DOCSLIB.ORG

Dissertation Universität Trier, Fachbereich III 1

Total Page：16

File Type：pdf, Size：1020Kb

Download full-text PDF Read full-text

Load more

Dissertation Universität Trier, Fachbereich III 1. Berichterstatter: Prof. Dr. Wolfgang Schieder 2. Berichterstatter: Prof. Dr. Christof Dipper Datum der letzten mündlichen Prüfung: 13. Februar 1997 Marita Knödgen Die frühe politische Nietzsche-Rezeption in Großbritannien, 1895-1914 Eine Studie zur deutsch-britischen Kulturgeschichte INHALTSVERZEICHNIS I. Einleitung 1 1. Nietzsche in Großbritannien 1 2. Stand der Forschung 2 3. Nietzsche und sein Leser 7 4. Methode und Vorgehensweise 15 II. Zwischen Viktorianismus und Moderne 20 1. Die Jahrhundertwende - eine Übergangszeit 20 2. Massengesellschaft, Arbeiterbewegung und große Depression 21 3. Parlamentsreform, Irland und Imperialismus 23 4. Bildungsreform, New Journalism und Decadence 27 5. Die Säkularisation der britischen Gesellschaft 29 6. Die Ankunft von Nietzsches Philosophie in England 30 III. Der Levy-Zirkel: Nietzsche und Sozialdarwinistischer Konservativismus 33 1. The Complete Works of Friedrich Nietzsche 33 2. Oscar Levy: Die Wiedergeburt der Aristokratie 44 3. Thomas Common: Die Organisation der Philosophen 52 4. Anthony Mario Ludovici: Die Verteidigung der Aristokratie 60 5. John Macfarland Kennedy: Eine Ideologie für die Tory-Party 68 6. Maximilian Alexander Mügge: Eugenik und Übermensch 73 7. Zusammenfassung 80 IV. Die Fabian Society: Nietzsche und Kollektivistischer Sozialismus 88 1. Die Fabian Society 88 2. George Bernard Shaw: Life Force und Superman 97 3. Herbert George Wells: Die Elite der Samurai 105 4. Holbrock Jackson: Die Fabier als Künstler-Philosophen 114 5. Zusammenfassung 120 V. The New Age: Nietzsche und Gildensozialismus 127 1. Eine Wochenzeitung für die Avantgarde 127 2. Alfred Richard Orage: Ein Forum für neue Philosophen 139 3. Herbert Read: Eine Philosophie des Anarchismus 151 4. Edwin Muir: Gegen die Moderne 157 5. Zusammenfassung 162 VI. Der Rhymer's Club-Savoy-Zirkel: Mit Nietzsche gegen das Viktorianische England 167 1. Der Club der Dichter und die dekadente Zeitschrift 167 2. William Butler Yeats: Mit Dionysos zu Irlands Unabhängigkeit 172 3. Arthur Symons: Mit Pater, Blake und Nietzsche gegen den Viktorianismus 181 4. Havelock Ellis: Eugenik und höhere Individuen 185 5. Zusammenfassung 191 VII. Zusammenfassung: Nietzsche zwischen Viktorianismus und Moderne 195 VIII. Bibliographie 205 1 I. EINLEITUNG Ein Attentat auf das Christentum wird ein ungeheures Aufsehen in England machen. (Friedrich Nietzsche an Helen Zimmern) 1. Nietzsche und Großbritannien Erst Jahre nach Friedrich Nietzsches geistigem Zusammenbruch erschienen die ersten Übersetzungen von Teilen seiner Werke in englischer Sprache. 1896, als The Case of Wagner als erster Nietzsche-Band in Englisch publiziert wurde, verwaltete schon seine Schwester Elisabeth Förster Nietzsche mit ihrem 1894 gegründeten Nietzsche-Archiv den "Nachlaß" ihres Bruders.1 Ein unmittelbarer Kontakt vom Autor Nietzsche bestand weder mit den Übersetzern, ausgenommen Helen Zimmern, noch mit den Lesern, die seine Bücher in der englischen Übersetzung kennenlernten. Es gab keine Klärung von sprachlichen Mißverständnissen zwischen Autor und Übersetzern, keinen brieflichen Kontakt