TERROR AND PUBLIC SPACES: RECONCILING ’S TRAGIC PAST IN THE ESCUELA DE MECANICA DE LA ARMADA

Rosana Womack

Abstract

During Argentina’s (1976-1983), the Escuela de Mecanica de la Armada (ESMA) was the military’s largest, most active clandestine center, with an estimated 5,000 dissidents disappearing through its doors. Once a revered and honored learning institution, ESMA became the locus and emblem of , death, slave labor, illegal adoptions, and other crimes. ESMA’s fate after Argentina’s return to democracy has been at the center of heated debate. As groups and the families of the disappeared rallied to claim ESMA as a space for memory, the sought to stop their efforts through impunity. The memory that human rights groups and families of the disappeared represent does not align with those of the military forces and their supporters. For the military, the use of ESMA as a site for memory solely of its role in the Dirty War represents a half-memory and a half-truth in which omits prior historical events. Through the analysis of primary and secondary sources, archival data, and personal interviews, this paper elucidates ESMA’s role as a site for memory as it pertains to the Argentine military junta in order to address alternate memory-work that is currently ignored within debates over ESMA’s reconfiguration.

Introduction On March 24, 1976, a three-man military junta, It is that most recent part of ESMA’s history that comprised of Army General , is currently represented in its reconfiguration Navy Admiral Emilio E. Massera and Air Force from a military clandestine detention center to a Brigadier General Orlando R. Agosti, seized space for memory. This paper demonstrates, political control from the democratically elected however, that within the context of memory- president, Isabel Martínez de Perón, and initiated truth-justice supported by human rights groups one of the most violent periods in Argentine and families of the disappeared, there exists a history: the Dirty War. Once in power, the conflicting narrative: the one told by the military military launched El Proceso de Reoragnización junta. This unpopular narrative is absent from Nacional (The National Reorganization Process), the memory-work conducted in ESMA, and thus or el proceso, which “dissolved the Congress and offers a different lens through which the inherent the provincial legislatures, removed the President difficulties of ESMA’s memory construction can and the provincial Governors from office, and be viewed. As a result, the ownership and use of assumed ‘the political power of the Republic’ ESMA as a space for memory has been, and making the military the supreme organ of the continues to be, heavily disputed. Nation).” For the Escuela de Mecanica de la Armada (ESMA), a naval military school turned Prior to el proceso, ESMA was a symbol of honor clandestine detention center during the Dirty and pride. Its position within the elite barrio of War, el proceso meant ridding Argentina of its Nunez, in the city of , gave credence dissidents—members of the armed resistance and to its civilized role within Argentine society. those who supported the resistance efforts— Students came from all over the world to through the engagement of state- sponsored study in ESMA’s prestigious classrooms, while terrorism. Approximately 5,000 of the total the surrounding community looked on with 30,000 “disappeared” met their fate when they undeniable pride. entered through ESMA’s doors.

© Rosana Womack, 2013. Originally published in Explorations: The UC Davis Undergraduate Research Journal, Vol. 15 (2013). http://UndergraduateResearch.UCDavis.edu/Explorations. © The Regents of the University of California.

ESMA’s changing role from a beacon of dignity country in the world; in many ways Argentina’s and honor to that of repression was influenced role as a global leader looked promising. by events that began in the late 1960s and lasted Buildings in Buenos Aires mimicked those of through the mid-to-late , when terrorist Paris, and the introduction of steam propulsion activities from the radicalized left increased in engines and artillery (torpedoes) within sailing magnitude and frequency against the armed vessels proved to be the impetus for ESMA’s forces and police. The military and police, in an construction within the autonomous city of effort to suppress this violent trend, began to Buenos Aires. implement severe repressive tactics to counteract the attacks. This paper aims to chronologically Argentina’s Naval fleet was significantly document these events, beginning with a brief transformed by the new technology. Along with account of ESMA’s rise from Talleres de Marina significantly increased naval power, the Talleres (Naval Garages) to a world-renowned Naval de Marina were transformed first into a technical military school in the heart of Buenos Aires, to training ground and ultimately to a prestigious the important role President Onganía played in naval academy and relocated in Buenos Aires. the advancement of repression, which ultimately Eric Fabian Lopez, author of Escuela de Mecanica led to the events of the Cordobazo in 1969--a de La Armada stated “from the new location violent civil uprising in Cordoba that brought began to surge construction that contributed to student movements and union workers together the progress and well-being of the Nation,” against police repression—that progressed into indicating the importance that buildings like the 1970s with terrorist activities sanctioned ESMA had on the population and on Argentina from the armed left. I argue that the terrorist as a growing sovereign nation. activities that ensued played a prominent role in the development of military and police On December 19, 1924, the Executive repression leading up to the Dirty War. It is here Department of the city of Buenos Aires was that the theory “between two demons,” a authorized to transfer over 14.5 hectares (35 rhetorical device used to negate the moral acres) of land to the Navy. A condition of the equivalent of violent political subversion with transfer, as stated by the Deliberative Council of state-sponsored terrorism, is most pronounced in President Marcelo T. de Alvear, required the land the memory battle over ESMA, where human and everything on it to be immediately rights groups and the families of the disappeared transferred back to the state without adamantly deny its validity. indemnification if the land were used for anything other than its original intent. The condition, set by the Deliberative Council, ESMA: Loyalty and Efficiency proved to be an important factor after the Dirty The importance of ESMA to the military can be War and for ESMA’s reconfiguration as a space viewed through its transition from Talleres de for memory, as ESMA changed hands again. Marina (Naval Garages) in the town of Tigre along the Paraná Delta in the Greater Buenos ESMA’s placement in the city of Buenos Aires Aires Province, to its placement as a world- during a time when Argentina’s economic growth renowned Naval military school in the was at its peak is important to understand. The Autonomous City of Buenos Aires, where its architect Raul J. Alvares designed ESMA’s presence symbolized Argentina’s strength as a neoclassical architecture to fit effortlessly within nation through formation of Naval identity. its new elite surroundings. At the time of ESMA’s ESMA’s history dates to the late 19th century’s construction, Buenos Aires became the Belle Epoque (Beautiful era), a time of political, “civilized” center of the nation, where it stood economic and social growth in Argentina. During symbolic of Argentina’s respectability and elite this time, Argentina was the tenth wealthiest standing throughout the globe. Its placement

