William Penn Had a Dream

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William Penn Had a Dream Kevin Kenny. Peaceable Kingdom Lost: The Paxton Boys and the Destruction of William Penn's Holy Experiment. New York: Oxford University Press, 2009. viii + 294 pp. $29.95, cloth, ISBN 978-0-19-533150-9. Reviewed by Peter C. Messer Published on H-Law (April, 2010) Commissioned by Michael J. Pfeifer (John Jay College of Criminal Justice, City University of New York) Kevin Kenny’s Peaceable Kingdom Lost ar‐ echoes the conclusions of Peter Silver, Our Savage gues that the Paxton Boys controversy of 1763-64 Neighbors: How Indian War Transformed Early marked the end of William Penn’s vision of Penn‐ America (2008); Patrick Griffin, American sylvania as a “peaceable kingdom” inhabited by Leviathan: Empire, Nation, and Revolutionary both Indians and Europeans. In the wake of this Frontier (2007); Gregory T. Knouff, The Soldiers’ failed experiment in intercultural comity, Kenny Revolution: Pennsylvanians in Arms and the Forg‐ argues, Indian annihilation emerged as both the ing of Early American Identity (2004), and Richard practice and policy of Pennsylvania’s government White, The Middle Ground: Indians, Empires, and and white residents. In making this case, Kenny Republics in the Great Lakes Region, 1650-1815 rejects portrayals of the Paxton Boys as harbin‐ (1991): that the emergence of the United States gers of a more democratic and republican politi‐ brought with it a more hostile and confrontation‐ cal system in which frustrated outsiders were al attitude toward Indians that promoted war and able to hold distant political elites accountable for removal at the expense of diplomacy and accom‐ their actions. Instead, he argues, revenge and a modation. Kenny, as do these other authors, lo‐ desire for land motivated the Paxton Boys and cates that transformation in European settlers’ any republican political sympathies or ideas they hunger for Indian land, and the willingness of demonstrated in pursuit of those goals were de‐ elites in the East to tolerate westerners’ violent cidedly incidental to them. methods in exchange for their cooperation in es‐ Kenny’s interpretation of the Paxton Boy af‐ tablishing a stable government. The rise of the fair reflects a growing trend in the scholarship of American Republic, for all of these authors, Revolutionary America that identifies the period brought with it, in addition to the often celebrated as critical to the formation of attitudes and policy political reforms, a greater toleration for violence toward Native Americans. In that regard, the book H-Net Reviews against Indians and a more pronounced sense of protect their interests would they continue to play racial difference and superiority. their role in the Holy Experiment. Kenny’s contribution to this literature is to fo‐ It was this last component of the alliance un‐ cus on how the culture of the Ulster Presbyterian derpinning the Holy Experiment that proved to be Paxton Boys intersected with politics and the law its most vulnerable. Penn’s vision of interracial to end Penn’s Holy Experiment. The Holy Experi‐ comity began to unravel in 1737 when proprietor ment was Penn’s vision--inspired both by a desire Thomas Penn perpetrated one of the most infa‐ to control the acquisition of land and religious mous land frauds in colonial America, the Walk‐ principles--of an Indian policy based on the order‐ ing Purchase. With the assistance of a deed of du‐ ly acquisition of land through purchase and bious validity and the diplomatic pressure of the treaties consistent with Quaker principles of fair Iroquois, he was able to acquire the last remain‐ dealing and nonviolence. This ideal was chal‐ ing significant Delaware lands in eastern Pennsyl‐ lenged by a group of immigrants Kenny identifies vania. With the stroke of a pen, Thomas Penn un‐ as Ulster Presbyterians. Their preferred means of did the proprietors’ commitment to fair dealing acquiring land was conquest and their insular vi‐ with the Indians, transforming the Delaware from sion of community rarely looked beyond defend‐ active participants in the Holy Experiment into ing its members’ interests. In the early eighteenth the catalysts of its destruction. century, these two views clashed in the Susque‐ In the French and Indian War (1754-63) and hanna Valley where the Ulster Presbyterians con‐ Pontiac’s War (1763), angry Delawares seeking re‐ sistently encroached on Indian land either not yet venge for the Walking Purchase, aided by acquired or explicitly protected by treaties be‐ Shawnees and other Ohio Valley Indians angry at tween the Indians and Pennsylvania’s proprietors. continued encroachment on their lands, began In these cases, the proprietary government used raiding Pennsylvania’s western frontier. Ulster its legal authority to enforce the terms of Indian Presbyterian communities bore the brunt of these treaties and force the settlers to abide by the raids. Consequently, when the proprietors and