Feminism and Nationalism in Cold War East Pakistan

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Feminism and Nationalism in Cold War East Pakistan Südasien-Chronik - South Asia Chronicle 4/2014, S. 49-68 © Südasien-Seminar der Humboldt-Universität zu Berlin ISBN: 978-3-86004-303-5 Feminism and Nationalism in Cold War East Pakistan ELORA SHEHABUDDIN [email protected] Every independent nation is paying special attention to the pro- gress of women. It is not possible for a country that does not have a women’s movement to undergo extensive improvement. […] The women of our country are lagging behind those of other countries. […] There are many reasons for this, of which the lack of education is one. East Bengal is an agricultural land. […] The climate of organisation that prevails in the cities is lacking in the countryside. For this reason, the majority of the people of our country cannot become immediately familiar with the changes of the times. Women are further oppressed because they are at the 49 back of the group […]. Pakistan needs a women’s movement. Poverty, poor health, illiteracy, and unemployment, these are the root problems of our country. Alongside our men, we too must work tirelessly to solve these problems. (Begum 2006: 925-6) This excerpt is taken from an editorial in the Bengali women’s ma- gazine Begum, published on 23 March 1952. The piece goes on to cite examples of women’s groups and women’s meetings in the Arab world and in London as sources of inspiration for working “to improve women’s rights, rural education, and social moral standards” (Begum 2006: 926). The timing and the content of this statement raise several interesting points. Just a month earlier, women’s and human rights activist and former US First Lady Eleanor Roosevelt had arrived in Karachi, Pakistan, for a seven-day visit as a guest of the All-Pakistan Women’s Association (APWA). At the airport, Roosevelt was greeted by “thousands of cheering Pakistanis, many of them riding elaborately decorated camel carts” that were, according to the New York Times, “something of a Karachi trademark” (James 1952a: 2). The following day, she met with members of APWA, including founder and president Begum Ra’ana Liaquat Ali Khan and Begum Hussain Malik, the general secretary of the organisation. They and FOCUS: MAPPING BANGLADESH STUDIES other members worked hard throughout the day to impress upon Roosevelt the many rights enjoyed by women under Muslim law. At a Special Human Rights Seminar organised by APWA at the Beach Luxury Hotel in Karachi on 21 February 1952, Khan noted that it was “a matter of great pride and good fortune” that the human rights principles now endorsed by the United Nations were “the very basis of Islam itself and adopted by Constituent Assembly of Pakistan” in 1949 (Douglas 1980: 17-8; James 1952b). Roosevelt’s weeklong visit to Pakistan included a day trip to East Bengal, where her host for the day was the Austrian-born Viqarunnesa Noon, the wife of the then-governor Firoz Khan Noon. In her travel memoirs, Roosevelt would describe Begum Noon as “charming in a soft pink sari” and recalled her insistence on the need “in East Pakistan [for] the kind of domestic science training school the Begum Liaquat Ali Khan had obtained from the Ford Foundation for Karachi” (Roosevelt 1953: 85). Although the Home Economics College in Dhaka would not be founded until 1961 (with funding from the Ford Foundation and Oklahoma State University), Begum Noon was able to establish in 1952 the Viqarunnissa Noon School for girls that remains very highly regarded to this day. 50 While Eleanor Roosevelt’s hectic schedule in Pakistan and her memoirs of the visit are certainly fascinating, the far greater significance of the timing of her trip is of course immediately obvious to anyone familiar with Bangladesh’s nationalist history. On 21 February 1952, the very day that Eleanor Roosevelt was meeting with APWA leaders in Karachi, 1800 miles to the east, in Dhaka, rallies in support of making Bengali an official language of Pakistan alongside Urdu ended in the police shooting and killing of five people, including university students and a nine-year-old boy. Fellow activists quickly declared them shaheed or martyrs and built a memorial to mark the site of the first killings (van Schendel 2009: 113). Today, over sixty years later, Bangladesh continues to commemorate ekushey February (February 21) as Language Movement Day. The day is widely regarded as the first milestone in the Bengali nationalist movement that would culminate in the independence of Bangladesh just two decades later in 1971. In 1999, UNESCO would recognise the day as International Mother Language Day. The excerpt from Begum with which this article begins was far from exceptional. Founded in Kolkata in July 1947 by veteran journalist and publisher Muhammad Nasiruddin, the magazine’s “main objective has FOCUS: MAPPING BANGLADESH STUDIES always been the all-out welfare and