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within this realm of society was noted by Eric with any internal enemy whose main objective Fabian Lopez when he stated, “ESMA’s splendid was the annihilation of police and military forces. simplicity represents the nobility and chivalry of this world-renowned educational venue.” Local In 1961, John F. Kennedy’s Alliance for Progress residents embraced the school and referred to aimed to promote socioeconomic development, it as the “The University of Tin,” where the while expanding military training programs for school’s motto became “Loyalty and Efficiency.” Latin American officers that were packed with By 1929, the school grew to include 350 ideological indoctrination. The “traditional apprentices in residence. The Second World concept of territorial defense was replaced with War brought the obligation to incorporate that of ideological frontiers.” Peronismo’s enlisted men to the school, which brought the extreme left came to be considered a subversive school size to over 1,200 men. threat to both the U.S. and the Argentine military as labor unions; students and faculty in In 1947, during ESMA’s 50th anniversary, the universities opposed the implementation of a school was recognized as more modernized, neoliberalism model--a laissez--faire structure for more efficient, and more celebrated than it had economic development as Argentina’s economic been at any other time in its history. There were model. The violence that ensued from “tributes and plaques made in its honor and Peronismo’s radical left became a growing there were grand military parades, where local concern for the U.S and Argentine militaries as it families and neighbors looked on with pride.” threated civilian lives, as well as the economic ESMA represented all that was good with the aims of the military. nation. The students who were accepted into ESMA’s rigorous program took pride in their The 1960s also provided new social and school and the camaraderie that was built under intellectual movements that produced the “New “Loyalty and Efficiency.” Left” along with pivotal reforms within the through Pope Pius XIII’s Vatican II, which supported democracy and Memory of the 1960s and 1970s: Events leading human rights. In 1968, Vatican II gave rise to to the Dirty War the Latin American Episcopal Conference The terrorist activities that grew from the 1960s (CELAM) at Medellin, Colombia, where issues to the 1970s throughout Argentina instigated the surrounding economic equality gained intensification of military and police repression. considerable ground, and where the Bishops The level of violence that ensued from terrorist attending the conference expressed a organizations framed the military’s view that the “commitment to a preferential option for the Dirty War did not begin in 1976, but instead was poor…and the need of establishing justice and rooted in the 1960s with the Cuban Revolution, peace.” Members of the religious orders were Liberation Theology and terrorist insurrection. once again committed to a vow of poverty based upon the doctrine of Liberation Theology, which The 1959 Cuban Revolution caused a series of interpreted the Bible and key Christian doctrines revolutionary and anti-revolutionary activities through the experiences of the poor. Peruvian throughout Latin America. Journalist-author theologian, Gustavo Gutierrez, explained John Dinges noted that “revolution was concrete Liberation Theology as a “critical reflection on reality…it was a revolution that would spread praxis in the light of the word of God.” However, and spread, by example, by ideology, by house- Liberationists became increasingly politicized to to-house and factory-to-factory organizing, and-- the extent that the movement was caricatured in most of all—by what they called la lucha armada, the phrase “If Jesus were alive today he would be armed struggle.” Based on such a realization, the a Marxist revolutionary.” The movement called military and police prepared to initiate combat for the transformation of society through radical