zwischen Nietzsche und seinen britischen Lesern. Im Vereinigten Königreich wurde Friedrich Nietzsches Werk quasi posthum rezipiert. Die Art, wie seine Bücher in die englischsprachige Welt getragen würde, blieb zum einen den Nachlaßverwaltern im Nietzsche-Archiv und zum anderen denjenigen vorbehalten, die das Werk des deutschen Philosophen in den angelsächsischen Ländern verbreiteten. Nietzsche äußerte sich in seinen Werken wenig schmeichelhaft über die Engländer. Scharf kritisierte er die britischen Denker, seien es Bacon, Hume, Locke, Hobbes oder Carlyle. Für den Utilitarismus John Stuart Mills hatte er nur Verachtung übrig, und diese Geringschätzung galt dem gesamten englischen Volk.2 Trotzdem wollte Nietzsche auch in England gelesen werden. Er hoffte, daß seine Kritik an Deutschland und dem Christentum bei den Briten Anklang finden würde. Wie schwierig es war, seine Bücher zu übersetzen, wußte Nietzsche. In einem Brief an Helen Zimmern am 8. Dezember 1888 fragte er an, ob sie bereit sei, seine Bücher Ecce Homo und Antichrist zu übersetzen: Es ist kein dickes Buch, eine Sache von c(irca) 10 Bogen kleine Seiten. Aber es muß eine ausgezeichnete sorgfältige und delikate Arbeit sein: denn in sprachlichen Dingen giebt es gar (kein) größeres Meisterstück als dieses Ecce Homo. - Ein Attentat auf (das) Chr(istentum) wird in England ein ungeheures Aufsehen machen.3 Noch einmal wendet er sich an Helen Zimmern am 17. Dezember des gleichen Jahres: Sie würden mir einen großen Dienst erweisen, wenn Sie beifolgenden Aufsatz des Herrn Peter Gast unter dem Titel "Nietzsche contra Wagner" für eine der großen Reviews übersetzen wollten. Ich habe jetzt absolut nöthig, in England bekannt zu werden, denn meine nächsten Schriften - sie sind vollkommen druckfertig - sollen zugleich englisch, französisch und deutsch erscheinen. (...) Also habe ich für meine Aufgabe, die zu den allergrößten gehört, welche ein Mensch auf sich nehmen kann - ich will das Christenthum vernichten - Amerika, England und 1 Friedrich Nietzsche, The Case of Wagner, transl. by Thomas Common, London 1896. Noch zu Lebzeiten Nietzsches gründete seine Schwester Elisabeth Förster-Nietzsche das Nietzsche-Archiv in Naumburg, das schon vor seinem Tod den "Nachlaß" verwaltete. Siehe dazu David Marc Hoffmann, Zur Geschichte des Nietzschearchivs, Berlin New York 1991, S.1- 21, S. 367-379. 2 KSA Bd. 5, S. 195; Bd. 3, S. 123; Bd. 9, S. 116, An. 392; Bd. 12, S. 362; Bd. 13, S. 60, 70, 583; Bd. 5, S. 195-196: Das ist keine philosophische Rasse - diese Engländer (...) Die englische Plumpheit und Bauern-Ernsthaftigkeit wird durch die christliche Gebärdensprache und durch Beten und Psalmensingen noch am erträglichsten verkleidet, richtiger: ausgelegt und umgedeutet; und für jenes Vieh von Trunkenbolden und Ausschweifenden, welches ehemals unter der Gewalt des Methodismus und neuerdings wieder als "Heilsarmee" moralisch grunzen lernt, mag wirklich ein Bußkrampf die verhältnismäßig höchste Leistung von "Humanität" sein, zu der es gesteigert werden kann: so viel darf man billig zugestehn. Über Nietzsches Einstellung zu Mill: Karl Brose, Nietzsches Verhältnis zu John Stuart Mill. Eine geisteswissenschaftliche Studie, Nietzsche-Jahresberichte 3 (1974), S. 152-174. 