development of Bengali women and to lead them to self-emancipation” (Akhtar 2013: 115). In May 1952, just months after the events of ekushey February, the ma- gazine’s office moved from Kolkata to Dhaka. From its earliest days, the pages of this “non-political, non-communal” weekly magazine featured articles on a variety of topics such as “women’s health, conjugal life, children’s care and future, women’s liberation, recreation, home economics, music, sports and games, and last but not least, the art of beautification.” In letters to the editor, readers disputed issues ranging from beauti- fication to women’s education to the practice of purdah (ibid.). Scattered across the pages of Begum were demands for attention to women’s rights and to women’s education, especially in rural areas. That such demands persisted alongside the language movement or bhasha andolon suggests that the writers did not perceive a conflict between demanding their rights as women and their rights as Bengalis. Indeed, the demand for education was widespread and sustained, and very much tied to the demand for Bengali to be recognised as an official language. The epigraph of this article – and numerous other excerpts from the magazine – show that many women were en- 51 visioning a role beyond motherhood and keeping a close eye on developments in women’s movements elsewhere. This article examines the relationship between women’s rights activism and nationalist activism in East Bengal in the 1950s and 1960s, with special attention to the broader transnational context within which these discussions took place. This paper is part of a larger project in which I trace changing constructions of the Muslim woman – and her Western counterpart – through the history of interactions between feminism in the West and in Muslim communities in South Asia. The project is situated in the contexts of British imperialism and American hegemony, spanning two centuries from the nineteenth century to the present. There is already much valuable scholarly work on the period of formal colonial rule in South Asia that examines how colonial ad- ministrators and missionaries justified their presence in the region by pointing to the need to ‘save’ local women from their plight. There has also been some critical analysis of late twentieth and early twenty-first centuries efforts by non-governmental organisations (NGOs) targeting women in the countries of present-day South Asia that has shown how these organisations flourish in and reinforce a harsh global neoliberal FOCUS: MAPPING BANGLADESH STUDIES regime, often at the expense of the village women who do not ultimately emerge out of poverty. However, these studies, including my own (cf. White 1992; Shehabuddin 2008; Karim 2011), have tended to jump directly from the colonial civilising mission to the ‘Women in Development’ enterprise and NGO boom of the 1970s and 1980s. By focusing on the 1950s and 1960s in this article, I hope to help close the gap between studies of the colonial period and the era of women and development, and also to contribute to the emerging field of gendered histories of the Cold War and particularly of the Cold war on the ‘periphery’ (cf. de Haan et al. 2013; McMahon 1994). Moreover, bringing both gender and the transnational context into the history of this era in East Bengal allows me to complicate the nationalist nar- ratives of both Pakistan and post-1971 Bangladesh. While histories of Pakistan have tended to privilege what was then West Pakistan to the point of entirely ignoring the then -eastern wing of the country (cf. Ansari 2011), histories of Bangladesh have tended to work within a linear nationalist narrative punctuated always by 1947, 1952, and 1971; exceptions to this include the very recent work of Willem van Schendel (2009), Yasmin Saikia (2011), Saadia Toor (2011), Srinath 52 Raghavan (2013) and Neilesh Bose (2014). While the events of 1947, 1952, and 1971 indeed represent important milestones in the nation’s history, a half-century later, it is crucial that we better understand the negotiations, compromises, collaborations, and assumptions that un- dergirded the activisms of the 1947-71 period in both East and West Pakistan (referred to as Pakistan amol or ‘Pakistan period’ in Bangla- desh today). I begin by briefly describing some aspects of nationalist and women’s rights activism by women in East Bengal in the early post- Partition years. I then turn to the larger transnational context within which such activism occurred, focusing on Pakistan’s place in the Cold War competition between the United States and the Soviet Union and to overtures by both countries in the area of women’s rights and de- velopment. I conclude by returning to the statements and activities of women activists on the ground in East Bengal to tease out their efforts to negotiate between greater cultural and gender rights in the context of the Cold War.
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