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change for the purpose of finding one’s own repeated blows against imperialism.” Che destiny. The movement embodied organization: Guevara’s words resonated throughout the it called for action and social change. It also military, and caused great concern that violence insinuated that violence be used when necessary. would soon escalate The , a radical offshoot of Peronismo, became a key player in Changes within the military forces also occurred the military and civilian struggles that plagued during this time. The military ideology shifted the late 1960s and 1970s. The basis of the from German geopolitical thinking--which group’s ideology was liberation theology. housed social-Darwinist theories--to theories Politically, the Montoneros supported the left- influenced by French “Revolutionary War” wing of the “descamisados (the advocates. The French doctrine viewed shirtless)” —a term they adopted from the international communism as a key threat, where followers of the 19th century caudillos from the streets and plazas became the principle field of exterior provinces Throughout this time, the battle. In the article “Internal Missions: Montoneros’ activities grew from demands for Argentina, , and ” political the return of Juan Peron from his exile in Spain, sociologists Larry Jay Diamond, and Marc. F. to armed militancy once they aligned with the Plattner, argue that international communism Trotskyist Ejercito Revolucionario del Pueblo “emanated from domestic left-wing movements (ERP, People’s Revolutionary Army), where the that would try to exploit social, economic, and socialist aspects of Liberation Theology political problems in their effort to undermine overshadowed the Christian and national the state, the Catholic Church, and the military elements of the doctrine they followed. The itself.” We see this during the 1970s in Montoneros’ alliance with the ERP and other Argentina, as the ERP (The People’s revolutionary organizations proved to be a major Revolutionary Army), a Trotskyite organization threat to the military, as these armed groups with ties to , and the Montoneros, developed strategies intent upon defeating the followers of Liberation theology and of left-wing military at all costs. Ricardo Peronism, launched a full attack on those they Angoso, the author of Jorge Rafael Videla se vehemently opposed namely the military, confiesa quotes Pablo Giusanni, a political businesspeople, and anyone who supported U.S. essayist and reporter, who stated, “Thousands, imperialism. and I say thousands of Latin American youth were sent to their deaths the last 20 years in the The actions of the ERP and the Montoneros were service of this monumental distortion, like a influenced by , who brought tribute paid in blood to the narcissistic together leadership from the Latin American, revolutionary of Havana.” President Juan Carlos African and Asian Marxist communities to the Onganía’s rise to the presidency on 29 June 1966 TriContinental Conference held in Cuba on 16 instigated the use of severe oppressive measures February 1966. The conference, which provoked to put down, and or eliminate, the subversive concern between the Argentine military and its threat the military thought was seeping into the right wing supporters, was centered upon the Argentine society. dissemination of Marxist ideas throughout Latin America and the world. Che Guevara, a 1964: Onganía’s New Order physician, author and famous Argentine guerilla On 6 August 1964, during the 5th Conference of revolutionary, stated in his “Message to the the American Military meeting in West Point, TriContinental” the following: “How close we General Juan Carlos Onganía stated that the could look into a bright future should two, three Armed Forces “cannot be reduced to simple or many Vietnams flourish throughout the world respect for constitutional obedience” and added with their share of deaths and their immense that “the preservation of moral and spiritual tragedies, their everyday heroism and their values of the Christian civilization” should be an

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important objective. Ongania’s “West Point universities were responsible for the diffusion of Doctrine,” a precursor to the Doctrine of communist ideology, and as such, their National Security established before the Dirty autonomy should be questioned. War began, achieved the idea that the “real threat to Argentina came from within, from subversives On July 29, 1966, The Night of the Long Batons who sought to destroy the traditional values of gave the Argentine people a clear understanding Argentine society through communism.” of Ongania’s opposition to communism, when Onganía, a member of the Cursillo de Cristiandad police directed by the Deputy Chief, forcefully movement whose “theological vision consisted of entered the Facultad de Ciencias Exactas within a ‘moral armament’ and a reconstruction of the the University of Buenos Aires with the intention Christian world,” believed that moral order of mercilessly beating professors and students, would safeguard against Marxist subversion especially those who studied and conducted associated with immorality and the decline of a research in the sciences. The events of that night nation. The Catholic Church approved of resulted in the expulsion of Argentina’s Onganía, as they would other junta leaders who intellectual elite. The event began a level of came after Onganía. repression with the aim of eliminating all semblances of “immorality” from Argentine On June 29, 1966, the military chose Onganía to society. assume the role of Argentina’s de facto president, after executing a bloodless coup d’etat named La In September of 1966, Juan Garcia Elorrio, a Revolución Argentina, which ousted the supporter of the Movement of Priests in the democratically elected president Arturo Umberto Third World (priests who supported left-wing Illia and set the tone for the repression that Peronism and Marxism from 1966 to 1976) would soon follow. On July 8, 1966, U.S. Time published the first edition of Cristianismo y Magazine published “Argentina: No. 31,” which Revolución (Christianity and Revolution). In his stated, “The armed forces, whose duty it is to article “Ongania: Un Testigo,” Elorrio wrote that protect the nation’s liberties, cannot stand aside the ‘cursillistas’ should now incorporate in their and watch our patient and generous people suffer meditation the topic of violence and absurd a state of anarchy. This revolution will strive to death to consolidate ‘order’, ‘hierarchy’, and their heal the divisions of our people as well as restore ‘sense of authority.’ The regime has begun to use our deserved grandeur in the eyes of the world.” its only reason: force.” Elorrio proceeded by stating “simply, the revolution we need is the Ongania immediately consolidated his power by only one capable of giving food to the hungry, to banning political parties and political activity. He give a home to those without a roof, to give imposed his will upon provincial governments health to those who are sick, to give dignity to and universities, and even dissolved the congress the poor…this [our] revolution, although and dismissed the Supreme Court. The coup sometimes necessarily violent is not d’etat was unique in that prior military coups desperate…it is the only way to rescue focused their attention on establishing temporary Humanity, Hope and Love.” Agustin Tosco, the and transitional juntas, where Onganía’s coup general secretary for Luz y Fuerza (Light and seemed keenly focused on a new political and Power utilities workers) issued a statement in social order. August of 1966 titled, “Negative Signs” in which Luz y Fuerza documented the Cordoba Education became the main recipient of Federation of Power and Light’s opposition to Ongania’s wrath. The actions of leftist students, the Ongania regime and its policy of repression either through their opposition to U.S. policies or in order to achieve “modernization and through their support of Fidel Castro, left the transformation.” However, not everyone in trade military uneasy and with an impression that

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unions or even those within the pueblo shared they gained considerable momentum in their these views. offensive against these forces.