the terms of Penn’s Holy Experiment, a policy that for Assembly fell to squabbling over how to pay for the most part produced a peaceful frontier and frontier defense and Quaker delegations tried to stable colony. revive the Holy Experiment by negotiating with The success of the Holy Experiment, however, the Delaware, these settlers took matters into depended on the willingness of Pennsylvania’s their own hands. In keeping with their traditions, government, which was increasingly divided be‐ they organized local militias for defense and to tween factions representing the Penn family and wage a war of conquest against the Indians. In the Quaker controlled Assembly, to use the law to waging that war, in keeping with their insular cul‐ enforce its assumptions. That dynamic persisted ture, the Ulster Presbyterians refused to make any as long as both the Penn family’s interest in con‐ distinctions between friendly and unfriendly Indi‐ trolling access to the land overlapped with the ans, viewing all as equally culpable in the raids Quaker Assembly’s suspicion of frontier settlers to and equally a threat to the land the settlers hoped create a pragmatic and principled commitment to to claim. The culmination of this view of Indians Penn’s vision. Of course, the success of this al‐ and how to remove the threats they posed came liance rested on the cooperation of native people in December 1763 when a party of militia from living within and around Pennsylvania’s borders; Paxton Township murdered twenty peaceful Con‐ only if they trusted their European partners to estoga Indians: frst, in a raid on the Conestoga’s homes in Indiantown and again in an attack on 2 H-Net Reviews the Lancaster workhouse where the Indians had etary party’s and its allies’ willingness to ignore been taken for their protection. the Paxton Boys’s assault on the laws of the colony The attack on the Conestogas was a direct re‐ and its constitution in the hopes of creating a po‐ pudiation of the Holy Experiment, and one that litical alliance capable of unseating the Quakers required a strong response if it was to be pre‐ and their allies in the Assembly. In this paralyzed served. Initially the Quaker controlled Assembly state, law and order on the colony’s western fron‐ and the proprietary governor followed the pat‐ tier broke down, and relations between Euro‐ tern already established in dealing with settler peans and Indians were governed by Ulster Pres‐ abuse of Indians; they condemned the attack and byterians’ notions of community and conquest. insisted that the Paxton Boys, as they were called, Attacks on Indians, peaceful and belligerent, in‐ be brought to justice. The Ulster Presbyterian creased and any attempt to punish those responsi‐ sense of communal solidarity, combined with in‐ ble was met with community obstruction and in‐ timidation of outsiders and dissenters, however, terference; prisoners were rescued from jails and prevented the provincial government from un‐ trials ended in acquittals if they happened at all. covering the identity of the murderers let alone The proprietary party, however, was rewarded bringing them to trial. In a reversal of roles, in for turning a blind eye to these events as they fact, representatives from Ulster Presbyterian set‐ road an alliance with Philadelphia’s Presbyterians tlements marched on Philadelphia where, in two to victory in the elections of 1764. sets of written demands, they demanded that the Despite the change in de facto, if not de jure, Quakers, whom they believed had aided and pro‐ Indian policy, the Paxton Boys did not immediate‐ tected Indian raiders, and a group of peaceful ly receive the land they had hoped to gain when Moravian Indians, whom they suspected to be they began the war of conquest that led to the complicit in the frontier raids, be surrendered to deaths of the Conestoga Indians; they had to wait them for their own vision of justice. These de‐ until the conflict between Connecticut and Penn‐ mands came to nothing, but they marked a criti‐ sylvania over the Wyoming Valley provided an cal moment in which the authority of the Pennsyl‐ opportunity to conquer lands from both the Indi‐ vania government and its laws had been openly ans and Pennsylvanians. In the American Revolu‐ defied, which, Kenny argues, demanded a forceful tion, those efforts at conquest took on a patriotic response if Penn’s Holy Experiment were to sur‐ overtone, as the Paxton Boys styled themselves as vive. fighting against the cruel Indian enemy and the That response, Kenny recounts, never came. arch-Tory Thomas Penn; if they fought as patriots The proprietary party seized on the Paxton Boys’s most died that way as well, killed in the Indian accusations that the Quakers had directly and in‐ raid on the Wyoming Valley in 1778. They were directly aided the Indians in their attacks on the appropriate martyrs, Kenny concludes, not for re‐ frontier to discredit their long-time adversaries.
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