3 KG; Abt. III, Bd. 5, Friedrich Nietzsches Briefe, Januar 1887- Januar 1889, S.512. Einen Tag später schreibt Nietzsche and Peter Gast, ebda; S. 514: Auch für meine englische Übersetzung habe ich einen Gedanken: Miß Helen Zimmern, die jetzt in Genf, im nächsten Verkehr mit meinen Freundinnen Fynn und Mansouroff lebt. Sie kennt auch Georg Brandes - sie hat Schopenhauer den Engländern entdeckt: warum nicht erst recht dessen Antipoden? 2 Frankreich nöthig - Preßfreiheit in jedem Sinn...(...) Jetzt eben erscheint von mir etwas extrem Radikales Götzen-Dämmerung, Oder: wie man mit dem Hammer philosophiert. Ich sende es Ihnen zu - unter Umständen führen Sie dies Stück in England ein. Es ist antideutsch und antichristlich par exellence - sollte es damit nicht stark auf Engländer wirken? Meine Argumente sind ganz anderer Art, als je angewandt worden sind, - ich bin gar kein Mensch, ich bin Dynamit. Hoffentlich trifft mein Brief Sie in muthiger und kriegsgewohnter Verfassung? - ...4 Nietzsches "geistiges Attentat" auf das Christentum wollte 1888 in Großbritannien noch nicht gelingen.5 Von seiner "Sprengkraft" hatte das Werk Nietzsches eine Dekade nach seinen Attentatsplänen noch nichts verloren, als 1896 verschiedene Kreise in England begannen, sich für das "intellektuelle Dynamit" des deutschen Philosophen zu interessieren. Das Christentum war jedoch nur eines der Ziele, gegen das seine Verbündeten Nietzsches explosive Ideen einsetzen wollten. Das Schicksal, das dem Werk Friedrich Nietzsches um die Jahrhundertwende und im frühen 20. Jahrhundert in Großbritannien zuteil wurde, ist der Gegenstand dieser Dissertation. 2. Stand der Forschung Das Thema der frühen Nietzsche-Rezeption in Großbritannien hat bisher nur in der Literaturwissenschaft Beachtung gefunden. Gertrud von Petzold veröffentlichte 1929, ein Jahr, nachdem ihre Studie über Nietzsches Einfluß auf den schottischen Dichter John Davidson erschienen war, einen Aufsatz mit dem Titel Nietzsche in englisch-amerikanischer Beurteilung bis zum Ausgang des Weltkrieges.6 Petzold beschreibt die Geschichte der Übersetzungen, die Reaktionen auf Nietzsche in Zeitungen und Zeitschriften und schließlich auch die Auseinandersetzungen der philosophischen Fachkreise mit dem deutschen Philosophen für die Zeit bis 1918. Sie kommt dabei zu dem Schluß, daß Nietzsche in England auch auf dem Gebiet der Literatur wenig Beachtung gefunden habe. Eine ihm angemessene Wirkung habe er in England nicht erzielt. Die einzige Ausnahme sei der schottische Dichter John Davidson gewesen.7 Dieses Urteil widerlegt David S. Thatchers in seiner 1970 erschienenen Untersuchung. In Nietzsche in England 1890-1914. The Growth of a Reputation versucht Thatcher auch die versteckten Spuren Nietzsches in der englischen Literatur bis zum Beginn des Ersten Weltkrieges aufzudecken. Offen eingestandener Einfluß sei nicht immer der tiefgreifendste, kaum wahrnehmbare Einflüsse dagegen könnten auf einen hohen Grad von Verarbeitung hinweisen, so die These David 4 Ibid., S. 536-537. 5 Erst viele Jahre später, nach der Jahrhundertwende, erschienen die Übersetzungen von Helen Zimmern, als erster Band Jenseits von Gut und Böse (Friedrich Nietzsche, Beyond
Recommended publications
  • The Leeds Arts Club and the New Age: Art and Ideas in a Time of War by Tom Steele Thank You Very Much Nigel, That's a Very Generous Introduction