In September of 1966, the editor of the anarchist The military responded with brute force, and it periodical, Boletin Informativo de los 32 Gremios was not long before reports of excessive Democraticos, Jose Grunfeld, published an article repression by the military and police began to that denounced the actions of the revolutionary surface. Alain Rouquie, author of The Military left. Grunfeld states, “It always hurts us badly and the State in Latin America, stated that, their notion of “unity” among the Argentine “arbitrary arrests, the torture of suspects and the pueblo. It has the flavor of a totalitarian “unity” pure and simple disappearance of leaders of the or a sole center. The pueblo is comprised of men, extreme left by the military and police were not women, children, young adults and the aged of uncommon in combatting guerilla warfare. In diverse beliefs and infinite lived experiences. It is contrast, the Argentine government remained not about placing a record in each person’s head primarily legal and non-violent. However, in that repeats the same things and has the same October of 1966, the National Defense law tastes.” It is equally important to observe the passed the legislature, which made the growing violence generated from various factions propagation of communist ideology punishable within Peronismo (guerillas, union leaders, etc.) by imprisonment. Other laws were also in order to understand why, from the military implemented to authorize security forces to perspective and in many instances with civilian conduct raids and arrests when strong indicators support, the military had to increase its methods or convincing proof of guilt existed. By May of of repression, which took root after the 1971, a decree-law created a federal court to deal Cordobazo in 1969. with criminal acts outside of Argentina’s standard regional courts. In 1969, a set of violent riots occurred throughout Argentina. Student fatalities in the On August 15, 1972, an attempted escape of over Corrientazo and the Rosariazo protests 100 political prisoners from Rawson penitentiary culminated in events experienced on May 29, resulted in the Massacre at Trelew (the airport 1969 (Army Day) that resulted in the Cordobazo. from which the escaped prisoners were to fly), According to historian Robert A. Potash the which provided the incentive for implementing a Cordobazo was a result of a number of factors: 1) military combat unit in ESMA. The massacre the organizing efforts of labor and student refers to the gunning down of 19 of the original leadership 2) the encouragement of certain 100 who made the attempt; only three of the 19 politicians and Catholic priests 3) the survived. The six founding members of the spontaneous involvement of a number of people Montoneros, the ERP and FAR were able to who gave vent to their personal frustrations 4) escape by plane. As remembered by Rodolfo the underdetermined number of professional Walsh, a writer, investigative journalist and agitators 5) the failure of the authorities- Montonero, the Naval military reneged its provincial and nation-to defuse the situation. promise to guarantee the safety of the escapees The Cordobazo riots shattered the image of who were apprehended at the airport. Originally, Ongania’s government, whose purported aim was the captured revolutionaries were to be taken peace, tranquility and consensus. More back to Rawson penitentiary without threat to importantly, the armed revolutionary groups that their safety. Instead, they were taken to a military emerged during this time, namely The People’s base where they were ultimately shot and killed Revolutionary Army (ERP), the Revolutionary on August 22, 1972. In an interview with ERP Armed Forces and the Montoneros became leader Enrique Gorriaran Merlo, who had powerful adversaries to the military and police as escaped on the first plane that left Trelew, we

