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Cultural Muslims: Background Forces and Factors Influencing Everyday Religiosity of Muslim People

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Cultural Muslims: Background Forces and Factors Influencing Everyday Religiosity of Muslim People Tarih Kültür ve Sanat Ara ştırmaları Dergisi (ISSN: 2147-0626) Journal of History Culture and Art Research Vol. 3, No. 3, September 2014 Revue des Recherches en Histoire Culture et Art Copyright © Karabuk University http://kutaksam.karabuk.edu.tr/index.php اث ا ر وا وا DOI: 10.7596/taksad.v3i3.360 Cultural Muslims: Background Forces and Factors Influencing Everyday Religiosity of Muslim People i Selman Yılmaz Abstract Most observers of the science of religion define Islam as a monolithic religion. Some people pinpoint a cultural practice from a Muslim-majority country and generalize it as a practice of all Muslims around the world by assuming that Islam is a monolithic religion. In fact, Islam never meant the same thing to all Muslims. While the majority of Muslims agree on the core tenets of Islam, Muslims across the world differ significantly in their levels of religious commitment and openness to multiple interpretations of their faith. In addition, fluctuation on the core tenets of Islam among Muslim majority countries suggest that some Muslims make religion a part of their cultural life and practice religion as a cultural habit. There are many points that cultural and religious practices are mixed. This study helps to acknowledge the relationship between regional culture and religious culture, and background reasons of common everyday activities of Muslim people. Keywords: Popular religion, Everyday religion, Popular Islam, Perception of religion, Cultural Muslim, Cultural Attitudes in the Muslim world i Selman Yılmaz, Ph.D., is a faculty member of the Faculty of Divinity at Ankara University. Corresponding address [email protected] 1 Introduction This study examines background reasons of common everyday activities of Muslim people as well as the relationship between regional culture and religious culture. Everyday religion, popular religion, folk religion, unofficial religion, lived religion, common religion, religious populism and some other concepts such as implicit religion, as approached by Bailey, invisible religion, by Luckmann, and civil religion, by Bellah—all of these terms point to a dimension of religious life that suggests a differentiation between the religion of ordinary people and the religion of theologians, reverends, and other religious professionals. Official religion tends to be the religion of elite, those who exercise effective power and therefore dominate a society. These groups hold religious institutions like mosques, churches, synagogues, temples, and councils and effectively determine what religion actually is (Lippy, 1994: 1-5). On the other hand, popular religion reflects the lived and unstructured religion of ordinary people and is term that has developed mainly in contrast to institutionalized, established, and official religion. Nevertheless, restricting its reference purely to vulgar, superstitious, irrational, and retrograde is unfair (Possamai 2011: 249). Therefore, popular religion is not an alternative, opposite, parallel, or independent religion of the official religion (Zaccaria, 2010: 5; McGuire 2008: 45). It represents religion’s ongoing and dynamic relationship with the realities of everyday life (Orsi, 1997: 7). Religion is not for scholars only. It is something to live by and die by (Corn, 1942: 77). Since many academic disciplines, including social sciences (anthropology, psychology, sociology), religious studies (historical, comparative), and theology, contributed understanding of popular religion, examples of terminological disagreements increase (Zaccaria, 2010: 3). According to Bruce David Forbes, there are at least four different relationships between religion and popular culture: 1. Religion in popular culture, 2. Popular culture in religion, 3. Popular culture as religion, and 4. Religion and popular culture in dialogue (Forbes, 2000: 10; also see Chidester, 2005: 30-51). Religion in popular culture refers to the appearance, explicitly or implicitly, of religious themes, language, imagery, and subject matter in elements of popular culture (e.g. themes in 2 movies, sports, advertising, entertainment, music, social media, and games). Religion penetrates these areas that are considered secular. Popular culture in religion refers to consciously or unconsciously borrowing examples, images, languages, themes, and assumptions from popular culture as tools for religion’s purposes. In other words, this category refers to the appropriation of aspects of popular culture by religious groups and institutions. One question may arise that if so much borrowing of customs and regional culture occur, how can a religion continue its uniqueness? Once