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The Socialist Issue 867
The Socialist issue 867 Socialist Party | Print The Labour Party, Militant and 'infiltration' In fury at the popularity of Jeremy Corbyn's Labour leadership campaign, right wing politicians and media alike have been referring to 'infiltration' of the Labour Party by Militant supporters. Militant was the predecessor of the Socialist Party - whose supporters in the past were members of the Labour Party. This has not been the case for decades. In the 1980s and early 1990s some of our members were witch-hunted out of the Labour Party and Militant became a banned organisation. Labour's structures were changed to try to prevent the influence of socialist ideas. Militant supporters led the heroic struggle of Liverpool City Council, which won millions of pounds of funding back from the Thatcher government and built 5,000 homes, six nursery schools and created more than 6,000 jobs. It was Militant supporters who organised the anti-poll tax movement, through the mass non-payment of 18 million people, which defeated that tax and brought down Thatcher. In a whole number of other campaigns - from forcing the shutdown of the headquarters of the racist British National Party, to leading a strike of 250,000 school students which defeated the threat to remove benefits from 16 and 17 year olds - Militant worked both within and beyond the structures of the Labour Party to organise fighting working class campaigns. These re-printed articles look back at some aspects of this history. What was the Labour Party and how did it change? Extracts from a Socialist Party pamphlet written in 2001 Historically the Labour Party was a 'capitalist-workers' party'. -
Tory Modernisation 2.0 Tory Modernisation
Edited by Ryan Shorthouse and Guy Stagg Guy and Shorthouse Ryan by Edited TORY MODERNISATION 2.0 MODERNISATION TORY edited by Ryan Shorthouse and Guy Stagg TORY MODERNISATION 2.0 THE FUTURE OF THE CONSERVATIVE PARTY TORY MODERNISATION 2.0 The future of the Conservative Party Edited by Ryan Shorthouse and Guy Stagg The moral right of the authors has been asserted. All rights reserved. Without limiting the rights under copyright reserved above, no part of this publication may be reproduced, stored or introduced into a re- trieval system, or transmitted, in any form or by any means (electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording, or otherwise), without the prior written permission of both the copyright owner and the publisher of this book. Bright Blue is an independent, not-for-profit organisation which cam- paigns for the Conservative Party to implement liberal and progressive policies that draw on Conservative traditions of community, entre- preneurialism, responsibility, liberty and fairness. First published in Great Britain in 2013 by Bright Blue Campaign www.brightblue.org.uk ISBN: 978-1-911128-00-7 Copyright © Bright Blue Campaign, 2013 Printed and bound by DG3 Designed by Soapbox, www.soapbox.co.uk Contents Acknowledgements 1 Foreword 2 Rt Hon Francis Maude MP Introduction 5 Ryan Shorthouse and Guy Stagg 1 Last chance saloon 12 The history and future of Tory modernisation Matthew d’Ancona 2 Beyond bare-earth Conservatism 25 The future of the British economy Rt Hon David Willetts MP 3 What’s wrong with the Tory party? 36 And why hasn’t -
Let's Not Go Back to 70S Primary Education Wikio
This site uses cookies to help deliver services. By using this site, you agree to the use of cookies. Learn more Got it Conor's Commentary A blog about politics, education, Ireland, culture and travel. I am Conor Ryan, Dublin-born former adviser to Tony Blair and David Blunkett on education. Views expressed on this blog are written in a personal capacity. Friday, 20 February 2009 SUBSCRIBE FOR FREE UPDATES Let's not go back to 70s primary education Wikio Despite the Today programme's insistence on the term, "independent" is certainly not an apt Contact me description of today's report from the self-styled 'largest' review of primary education in 40 years. It You can email me here. is another deeply ideological strike against standards and effective teaching of the 3Rs in our primary schools. Many of its contributors oppose the very idea of school 'standards' and have an ideological opposition to external testing. They have been permanent critics of the changes of recent decades. And it is only in that light that the review's conclusions can be understood. Of course, there is no conflict between teaching literacy and numeracy, and the other subjects within the primary curriculum. And the best schools do indeed show how doing them all well provides a good and rounded education. Presenting this as the point of difference is a diversionary Aunt Sally. However, there is a very real conflict between recognising the need to single literacy and numeracy out for extra time over the other subjects as with the dedicated literacy and numeracy lessons, and making them just another aspect of primary schooling that pupils may or may not pick up along the way. -