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learn that the escapees caught that day were also amnesty also deepened the military’s view that well armed. justice would not be served through legal channels. As a result of the Trelew massacre, several attempts were made to kill Naval personal in Campora relinquished the presidency to Juan Buenos Aires. The officers at ESMA decided that Peron on October 12, 1973. Following Perón’s the 2nd Naval Infantry Battalion, stationed in the death on July 1, 1974, Isabel Martinez de Perón, Puerto Belgrano Naval base in Bahia Blanca, his widow and Vice- President, assumed the would come to ESMA to help protect its superior presidency. Her term unleashed the brutality that command. Until 1973, the officers’ duties would ensue from The Anti-Communist included night patrols around the homes of Argentine Alliance (Triple A), a combined force Captains and Generals situated outside of ESMA, between the Federal police and Paramilitary while another patrols stayed within ESMA to forces, led by the Minister of Social Welfare and provided surveillance. The military, after failing Peron’s personal confidant, José López Rega, to revive a declining economy and suppress In November 1974, before her presidency escalating terrorism, decided to return general had deteriorated, Isabel implemented a state-of elections to the country, but not before giving a siege declaration, which suspended severe warning to the new democratically elected constitutional rights. She signed a decree (S 261) president. launching “” that gave license to the military to do “whatever military On March 11, 1973, the military government operations may be necessary to neutralize or relented its control of the Argentine government annihilate the actions of the subversive to Dr. Hector Campora, but not before the elements.” Deborah L. Norden notes in her military hierarchy placed limitations on the new book, Military Rebellion in Argentina: Between government through a document, titled Los Coups and Consolidation, that according to Cinco Puntos (The Five Points). The document General Ramón Genaro Diaz Bessone, a Division demanded that the new government comply with General, close to 600 guerrillas were condemned Argentine laws and its constitution, and warned and hundreds more were put on trial in two against amnesties for those who had committed hundred years of work. Although the Triple A crimes through subversion and terrorism. On were aggressive in their fight against terrorism, May 3, 1973, naval officer, Admiral Mayorga, the violence within the country continued to stated the following comment to journalists escalate and offered no signs of relief in- sight. before handing over power to the Cámpora government: As the Triple A searched for rebels throughout Argentina, the People's Revolutionary Army “The Navy makes known the presence of an (ERP) with the Montoneros guerrillas attacked a enemy to us all: of peronists and anti-peronists, number of economic installations. Scores of the presence of a violent left who can sink us in union leaders, popular activists, journalists, the process of killing, if ours are dead, then it scientists, lawyers and intellectuals, as well as will be the law of the jungle (v. La Nacion, 3 public servants, military men and business May 1973).” people were targeted. The violence surrounding the citizens of Buenos Aires, the dismal economic On May 27, 1973, President Cámpora, supported reality that existed in Argentina and the an that pardoned guerrillas from all Montoneros’ kidnapping and murder of former past crimes committed. The action taken by military president, Army General Pedro Eugenio Cámpora solidified the military’s view that more Aramburu, who overthrew Peron in 1955, began drastic measures were needed to permanently to shift public support toward the military. A eliminate terrorist and guerrilla activity. The shift also occurred within ESMA as a permanent

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military company (consisting of two officials, the lines of the Pinochet takeover in Chile…they three officers 10 corporals from the Naval will try to proceed within the law and with full Infantry and 117 conscripts) replaced the 2nd respect for human rights.” Infantry Battalion of the Navy positioned in ESMA to protect the superior command against During a cabinet meeting between Secretary of subversive threats two years prior. State Kissinger and his staff on 26 March 1976, William Rogers, a cabinet officer, stated that the ESMA and the United States junta is “testing the basic proposition that The U.S. anticipated the actions of the Argentine Argentina is not governable, so they’re going to military and supported their methods for dealing succeed where everybody else has failed.” Rogers with the “problem” as long as it was done warned, "We've (the U.S.) got to expect a fair quickly. U.S. financial interests justified allowing amount of repression, probably a good deal of the Argentine military to continue on its blood, in Argentina before too long." What is destructive path. For the U.S., the coup provided interesting to note is that the U.S. kept a long a financial opportunity that was equally arm from events that began to unfold in beneficial in the junta’s eyes. General Ramon J.A. Argentina. The U.S. supported the junta as long Camps, the head of the Buenos Aires provincial as they did not create a human rights issue, as police, supported this assessment when he did the Chilean and Uruguayan governments. stated, “Look, I publicly sustain that Argentina This is suggested by Rogers when he states that during a long period, did not want to recognize the U.S. "ought not at this moment rush out and that the nation was living in a war, to safeguard embrace this new regime--that three-six months its exterior image and to not compromise later will be considerably less popular with the international economic assistance. The reality press." Considering that the military junta was had to be minimized with the continuation of sensitive to the perceptions of international credit in mind.” Questions regarding the manner, actors, primarily the U.S., it is reasonable to in which the Argentine military would eliminate suggest that the military junta viewed the U.S. terrorist threats, without upsetting the delicate inactiveness as support. issue of human rights, became a concern to both the U.S. and the Argentine junta. A documented conversation from 6 October When compared to documents released by the 1976 between Argentine Foreign Minister, National Security Archives in the United States, Admiral Cesar Augusto Guzzetti, and U.S. the nature of the junta’s concern over human Secretary of State, Charles W. Robinson, exposed rights is evident. On February 16, 1976, the complicity of the U.S. in the issues involving human rights abuse. During the conversation Diego Medus, Chief of the North American Robinson stated: desk at the Foreign Ministry, discussed the Argentine military planning group’s request for a The problem is that the United States is an study to be conducted with recommendation as idealistic and moral country and its citizens… to “how the future military government can There is a tendency to apply our moral minimize the sort of problems the Chilean and standards abroad and Argentina must Uruguayan governments are having with the understand the reaction of Congress with regard to loans and military assistance. The U.S. over human rights issues.” Within the American people, right or wrong, have the document, the military warned that “some perception that today there exists in Argentina executions would…probably be necessary” and a pattern of gross violations of human rights. that “they wish to minimize any resulting problems with the U.S.” During a private session For the military junta, ESMA presented a means with Ambassador Hill on March 16, 1976, to an end. It was a structure utilized to Admiral Massera stated, “they will not follow in