    The Leeds Arts Club and the New Age: Art and Ideas in a Time of War by Tom Steele Thank You Very Much Nigel, That's a Very Generous Introduction

    TRANSCRIPT Into the Vortex: The Leeds Arts Club and the New Age: Art and Ideas in a Time of War by Tom Steele Thank you very much Nigel, that's a very generous introduction. Thank you for inviting me back to the Leeds Art Gallery where I spent so many happy hours. As Nigel said, the book was actually published in 1990, but it was a process of about 5 or 6 year work, in fact it's turned into a PHD. I've not done a lot of other work on it since, I have to say some very very good work has been done on Tom Perry and other peoples in the meantime, and it's grievously in danger of being the new edition, which I might or might not get around to, but maybe somebody else will. Anyway, what I'm going to do is to read a text. I'm not very good at talking extensively, and it should take about 40 minutes, 45 minutes. This should leave us some time for a discussion afterwards, I hope. Right, I wish I'd thought about the title and raw text before I offered the loan up to the gallery, because it makes more sense, and you'll see why as we go along. I want to take the liberty of extending the idea of war to cover the entire decade 1910-1920, one of the most rebellious and innovative periods in the history of British art. By contrast, in cultural terms, we now live in a comparatively quiet period.
  • Ex Oriente Tenebrae!

    Ex Oriente Tenebrae!

    Duncan Large Ex oriente tenebrae! Orientalism and Anti-Semitism in Oscar Levy’s Nietzsche 1 Introduction: Oscar Levy on Nietzsche’s Ecce Homo As general editor of the first Complete Works of Friedrich Nietzsche in English translation,1 Oscar Levy (1867–1946) played a vital part in the first wave of Nie- tzsche reception in England. Patrick Bridgwater argues: “rarely can a translation of a modern œuvre have exercised such powerful influence on so many important writers”.2 None of the translations in Levy’s English Nietzsche edition is by Levy himself (although he was translating two of Benjamin Disraeli’s novels into Ger- man at the same time);3 instead, in addition to negotiating the rights, corralling the translators and financing the edition, he proselytised for Nietzsche in his own writings through introductions and other essays. These certainly had the desired effect of winning readers for Nietzsche and raising awareness of the recently de- ceased German philosopher at an otherwise highly sensitive period of Anglo-Ger- man relations in the lead-up to the First World War. At the same time as Levy was promoting Nietzsche, though, he was not doing him any favours in the longer term by aligning him with various other causes which were dear to him person- ally, attaching Nietzsche’s name to his own dubious political programme. In this essay I want to examine Levy’s Nietzsche more closely by focussing on one of the less prominent – but none the less symptomatic – among his Nietzsche essays, his introduction to Nietzsche’s late autobiographical text Ecce homo.
  • Biographical Sketches of Key Pupils

    Biographical Sketches of Key Pupils

    Appendix E Biographical Sketches of Key Pupils John Godolphin Bennett (1897–1974) was a scientist and philosopher who first met Gurdjieff in Istanbul in 1921 when he was working as an interpreter and personal intel- ligence officer in the British Army. In London that year Bennett began attending meet- ings held by Ouspensky on Gurdjieff’s teaching, and in 1922 he met Gurdjieff again. Bennett made brief visits to Gurdjieff’s Institute at Fontainebleau in February and August of 1923. In the 1930s Bennett formed his own group of followers, and rejoined Ouspensky’s group. In 1946 Bennett established an Institute at Coombe Springs, Kingston-on-Thames in Surrey. After a twenty-five year break Bennett renewed his ties with Gurdjieff in Paris in 1948 and 1949, at which time Gurdjieff taught him his new Movements. In 1949 Gurdjieff named Bennett his ‘official representative’ in England, with reference to the publication of Tales. After Gurdjieff’s death Bennett became an independent teacher, drawing from Sufi, Indian, Turkish, and Subud traditions. In 1953 he travelled through the Middle East hoping to locate the sources of Gurdjieff’s teach- ing among Sufi masters. By the end of his life he had written around thirty-five books related to Gurdjieff’s teaching.1 Maurice Nicoll (1884–1953) studied science at the University of Cambridge before travelling through Vienna, Berlin, and Zurich, eventually to become an eminent psy- chiatrist and colleague of Carl Gustav Jung. Nicoll was a member of the Psychosynthesis group, which met regularly under A.R. Orage, and this connection led Nicoll to Ouspensky in London in 1921.
  • Nietzsche and Wagner: Their Influence on National Socialism