New Labour, Globalization, and the Competition State" by Philip G
Centerfor European Studies Working Paper Series #70 New Labour, Globalization, and the Competition State" by Philip G. Cemy** Mark Evans" Department of Politics Department of Politics University of Leeds University of York Leeds LS2 9JT, UK York YOlO SDD, U.K Email: [email protected] Email: [email protected] • Will also be published in Econonry andSocitD' - We would like to thank the Nuffield Foundation, the Center for European Studies, Harvard University,and the Max-Planck-Institut fur Gesellschaftsforshung, Cologne, for their support during the writing of this paper. Abstract The concept of the Competition State differs from the "Post-Fordist State" of Regulation Theory, which asserts that the contemporary restructuring of the state is aimed at maintaining its generic function of stabilizing the national polity and promoting the domestic economy in the public interest In contrast, the Competition State focuses on disempowering the state from within with regard to a range of key tasks, roles, and activities, in the face of processes of globalization . The state does not merely adapt to exogenous structural constraints; in addition, domestic political actors take a proactive and preemptive lead in this process through both policy entrepreneurship and the rearticulation of domestic political and social coalitions, on both right and left, as alternatives are incrementally eroded. State intervention itself is aimed at not only adjusting to but also sustaining, promoting, and expanding an open global economy in order to capture its perceived -
Keeping the Link: Labour and the Trade Unions
AUTUMN EDITION 2012 ISSUE NO 75 PRODUCTION EDITOR: RAY DAVISON EAST DEVON CLP AND CLPD publication for CLPs and Labour Party Members www.clpd.org.uk (where this CLPD SW REGIONAL ORGANISER newsletter can be downloaded). For detailed and exclusive NEC and NPF reports, internal All enquiries: [email protected] Party news and debates including Shenanigans, visit www.grassrootslabour.net and for lively Telephone 01395 277481 debates where you can contribute, visit www.leftfutures.org or twitter.com/clpd_labour or email CLPD: [email protected] KEEPING THE LINK: LABOUR Content highlights n Mick Whelan: Keeping the link: AND THE TRADE UNIONS Labour and the trade unions n Peter Willsman: ANNUAL MICK WHELAN, Now, as the government takes an axe to pub- CONFERENCE ALERT – key GENERAL SECRETARY ASLEF lic services, in a bid to reduce the deficit, the rule change proposals from CLPs, trade union movement is leading the fight to changes to Party policy making, key defend those most at risk. With clarity and Without trade un- votes at Conference in Manchester purpose, the trade unions have set out an ions, there would n Kelvin Hopkins MP: Life with Ed alternative economic case, one in which the be no Labour Party. – news and views from the PLP poorest in society, the elderly, the young, the Without the Labour n disabled and the unemployed are not forced Michael Meacher MP: Tory Party many of the to pay for the mistakes of others. In doing so economic policy on fire greatest achieve- the trade unions have forced the Labour Party n Anton Wahlberg: Justice for Lutfur ments of the trade to rethink many of its initial responses to the Rahman union movement financial recession and the line peddled by n Jim Mackechnie: Glasgow would never have government that ‘we are all in this together’. -
Political Party Funding
1071 Party Funding.qxd 30/11/04 11:32 Page a3 December 2004 The funding of political parties Report and recommendations 1071 Party Funding.qxd 30/11/04 11:32 Page a4 Translations and other formats For information on obtaining this publication in another language or in a large-print or Braille version please contact The Electoral Commission: Tel: 020 7271 0500 Email: [email protected] The Electoral Commission We are an independent body that was set up by the UK Parliament. We aim to gain public confidence and encourage people to take part in the democratic process within the UK by modernising the electoral process, promoting public awareness of electoral matters and regulating political parties. The funding of political parties Report and recommendations Copyright © The Electoral Commission 2004 ISBN: 1-904363-54-7 1071 Party Funding.qxd 30/11/04 11:32 Page 1 1 Contents Executive summary 3 Financial implications of limiting donations 84 Commission position 86 1Introduction 7 Political parties 7 6Public funding of political parties 89 Review process 9 Background 89 Priorities 10 Direct public funding 90 Scope 10 Indirect public funding 92 Stakeholders’ views 94 2 Attitudes towards the funding of Commission position 97 political parties 13 Reforming the policy development Research 13 grant scheme 97 Public opinion 14 New forms of public funding 98 Party activists 20 Attitudes towards implementation 23 7 The way forward 103 The importance of political parties 103 3Party income and expenditure 25 The way forward 104 The -
In 1918, the Labor Party Had Adopted a Constitution Containing What