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“disappear” the enemies of the state in a manner information). The main objective for these that would not disturb the Argentine people, nor sectors was to “recuperate” the dissidents so that bring attention to the actions taken by the junta they could be reintegrated back into society with in its “war against subversion.” By using torture “Western and Christian values.” Incorporating methods within clandestine spaces, like ESMA, the GT 3.3.2 within ESMA made it possible for the military was able to make the allegations of Massera to escalate the fight against subversion. torture less credible since there was nothing to show for it; therefore avoiding a crisis of On November 2, 1976, Admiral Emilio Massera legitimacy. Darius Rejali, author of Torture and laid claim to the war that had formed between Democracy stated, “Public monitoring leads to the military and the terrorists when he gave his institutions that favor painful coercion to use famous “Dead for the Fatherland” speech on and combine clean torture techniques (picana, ESMA’s grounds. A portion of his speech helps water-boarding, etc.) to evade detection.” us understand why ESMA became an important Though torture was not foreign to Argentina and tool for the eradication of terrorism that plagued its citizens, during the Dirty War, the use of Argentina. Massera asserted: torture had to be done discreetly as to not provoke a problem with the U.S. over human We are fighting against nihilists, against agents of rights issues that had besieged Chile and destruction whose only objective is destruction . itself, although they disguise this with social crusades…We are not going to fight to death, we are going to fight beyond death, unto ESMA Joins the War Against Subversion victory…death will not triumph here…Because In May of 1976, under direct orders from all of our dead…each and every one died for Admiral and with the triumph of life.” support of the entire junta, the Grupo de Tareas 3.3.2 (GT 3.3.2) was introduced to ESMA. Marguerite Feitlowitz, author of A Lexicon of Captain Jorge Eduardo “Tigre” Acosta, as chief of Terror: Argentina and the Legacies of Torture, intelligence was also the chief of the GT 3.3.2 notes that the subtext to this speech being: “the that ran ESMA.65 The Triple A that formed military were not murdering people, they were under Peron and Regas disbanded and merged vanquishing death.” Feitlowitz’s assessment within the ranks of the GT 3.3.2. ESMA presents an opportunity for the exploration of continued to function as a military school during other meanings that may exist within Massera’s this change, where 7 technical specialties were speech, more importantly, how those meanings taught, including: sea, electrician, machinists, relate to ESMA. artillery, communication, radar and supply technicians. After the infantry unit was Massera’s speech linked his words to the introduced, three more specialties were added to atrocities that began to take place within the the curriculum: Intelligence; Operation and clandestine detention center, where the Logistics. eradication of the “plague” of communism set the tone for how ESMA would operate. Massera Information gathered by the Centro de Estudios stated, “For those of us who are in favor of life, Legales Sociales (CELS) stated that the Grupo de we are not going to tolerate any pact, any Tareas 3.3.2 (GT 3.3.2) was a critical component conversation, and those ambitious dreamers—if in the military’s war against subversion. they exist—who dream of alleviating the According to CELS, G.T 3.3.2 was divided into impossible, they will not only be considered an four sectors—Intelligence, Operations, Logistics, offender of high treason against the Fatherland, and Guards, where each sectors were assigned but also an offender of life.” Those who entered specific duties (see original thesis for more

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ESMA’s doors were offenders of life, and thus, involved in those cases, including the locations would be treated accordingly. of the bodies.” ESMA had, by that time, been returned to its origins as a military school, which The Argentine military’s devastating loss in the continued to function while investigations Malvinas War (April 1982-June 1982) ended the regarding its use during the Dirty War, and eradication of “subversives.” In an effort to against those who had committed crimes against reclaim public support and build nationalistic humanity, were ongoing. ardor, the Argentine military declared war against Britain over the sovereignty of the The CONADEP reported that within ESMA’s Malvinas Island. The island off of Argentina’s walls existed torture, sexual abuse, slave labor, shores quickly became the battlefield between falsification of documents, illegal adoptions and Argentine and British military forces, where death either by “disappearance” or through Britain would rise as the victor. Shortly after the “.” Countless numbers of people Argentine military surrendered, it fell from were “transferred” (a term used to signal the power. During Argentina’s transition from dissident’s death sentence) through injection of a military rule to democracy, ESMA returned to its sedative (the military called it a vitamin shot), origins as a military school. The school after which they would be thrown off a plane continued to function while investigations naked and barely conscious. This method was regarding its use during the Dirty War, and commonly used for women who had given birth against those who had committed crimes against within ESMA, whose children would be given up humanity, were still ongoing. for adoption to a military family or to supporters of the cause. Each offense was discovered CONADEP, Human Rights and the Restoration of through the testimony of 200 survivors, who Democracy were allowed to live in order to warn the public During 1983, many human rights organizations of the fate that awaited them if they opposed the began to prepare for Argentina’s return to military. democracy. Human rights groups that organized during the —including Mothers of On January 6, 1998, with reconciliation in mind, the , Grandmothers of the Plaza de attempted to transfer the military Mayo and the Relatives of the Detained and from ESMA to the Naval Base of Puerto Belgrano Disappeared for Political Reasons—continued to and convert ESMA into a park for public use search for their disappeared family members. through decree 8/98. The decree destined the Members of the Mothers of Plaza de Mayo gained territory of the ESMA to be “a green space of national attention through their protests at Plaza public use that would be a ‘symbol of national de Mayo and their called for the return of their union,’ after the demolition of the building.” In children… “You took them alive…we want them February of 2001, after outcries from human back alive.” rights groups and the families of the disappeared, the Supreme Court reaffirmed the Once the junta fell, a new democratically elected unconstitutionality of Menem’s decree. ESMA president, Rául Alfonsin, assumed his role on would remain a part of the “country’s cultural December 10, 1983. One of Alfonsin’s first acts heritage.” The human rights groups and families as President was to create, by Decree No. 187/83, of the disappeared felt that Menem’s attempt to the National Commission on the Disappearance demolish ESMA was a way to silence what had of Persons (CONADEP) on December 15, 1983. happened in ESMA during the Dirty War. The truth commission’s mandate was to “investigate the disappearances of people CONADEP was limited to state-sponsored between 1976 and 1983 and uncover facts crimes, which neglected the terrorist activities that led to the Dirty War, as well as the

