-essentialist movements that seems to characterize the end of heterogeneity as weakness would take the personal ele- the century’ (Latour, 1999: 20), yet GI and PDO are predicated ment out of the debate. Effective distribution of knowl- on recognizing, fostering, valuing, and evaluating the essentiality of an agricultural product. Writing further on this paradox and its edge can enhance internal democracy (Latour, 2004) and implications, particularly regarding recent critiques of patrimony, encourage the collaborative production of new features is needed. that better favour convergence between producers. 2 The French INAO is the administrative body responsible for final Given this context, the now-compulsory status of the validation as a compulsory set of obligations. For the sake of gerle may be seen as a decisive victory for the future of transparency and formal democracy, the procedure is available to all parties concerned. The final decision is made by the French the cheese and those who make it: ministry of agriculture and published as an official specification, which is then proposed for the European register. Every producer A well-earned reward for the effort expended on obtain- complying with the requirements (localization, production rules, ing approvals and surviving despite the disturbing prox- and effective assessment) is then entitled to use the protected imity of the mighty Cantal industry. The introduction of designation. new hygiene rules led to some serious soul-searching at 3 This practice was forbidden from 2010 onwards (Salers decree of every level, forcing administrators and veterinary ser- 14 March 2000). vices alike to justify the criteria on which they granted or refused approvals. Seen in this light, the gerle out- References come is an example for all special production systems that, like the Salers sector, find themselves in conflict Akrich, Marianne (1992) “The De-scription of Technical Objects”. with hygiene restrictions that challenge traditional prac- In Shaping Technology/Building Society. 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