    Nietzsche and Wagner: Their Influence on National Socialism

    NIETZSCHE AND WAGNER: THEIR INFLUENCE ON NATIONAL SOCIALISM By Ethel Celeste Johnston Submitted as an Honors Paper In the Department of History TIE WOMAN'S COLLEGE OF THE UNIVERSITY OF NORTH CAROLINA GREENSBORO, NORTH CAROLINA 19U9 TABLE OF CONTENTS Page I. THE ACCUSATION 1 Connecting "Links" Heresay and Proof II. THE FATE OF GERMAN LIBERALISM. 3 The Revolution of 18U8 in Germany The Final Defeat of the German Liberals III. NIETZSCHE 5 The Prematurity of his Thought Biographical Sketch The Scope of his Work The Philosophy of the Superman Possible Perversion of his Thought Leading German nationalists of his Century 17. WAGNER 23 Gobineau's Influence on Wagner's Political Thought Wagner's Ideas on Nation and Race Biographical Sketch His Nationalistic Music His Part in the Revolution of 18U8 His Theories of Volk and Fuehrer His Anti-Semitism V. NIETZSCHE AND WAGNER: THEIR FRIENDSHIP AND PARTING.... 31 Nietzsche's Early Misinterpretation of Wagner's Purpose in Music The Effect of the Bayreuth Festival on Nietzsche's Idealism Reasons for their Parting VI. NIETZSCHE AND WAGNER AMONG THE NAZIS 35 Nietzsche as a Nazi National Hero Contrast of the Thinker's principles with Those of Hitler Wagner's Place in the Hierarchy of Nazi Heroes Comparison of Wagner's and Hitler's Ideas Influence of Wagner's Music on the Masses NIETZSCHE AND WACKIER: THEIR INFLUENCE ON NATIONAL SOCIALISM In 19U3 during the blackest days of World War II the United States Department of State issued a booklet on National Socialism— a summary of our enemy's ideology, its background, and its present application.
  • The New Age Under Orage

    The New Age Under Orage

    THE NEW AGE UNDER ORAGE CHAPTERS IN ENGLISH CULTURAL HISTORY by WALLACE MARTIN MANCHESTER UNIVERSITY PRESS BARNES & NOBLE, INC., NEW YORK Frontispiece A. R. ORAGE © 1967 Wallace Martin All rights reserved MANCHESTER UNIVERSITY PRESS 316-324 Oxford Road, Manchester 13, England U.S.A. BARNES & NOBLE, INC. 105 Fifth Avenue, New York, N.Y. 10003 Printed in Great Britain by Butler & Tanner Ltd, Frome and London This digital edition has been produced by the Modernist Journals Project with the permission of Wallace T. Martin, granted on 28 July 1999. Users may download and reproduce any of these pages, provided that proper credit is given the author and the Project. FOR MY PARENTS CONTENTS PART ONE. ORIGINS Page I. Introduction: The New Age and its Contemporaries 1 II. The Purchase of The New Age 17 III. Orage’s Editorial Methods 32 PART TWO. ‘THE NEW AGE’, 1908-1910: LITERARY REALISM AND THE SOCIAL REVOLUTION IV. The ‘New Drama’ 61 V. The Realistic Novel 81 VI. The Rejection of Realism 108 PART THREE. 1911-1914: NEW DIRECTIONS VII. Contributors and Contents 120 VIII. The Cultural Awakening 128 IX. The Origins of Imagism 145 X. Other Movements 182 PART FOUR. 1915-1918: THE SEARCH FOR VALUES XI. Guild Socialism 193 XII. A Conservative Philosophy 212 XIII. Orage’s Literary Criticism 235 PART FIVE. 1919-1922: SOCIAL CREDIT AND MYSTICISM XIV. The Economic Crisis 266 XV. Orage’s Religious Quest 284 Appendix: Contributors to The New Age 295 Index 297 vii LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS A. R. Orage Frontispiece 1 * Tom Titt: Mr G. Bernard Shaw 25 2 * Tom Titt: Mr G.
  • Nietzsche's Orientalism