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testimony of those who were victims of terrorist visit by the President, who was accompanied by attacks. This omission obscured events that former detainees of the center.” President occurred during the 1970s that offer a different Kirchner was criticized for using the Anniversary narrative, a different memory-truth-justice to of the coup for “ideological purposes” by that which the human rights groups and the focusing solely on the crimes of the military. It families of the disappeared are attempting to was argued that Kirchner was supporting a “half- construct within ESMA today. The road to memory” by purposely ignoring the “role of ESMA’s reconfiguration as a space for memory leftist guerillas and right-wing death squads, was not an easy one. Several protests occurred as both of which originated from within his own a result of the approval of Law No. 961, passed Peronist Party.” on December 5, 2002 by the Legislature of the City of Buenos Aries, in which ESMA was Where UNESCO stated that it is “necessary to selected as the emblematic site for state know and remember how the dictatorship repression, and became the ideal site for a future functioned,” the military and its supporters museum. On March 24, 2004, President Nestor suggest that is equally important to understand Kirchner signed an agreement with the Buenos why the military was needed in the first place. Aires city government and the national There are military officials prosecuted during government towards the development of a “Space mega cases, of which ESMA is a current case for Memory and for the Promotion and Defense (ESMA-Case 14.217/203), as well as of Human Rights” that would operate within organizations like Centro de Estudios Legales ESMA. By December 31, 2004, Kirchner Sobre el Terrorismo y sus Victimas (CELTYV), confirmed ESMA’s planned reconfiguration from who shares a similar viewpoint situated within a site of repression to a space for memory. The the milieu of memory-truth-justice stemming institute would be the “safeguard and the from events that occurred during the early and transmission of the memory and history of the mid 1970’s. events that took place during the of the 70s and the early 80s through the recovery Today, human rights groups involved in ESMA’s of the state of rights, as well as the antecedents, reconfiguration view ESMA as a site where the later stages, and consequences.” Protests began memory of those kidnapped, tortured, killed and before Kirchner’s confirmation of ESMA’s future disappeared by the military will be continually use, which culminated in growing concerns over remembered—where “Never Again” (a term Kirchner’s real motives for ESMA’s taken from a commercially published book, reconfiguration. On November 2, 2004, La Nunca Más: Informe de la Comision nacional sobre Nacion published that a “group of people had la Desaparicion de Personas and derived from a gathered in front of ESMA to protest against the report compiled by Argentina’s truth construction project named Museum of commission, CONADEP) has become the Memory.” According to the article, a protestor cornerstone in the development of programs and commented “It's a joke to the entire community memorialization to ensure that what happened to assume the installation of a museum of false during the Dirty War will never happen again. memories, that only generates more anger and Through testimonies given by victims who resentfulness regarding the decade of the 70s in survived ESMA, and by Naval officers who our country.” shared their experiences while at ESMA, human rights groups and families of the disappeared A wire on March 26, 2004 from a London Times gave credence to the belief that their truth had correspondent, Tom Hennigan, stated, “Last finally been unveiled. week Senor Kirchner dismissed the head of ESMA for allowing parents of navy cadets to Members of the military junta sentenced for protest over the school’s closure during a private “” argued that the