Labor Nationalizes the Heights 1 Excerpt from The Commanding Heights by Daniel Yergin and Joseph Stanislaw, 1998 ed., pp. 25-27. Copyright © 1998 by Daniel A. Yergin and Joseph Stanislaw. Reprinted by permission of Simon & Schuster, Inc., N.Y. All rights reserved. In 1918, the Labor Party had adopted a constitution containing what became the famous Clause IV, which, in language written by Sidney Webb, called for "common ownership of the means of production, distribution, and exchange." But what were these words to mean in practical terms? The answer came during World War II. One evening in 1944, a retired railway worker named Will Cannon, drawn back into the workforce to help in the marshaling yard, happened to drop by a local union meeting in Reading, not far from London. In the course of the meeting he decided to propose a motion calling for "nationalization," which was approved by the local. The motion won national attention, and the Labor Party ended up adopting it in December 1944. Will Cannon's motion would have a powerful global echo. In July 1945, Labor came into power totally committed to nationalization and determined to conquer the "commanding heights" of the economy, having borrowed the term from Lenin by the mid-1930s. In their quest for control of the commanding heights after World War II, the Laborites nationalized the fragmented coal industry, which provided 90 percent of Britain's energy at the time. They did the same to iron and steel, railroads, utilities, and international telecommunications. There was some precedent for this even in the British system; after all, it was Winston Churchill himself who, as first lord of the Admiralty in 1911, had purchased a controlling government stake in what became British Petroleum in order to ensure oil supply for the Royal Navy. -
Maria Fyfe Scotland Prem Sikka Taxation Paul Nowak Trade Unions & Austerity
CHARTIST For democratic socialism September/October 2014 #270 £2 End the siege Lucy Anderson MEP Europe Andy Gregg Gaza Gerry Hassan and Maria Fyfe Scotland Prem Sikka Taxation Paul Nowak Trade unions & austerity ISSN - 0968 7866 ISSUE www.chartist.org.uk CONTENTS CHARTIST FEATURES Editorial Policy Pamphlet Series The editorial policy of CHARTIST is to SCOTLAND’S NEW RADICALS promote debate amongst people active in Gerry Hassan on the big ideas from the radical politics about the contemporary 8 relevance of democratic socialism across independence debate the spectrum of politics, economics, science, philosophy, art, interpersonal relations – in short, the whole realm of LABOUR'S THATCHERNOMICS social life. 10 Ed Miliband needs to chart a new Our concern is with both democracy and economic course to win in 2015 says socialism. The history of the last century Peter Kenyon has made it abundantly clear that the mass of the population of the advanced capitalist countries will have no interest Four pamphlets on Europe, the Big Society, BETTER TOGETHER? in any form of socialism which is not Maria Fyfe on the benefits of Scotland in thoroughly democratic in its principles, Housing and Transport all available online 12 the UK its practices, its morality and its ideals. Yet the consequences of this deep attach- at www.chartist.org.uk ment to democracy – one of the greatest advances of our epoch – are seldom Order with £2 cheque from September 18th is coming - pages 8 TRADE UNIONS AGAINST AUSTERITY reflected in the discussion and debates Chartist PO Box 52751 London EC2P 2XF and 12 Paul Nowak calls for action to end the pay amongst active socialists. -
Democracy for Sale: Dark Money and Dirty Politics Peter Geoghegan London: Head of Zeus, 2020, £8.99
Democracy for Sale: Dark Money and Dirty Politics Peter Geoghegan London: Head of Zeus, 2020, £8.99 Colin Challen Ever since the birth of ‘democracy’ it has been for sale. Influence pedlars, bribery, blackmail, fraud, honours touting – these are all as common as the ballot box. A whole library has been written about these less savoury approaches to power; and in the modern era a slew of legislation has been enacted to excise such corrupt behaviour. However these measures – stretching from the Representation of the People Act 1832, through e.g. the Honours (Prevention of Abuses) Act 1925 to the Political Parties, Elections and Referendums (PPER) Act 2000 – have failed to stem the continuing saga of ‘dark money’. No law has trumped the native law of democracy, which is that money buys influence. Or at least, that’s the belief of those who obey it; and, as this book illustrates, they have good reason to believe it. Geoghegan, a journalist who works for opendemocracy.com, has produced a useful addition to the literature. His book has a heavy focus on the 2016 Brexit referendum and the subsequent exposure of outfits like Cambridge Analytica, the shady background of leave campaign finances and the huge growth in social media political messaging. Geoghegan doesn’t offer any particularly new facts or insights beyond what a reasonably attentive follower of serious news outlets may have garnered but his book does put the jigsaw pieces together very adroitly to reveal the overall picture – and it is no less discouraging for being bang up to date. -