    Nietzsche's Orientalism

    Duncan Large Nietzsche’s Orientalism Abstract: Edward Said may omit the German tradition from his ground-breaking study of Orientalism (1978), but it is clearly appropriate to describe Nietzsche as Orientalist in outlook. Without ever having left Western Europe, or even having read very widely on the subject, he indulges in a series of undiscriminating stereotypes about “Asia” and “the Orient”, borrowing from a range of contemporary sources. His is an uncom- mon Orientalism, though, for his evaluation of supposedly “Oriental” characteristics is generally positive, and they are used as a means to critique European decadence and degeneration. Because he defines the type “Oriental” reactively in opposition to the “European”, though, it is contradictory. Furthermore, on Nietzsche’s analysis “Europe” itself is less a type or a geographical designation than an agonal process of repeated self-overcoming. He reverses the received evaluation of the Europe-Orient opposition only in turn to deconstruct the opposition itself. Europe first emerged out of Asia in Ancient Greece, Nietzsche claims, and it has remained a precarious achieve- ment ever since, repeatedly liable to “re-orientalisation”. He argues that “Oriental” Christianity has held Europe in its sway for too long, but his preferred antidote is a further instance of European “re-orientalisation”, at the hands of the Jews, whose productive self-difference under a unified will he views as the best model for the “good Europeans” of the future. Keywords: Orientalism, Edward Said, Asia, Europe, Christianity, Jews, good Europeans. Zusammenfassung: Auch wenn in Edward Saids bahnbrechender Studie Orienta- lismus (1978) die deutsche Tradition nicht vorkommt, lässt sich Nietzsches Haltung doch als ‚orientalistisch‘ beschreiben.
  • THE STOR Y Rarjer

    THE STOR Y Rarjer

    THE STORy rArJER JAl\.LARY 1954 COLLECTOR No. 51 :: Vol. 3 6th Chri,tma' J,,ue, The Magner, i'o. 305, December 13, 191 "l From the Editor's NOTEBOOK HAVE Volume I, the first 26 name pictured in The Srory Paper issues, of the early Harms­ Collet!or No. 48, but the same I worth weekly paper for publisher, Rrett), a "large num· women, Forger-Me-Nor, which ber" of S11rpris�s, Plucks, Union was founded, I judge - for the Jacks, Marwls, and True Blues cover-pages are missing-late in were offereJ at one shilling for 1891. In No. 12, issued probably 48, post free to any address. Un­ in January 1892, there is mention like Forgec-Me-Nors in 1892, these of a letter from a member of papers must have been consi­ The Forget-Me-Not Club. ln the dered of little value in 1901. words of the Editress (as she What a difference today! calls herself): IF The Amalgamated Press A member of the Clul> tt•rites IO had issued our favorite papers inform me rha1 she inserted an ad­ in volumes, after the manner of vertisement in E x change and Mart, Chums in its earlier years, there offering Rider Haggard's "Jess" and would doubtless he a more Longfellow's poems for a copy of plentiful supply of Magnets and No. 1 of Forget-Me-Not, l>ut she Gems and the rest today. They did not receive an offer. This speaks did not even make any great 1'0lumes for 1he value of the earl: prndicc of providing covers for numbers of Forger-Me-Not.
  • The Distributist Alternative