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terrorists whom they detained in ESMA had an himself a “political prisoner” and denied the equal burden to share. During an interview with validity of “universal justice” for the crimes Spanish journalist, Ricardo Angoso, General committed during the last dictatorship.” He Jorge Rafael Videla noted that Argentina faced continued by stating that the “trial did not or complete anarchy, unless someone represent justice, but a lynching.” He attacked intervened. He continued by saying that the the prosecution for not doing its job and for military had to confront a situation characterized working outside the preview of justice. He later by a political void (Isbael Peron stepped down stated that the reason behind the government’s from office due to illness), paralyzed institutions, return to the memory of Dirty War is completely growing anarchy and increased actions by the politically driven. His final punch came when he terrorists. stated that “the left considered the military mediocre and they never admitted that they were A primary point of contention discussed by the beaten by a mediocre military.” military and its supporters was the CONADEP report issued by former president, Rául Ricardo Clarin posted an article on October 21, 2011, Alfonsín. They argued, that the construction of where Jorge “Tigre” Acosta claimed that he the report containing only the testimonies of the considered himself a combatant of the war and surviving “subversives” and families of those that he would never do something that was not disappeared, was not in condition to open exact within the preview of human rights.” According and clear justice involving the complicity of the to Acosta, “I never thought that I was doing victims with subversive actions. Because deaths something that supported human rights, and no from terroritsts attacks were not within the scope one communicated to me otherwise.” In the of the report’s function, those victims would same article, Ricardo “Serpico” Cavallo, an never gain the same justice that victims of torture operative with GT 3.3.2 stated, “the tribunals are in ESMA would gain. the grupos de tareas (intelligence and operative team) of this century and the judges are an On June 24, 2011, Victoria Villaruel, an immense operative of vengeance.” The feeling Argentine lawyer and founder of the Center for did not change among the 18 ESMA military Legal Studies on Terrorism and its Victims officers tried for crimes against humanity (CELTYV), spoke at the Oslo Freedom Forum in beginning on December 11, 2009 until their fate defense of victims of terrorist attacks. Within the was sealed on October 27, 2011. Alfedo Astiz, speech, Villaruel exposed a “lesser-known” part commented, “the government doesn’t hesitate in of Argentine history: the terrorism that took its revenge against the people who combated place primarily during the 70s,” She recalled the terrorism.” For Astiz and the officers convicted history of ERP and Montoneros’ insurgency, that day, ESMA carries the memory of their while also supporting Videla’s view that the victory over subversion. A memory they will not “assailants have not been brought to justice: soon forget, as their supporters have now begun some even enjoy positions in the government.” the process to bring terrorists from the 1970s to justice. Maria Cristina Picón, General Viola’s Villaruel continued: “Because the terrorists enjoy widow, petitioned on December 12, 2009 bring impunity, the youth of Argentina receive the to justice the ERP insurgents who killed her message that terrorism is a viable way to achieve husband and young daughter Maria Cristina political aims.” Viola (3 years old) during an attack on January 12, 1974. Another victim of terrorism Ana Maria On October 14, 2011, Alfredo Aztiz, an operative Carolina Lucioni petitioned on September 7, of GT 3.3.2, spoke his final words during the 2009 to reactivate the cases against members of ESMA trials where he faced charges of crimes the Montoneros for crimes committed during the against humanity. He stated that he considered

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1970s.135 The struggle between two memories speak, without sacrificing its image in the global continues. community, and without threatening the economic assistance that the military sought Conclusion from the U.S. Although the U.S. knew what was This paper does not condone the atrocities happening in Argentina, it did nothing to stop it. committed by the military junta throughout the In fact, the U.S. encouraged the military’s tactics Dirty War. The severity of repression inflicted as long as the “problem” was taken care of upon “subversives” and within Argentine society quickly. exceeded the limits of human dignity and respect. ESMA, the military school that once Finally, after the transition from military rule to symbolized everything that was good with democracy in 1983, ESMA became a Argentina and its military forces, became the battleground for memory between the armed emblem of terror and state-sponsored repression forces and the human rights groups and the during the most violent period in Argentine families of the disappeared. Though the military history. The memory of torture and declare that they had won the war against disappearance marked ESMA’s walls; however, as subversion, they could not claim to win the with all memory, there are details that will be psychological war that ensued. Human rights remembered and others that will be forgotten. groups did not structure their position within the Our engagement with the past and the extent to memory fight as combatants; instead, they which it informs discussion and debate is of structured their claims to ESMA within the interest here, as ESMA’s reconfiguration into a context of being a “victim.” The military did not space for memory has brought about an support the depiction of those who had opposition from areas of society, primarily the disappeared as “victims.” In the military’s eyes, military, who argue that the past does not only the people who came through ESMA’s doors belong to the human rights groups and the were terrorists and did not represent true families of the disappeared, but also to the victims. Those who had died at the hands of victims of subversion. Elizabeth Jenlin in The terrorism were the true victims. The military Politics of Memory suggests that “those who have have maintained that their actions were for God suffered directly or through their immediate and country, and that they were at war with relatives define themselves as the bearers of pain terrorism, period. For them, ESMA was not a and memory…they unwillingly claim a type place for mourning, but a place to celebrate the of symbolic authority and power based on living, because with every subversive that was their ‘monopoly’ of meanings of truth and eliminated, a life was saved within Argentine memory." The memory that human rights groups society. and families of the disappeared represented in ESMA does not align with the memory recalled Bibliography by the military forces and their supporters. For Primary Sources: the military, the “space for memory” represents a Angoso, Ricardo. "Prologue." In Jorge Rafael Videla Ee half-memory and a half-truth, where the terrorist Confiesa, 16. Accessed April 04, 2012. activities that influenced ESMA’s use were http://horaciopalma.blogspot.com/ 2012/03/general- videla-el-nuevo-libro-de.html. purposely not mentioned or remembered. Archivo DiFilm Eduardo Massera Sobre La Guerra Subversion 1995. Performed by Emilio Eduardo Influence from the international community, Massera. Accessed April 20, 2012. specifically the U.S, greatly affected the decisions http://zomobo.net/Eduardo-Massera made by the junta before and during the war. In Astiz Ultimas Palabras En El Juicio Oral En Que Se Lo an effort to keep human rights issues from Juzga. Performed by . Youtube. October 14, 2011. Accessed April 20, 2012. becoming a problem in U.S. eyes, the military used ESMA as a way to get the job done, so to

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