a custom is accepted into a religion’s system, it adapts to that system and becomes an integral part of it through time and usage (Joseph-Witham, 1998: 198). Popular culture as religion means that popular culture sometimes serves as religion or functions like religion for many people. Adam Possamai coined the term “hyper-real religion” to refer to a simulacrum of a religion created out of popular culture (Possamai, 2012: 19-20). Examples include Jediism, from the Star Wars films, and Matrixism, from the Matrix films. Religion and popular culture in dialogue means that religion and popular culture influence each other simultaneously. The mingling of religion and popular culture can be a result of social reality or a product of a deliberate intention. National churches in Christianity such as the Church of England, Armenian Church, Syriac Church, and Chaldean Church are among examples how popular culture may shape religion. In Islam, differences between Sunnis and Shiites can be explained by popular culture too. The interaction between religion and popular culture are mostly a slow process and not easy to realize their effects on each other in a short period of time. However, in some cases there would be a deliberate action to design this interaction. For instance, in the early years of the new Republic of Turkey from 1920s through 1950, the rulers of Turkey endorsed secularist nationalism and presented a top-down social engineering project. These elites had minimized or reduced the role of religion in the country by abolishing the caliph in 1924; closing dervish lodges and Islamic monasteries in 1925; leaving Arabic scripts in the Turkish alphabet for Latin in 1928; revoking the second section of the Constitution that mentioned “the official religion of Turkey is Islam” in 1928; reciting azan in Turkish instead of Arabic between 1932-1950; banning the veil and fez in 1934; changing the weekend vocation from Friday to Sunday in 1935; and constitutionalizing that “Turkey is a secular state” in 1937. 3 Therefore, the Turkish state imposed a secular religiosity where local and national values came to prominence (Gunduz, 2010: 30-33). Turkish azan and pray were the most extreme examples to show how this new religiosity was shaped in that times. Although the early rulers of Turkey tried to shape a secular and nationalist Turkish Islam, they mostly failed. Majority of population did not respect these changes and continued their old beliefs and practices as usual. Majority of the Muslim countries in the MENA (Middle East and North Africa) region have gone through experiences similar to Turkey’s. When they achieved independence from colonial rule, the states took over many institutions of religious learning and training to use them for their own nationalist projects (Yilmaz, 2013: 16, 34; for Egypt see Berger, 1970: 44). Other Muslim countries, which are outside of the MENA region, have experienced similar problems too. In the Indonesian case, the state policy obliged all political and mass organizations to replace their religious-ideological foundations with the state ideology Pancasila ii (Saleh, 2001: 301). When East Pakistan (Bangladesh) gained her independence from West Pakistan in 1970s, the common bond of Islam was no longer emphasized and replaced by common linguistic heritage, invented secular traditions, ethnicity, and secular nationalism (Uddin, 2006: 121-123). After the collapse of Communism, Central Asian governments have sought ways to control Islam and exploited Islamic elements for their state-building projects and used Islam as source of legitimacy (Louw, 2007: 33). In some cases such as Tajikistan, governments fabricated a pre-Islamic landscape of an official collective memory to erode Islamic elements from their national identities (Epkenhans, 2011: 81) that caused spreading of popular elements through Islam. However, aforementioned examples do not mean that social realities have no influence on religions. The four categories between religion and popular culture suggest that religion and popular culture have a constant interactive relationship. Among these categories, the impact of popular culture upon religion has been the least examined (Forbes, 2000: 13). It is more difficult to see the popular culture in religion than other categories. Without comparing different cultures, researchers may fail to find the origin of some religious behaviors and may assume that these behaviors came from religious orders even though ii (Indonesian from Sanskrit) A formulation of five principles put forward by Sukarno in 1945 as the philosophic basis for an Indonesian state and the official ideology of the state after 1958. The principles are "Belief in God," "humanitarianism," "nationalism," "democracy," and "social justice." 4 they are reflections of culture. The analysis of popular culture can provide insights about how religions
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