    The Distributist Alternative

    www.secondspring.co.uk/economy The Distributist Alternative Russell Sparkes When people think of G.K. Chesterton, they normally remember his literary achievements: the essays, the Father Brown stories, the wealth of aphorisms that are still widely quoted. However, I suspect that if you had asked the man himself what part of his work he was most proud of, he would have said something that is almost totally forgotten today: his advocacy of a social and political philosophy called ‘Distributism’. In my talk today I want to tell you what this was, what its antecedents and inspirations were, and its lasting value. Distributism’s main tenet was that property should be as widely distributed as possible, and business should be local. There was advocacy of the economy being centred upon the production of goods, and suspicion of the role of high finance. It was advocated principally by G.K. Chesterton and Hilaire Belloc from 1910 onwards, although others such as the Dominican priest Vincent McNabb, the artist Eric Gill, and the guild socialist Arthur Penty also contributed ideas. However, many of these latter had their own agenda, and while they were active in the Distributist movement, their advocacy of homespun craftsmanship or of the ‘social credit’ theories of Major Douglas.[1] They were peripheral to Distributism whose key texts are Chesterton’s Outline of Sanity published in 1926, and Belloc’s Essay on the Restoration of Property of 1936. In the depressed economic conditions of the 1920s Distributism became a political movement as well as an economic programme which was led and inspired by Chesterton through a little magazine that he edited and whose heavy losses he funded.
  • The Reception and Commemoration of William Speirs Bruce Are, I Suggest, Part

    The Reception and Commemoration of William Speirs Bruce Are, I Suggest, Part

    The University of Edinburgh School of Geosciences Institute of Geography A SCOT OF THE ANTARCTIC: THE RECEPTION AND COMMEMORATION OF WILLIAM SPEIRS BRUCE M.Sc. by Research in Geography Innes M. Keighren 12 September 2003 Declaration of originality I hereby declare that this dissertation has been composed by me and is based on my own work. 12 September 2003 ii Abstract 2002–2004 marks the centenary of the Scottish National Antarctic Expedition. Led by the Scots naturalist and oceanographer William Speirs Bruce (1867–1921), the Expedition, a two-year exploration of the Weddell Sea, was an exercise in scientific accumulation, rather than territorial acquisition. Distinct in its focus from that of other expeditions undertaken during the ‘Heroic Age’ of polar exploration, the Scottish National Antarctic Expedition, and Bruce in particular, were subject to a distinct press interpretation. From an examination of contemporary newspaper reports, this thesis traces the popular reception of Bruce—revealing how geographies of reporting and of reading engendered locally particular understandings of him. Inspired, too, by recent work in the history of science outlining the constitutive significance of place, this study considers the influence of certain important spaces—venues of collection, analysis, and display—on the conception, communication, and reception of Bruce’s polar knowledge. Finally, from the perspective afforded by the centenary of his Scottish National Antarctic Expedition, this paper illustrates how space and place have conspired, also, to direct Bruce’s ‘commemorative trajectory’—to define the ways in which, and by whom, Bruce has been remembered since his death. iii Acknowledgements For their advice, assistance, and encouragement during the research and writing of this thesis I should like to thank Michael Bolik (University of Dundee); Margaret Deacon (Southampton Oceanography Centre); Graham Durant (Hunterian Museum); Narve Fulsås (University of Tromsø); Stanley K.
  • Michael Black

    Michael Black

    THE SOURCES AND USES OF DISTRIBUTISM: A ROMAN CATHOLIC’S VIEW OF ANGLO-CATHOLIC GENIUS Michael Black The past popularity, the long tradition of religion supported it diverse champions against a present neglect. --Charles Williams, Shadows of Ecstasy Tradition asserts itself especially in a crisis. Deeply held but forgotten beliefs present us with familiar novelty, a ‘commodius vicus of recirculation’ of ideas which offer themselves as solutions to contemporary social problems. In our current economic crisis, the early 20th-century idea of Distributism is receiving renewed attention as a serious contribution to national policy in the United Kingdom. This essay is a personal response which I hope may find a place in the growing debate. In September 2008, the bankruptcy of the Wall Street investment bank Lehman Brothers caused financial markets around the world to freeze with fear. The consensus of City pundits and Whitehall policy-makers was that the world had entered uncharted economic waters. Not just respectable opinion, but long-held theories about economics were discredited decisively. A revival of the unconventional and marginal in an environment of intellectual despair was probably inevitable. One little known socio-economic concept, Distributism, which was championed by G.K Chesterton and Hilaire Belloc in the 1920’s and 30’s, came to some renewed prominence on both sides of the Atlantic. In North America, for example, within only a few months of the Lehman failure, the American quarterly Chesterton Review conducted a symposium advertising the relevance of Distributism as a solution to the global economic meltdown. Fr Ian Boyd, the editor, recommended what he considered an ‘evolved distributism’ in several cooperative industrial movements as economic models on a scale which could be controlled by human beings.1 In July, Fr Boyd gave a further lecture in Oxford on ‘A Distributist View of the Economic Crisis’.
  • Dissemination of the Work During Gurdjieff’S Lifetime