1 Recapturing Labour's Traditions? History, Nostalgia and the Re-Writing
Recapturing Labour’s Traditions? History, nostalgia and the re-writing of Clause IV Dr Emily Robinson University of Nottingham The making of New Labour has received a great deal of critical attention, much of which has inevitably focused on the way in which it placed itself in relation to past and future, its inheritances and its iconoclasm.1 Nick Randall is right to note that students of New Labour have been particularly interested in ‘questions of temporality’ because ‘New Labour so boldly advanced a claim to disrupt historical continuity’.2 But it is not only academics who have contributed to this analysis. Many of the key figures associated with New Labour have also had their say. The New Labour project was not just about ‘making history’ in terms of its practical actions; the writing up of that history seems to have been just as important. As early as 1995 Peter Mandelson and Roger Liddle were preparing a key text designed ‘to enable everyone to understand better why Labour changed and what it has changed into’.3 This was followed in 1999 by Phillip Gould’s analysis of The Unfinished Revolution: How the Modernisers Saved the Labour Party, which motivated Dianne Hayter to begin a PhD in order to counteract the emerging consensus that the modernisation process began with the appointment of Gould and Mandelson in 1983. The result of this study was published in 2005 under the title Fightback! Labour’s Traditional Right in the 1970s and 1980s and made the case for a much longer process of modernisation, strongly tied to the trade unions. -
Labour Party RULE BOOK 2018
Labour Party RULE BOOK 2018 CONTENTS Chapter 1 Constitutional rules 1 Clause XII. Disciplinary 40 Clause I. Name and objects 1 Clause XIII. Parliamentary candidates 40 Clause II. Party structure and affiliated organisations 1 Clause XIV. Local government candidates 40 Clause III. The Party’s financial scheme 2 Clause XV. Amendment to rules 40 Clause IV. Aims and values 3 Chapter 8 Rules for branches 41 Clause V. Party programme 3 Clause I. Name 41 Clause VI. Labour Party Conference 4 Clause II. Objects 41 Clause VII. Party officers and statutory officers 4 Clause III. Membership 41 Clause VIII. The National Executive Committee 5 Clause IV. Officers and Executive Committee 41 Clause IX. The National Constitutional Committee 8 Clause V. Meetings 41 Clause X. Scope of rules 8 Clause VI. Local government candidates 42 Chapter 2 Membership rules 10 Clause VII. Miscellaneous 42 Clause I. Conditions of membership 10 Chapter 9 Rules for Regional Boards and European Clause II. Membership procedures 11 Party units 43 Clause III. Membership subscriptions 12 Chapter 10 Rules for women’s forums 44 Chapter 3 Party Conference 14 Clause I. Name 44 Clause I. Delegations 14 Clause II. Aims and values 44 Clause II. Conference Arrangements Committee 15 Clause III. Membership 44 Clause III. Procedural rules for Party Conference 15 Clause IV. Management 44 Clause IV. National Annual Women’s Conference 17 Clause V. Meetings 44 Chapter 4 Elections of national officers of the Party Clause VI. Activities 45 and national committees 18 Clause VII. Finances 45 Clause I. General principles 18 Clause VIII. General 45 Clause II. -
Beyond Equality and Liberty: New Labour's Liberal Conservatism
Beyond equality and liberty: New Labour©s liberal conservatism Article (Accepted Version) Martell, Luke and Driver, Stephen (1996) Beyond equality and liberty: New Labour's liberal conservatism. Renewal, 4 (3). This version is available from Sussex Research Online: http://sro.sussex.ac.uk/id/eprint/24854/ This document is made available in accordance with publisher policies and may differ from the published version or from the version of record. If you wish to cite this item you are advised to consult the publisher’s version. Please see the URL above for details on accessing the published version. Copyright and reuse: Sussex Research Online is a digital repository of the research output of the University. Copyright and all moral rights to the version of the paper presented here belong to the individual author(s) and/or other copyright owners. To the extent reasonable and practicable, the material made available in SRO has been checked for eligibility before being made available. Copies of full text items generally can be reproduced, displayed or performed and given to third parties in any format or medium for personal research or study, educational, or not-for-profit purposes without prior permission or charge, provided that the authors, title and full bibliographic details are credited, a hyperlink and/or URL is given for the original metadata page and the content is not changed in any way. http://sro.sussex.ac.uk Beyond Equality and Liberty: New Labour's Liberal-Conservatism Stephen Driver and Luke Martell A version of this was published in Renewal, 4, 3, July 1996 Post-Thatcherism is Tony Blair's way of saying: No Turning Back.