    Dissemination of the Work During Gurdjieff’S Lifetime

    DISSEMINATION OF THE WORK DURING GURDJIEFF’S LIFETIME Throughout the course of his teaching Gurdjieff employed deputies or “helper- instructors” to assist with disseminating his ideas. During the Russian phase of the teaching, P.D. Ouspensky and other senior students would often give introductory lectures to newcomers as preparation for Gurdjieff’s presentation of more advanced material. A.R. Orage was responsible for introducing Work ideas to Gurdjieff’s New York groups in the 1920s. Under Gurdjieff’s direction Jeanne de Salzmann organized and led French groups during the 1930s and was largely responsible for teaching Gurdjieff’s sacred dances. Gurdjieff realized that if his teaching was to take root in the West he needed to train and teach students with a Western background who could assist him in making the teach- ing culturally appropriate. Gurdjieff’s efforts to train his assistants may also have come from a desire to develop them into independent teachers in their own right. During a period of physical incapacity following his serious automobile accident in July 1924, Gurdjieff’s Institute at the Prieuré in Fontainebleau virtually ground to a halt. It was then that Gurdjieff realized that none of his students possessed the degree of inner development or the leadership capacity to carry his work forward in his absence: He had to acknowledge what for him was a devastating realization: that the Institute for the Harmonious Development of Man had failed insofar as not a single pupil, nor even all of his students collectively, possessed the inner resources required even temporarily to sustain the momentum of life he had set into motion.
  • BEYOND GOOD and EVIL of the Second Edition Of

    BEYOND GOOD and EVIL of the Second Edition Of

    HAROLD Ij. Lit l!Hi;/Ii;Y DRibHAM YOUr'6 UMvppspv. Digitized by the Internet Archive in 2011 with funding from Brigham Young University http://www.archive.org/details/beyondgoodevilpr1909niet -< ^. t- T^ "7 ^ // VUL^ THE COMPLETE WORKS OF FRIEDRICH NIETZSCHE The First Qomplete and Authorised English Translation EDITED BY Dr OSCAR LEVY "i.Triv VOLUME FIVE BEYOND GOOD AND EVIL Of the Second Edition of Tv90 Thousand Copies this is No. 239 F ^-^ FRIEDRICH NIETZSCHE BEYOND GOOD AND EVIL TRELUDE TO ^ THILOSOPHT OF THE FUTh'RE TRANSLATED BY HELEN ZIMMERN T. N. FOULIS 13 6- 15 FREDERICK STREET EDINBURGH: and LONDON 1909 Y ALL RIGHTS RESERVED Printed at The Daribn Press, E(imt>ur«^k BRiCi H/'. - i O U N 1 VERSIT CONTENTS. PAGE Preface -.--•. i CHAP. - . I. Prejudices of Philosophers 5 II. The Free Spirit - - - - 35 III. The Religious Mood - - - 63 IV. Apophthegms and Interludes - - 85 V. The Natural History of Morals - 103 VI. We Scholars - - - - - 133 VII. Our Virtues - - - - - 159 VIII. Peoples and Countries - - - 191 IX. What is Noble? - - . - 223 Epode: From Lofty Mountains • - 265 INTRODUCTION TO THE TRANSLATION. Here, in spite of its name, is one of the most serious, profound, and original philosophical works. It offers a feast of good things to the morally and intellectually fastidious, which will take long to exhaust. There is really something new in the book—much that is new ! Burke says, in his " " Reflections on the Revolution in France (p. 128), " We [Englishmen] know that we have made no discoveries, and we think that no discoveries are to be made in morality." The latter statement, which still represents the general views of Englishmen, is now proved to be entirely mistaken.