The and Welsh Assembly Women’s Representation in and

5 May 2011 Report and Analysis

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Contents

2 Introduction 6 Women’s Representation and Wales 12 Women in the Scottish Parliament Women’s Representation 2 in Scotland and Wales Introduction

Once upon a time, British democracy assumed encourage them to stand and to be elected. that there was a clear difference between However, we need to begin, perhaps, with an being able to vote and being eligible to be understanding of where we are now. elected. Whole groups and classes of people were excluded from the franchise, but not from Parliament, and many would have agreed with Putting it into Colonel Reginald Applin, MP for Enfield, who observed in 1928, ‘It (the vote) is not a right Perspective for any individual. The individual who is not capable or fit ought not to have the vote. I have Let us look at both Britain as a whole, and been deprived of a vote all my life because I Scotland and Wales in their own right. am a soldier. I have never complained. …. I have never in my life voted for a Member of The UK likes to think of itself as being at the Parliament.’1 forefront of democracy, and in some ways it is, but it also lags behind many comparable This situation, which existed until 1929, countries when it comes to electing women. seems almost inconceivable to the modern Of the major western European nations democratic mind, which accepts universal only Italy, France and Ireland have a lower suffrage as the default position and would percentage of women in their national not consent to be governed by those who parliaments than the UK. Sweden, Iceland, could not vote.2 Yet the fears of people like Finland, Norway, Belgium, the Netherlands, Colonel Applin – that once large numbers of Spain and Germany are all in the top twenty women and working class men had the vote worldwide, with Andorra on 54%, – second they would replace people like him – have only to Rwanda in the international league only partially turned out to be true. Neither in table3. If the Welsh Assembly (40% female) gender nor class (nor, indeed, ethnicity) do our and Scottish Parliament (35% female) were democratic institutions reflect those who elect to be included, they would rank eighth them. and eighteenth respectively. At 22%, the Westminster parliament currently languishes In the case of women, this is particularly in 55th place. In this context, and pertinent. Women constitute 51% of the Holyrood don’t seem to be doing too badly. 1. Hansard, 29 March 1928 during world’s population, yet they are in a minority in the debate on the Representation of every legislature except Rwanda and Andorra. Whatever the problems of recent years, the People (Equal Representation) Bill, Politics seems everywhere to have remained both the Welsh Assembly and the Scottish quoted in A Great Act of Justice: The an overwhelmingly male occupation, with Parliament have levels of women members Flapper Election and After, CFWD 2009. women required either to adapt to it or stay out to which Westminster and Stormont can (something about heat and kitchens is often only aspire in the distant future. In Wales the 2. Except, of course, for a few dozen quoted). Liberal Democrats are led by a woman (Kirsty hereditary peers in the current House of Williams, who held her seat in the general Lords. This report is about women in the 2011 rout of her party in 2011), and in Scotland 3. Figures from Scottish and Welsh elections, and like both Labour and the Conservatives have had the International Parliamentary Union almost every work of this nature it includes recent women leaders (Wendy Alexander and website, accessed 21 June 2011 http:// justifications of why it is important to have Annabel Goldie respectively). At the time of www.ipu.org/wmn-e/ classif.htm women in politics, and what can be done to writing, two of the eight Cabinet Secretaries Introduction Women’s Representation in Scotland and Wales 3

appointed by the Scottish First Minister are possible for their evolved progenitor on the women, as are three of the seven appointed Thames. In Scotland this followed a sustained by the Welsh First Minister. The picture may campaign by women’s groups, and although not be one of parity, but it compares well with it ultimately proved legally impossible to do, the UK as a whole, and, given that there was there was even an attempt to enshrine 50:50 actually a small increase in women in Scotland representation in law. In Wales, women were and only a relatively small decrease in Wales, less organised, but still managed to secure some may feel we are nitpicky in our concern. real concessions. Inside and outside both countries, therefore, it has been reasonable to We would disagree. In part, it’s a matter of assume that gender equality would remain a expectation. In 2003 Wales achieved the priority, and the success achieved in Wales in enviable distinction of becoming the first 2003, in particular, fed this assumption. national elected assembly in which half of the members were women, and in the same Yet 1999 also represents missed elections 40% of successful candidates for opportunities. The failure to resolve the legal the Scottish Parliament were women. In both problems and include a legislated commitment cases, the percentage of women members for both bodies meant that delivering the was more than double that of the Westminster election of women was effectively left to Parliament, which then stood at 18%. There market forces. Across the UK, responsibility was a feeling that, in both countries, some for achieving genuinely representative kind of Rubicon had been crossed, and democracy has been sloughed off onto the that they now had something to tell shoulders of political parties. These are all (and Northern Ireland) about how to make voluntary organisations with varying levels of democracy more representative. commitment to gender equality, and they have to function at the mercy of varying electoral It came as a bit of a disappointment, therefore, fortunes. In Scotland and Wales the use of to find that in both countries there was proportional representation (PR) for those subsequently a distinct falling away from the elections has enabled the parties to be more 2003 high. Yet we should not be surprised proactive than they feel able to be elsewhere – the achievements of both were always under First Past the Post (FPTP), but electoral dependent on factors other than the collective systems are not in themselves sufficient to political will, and in some cases assumptions ensure diversity. were made that have since turned out to be frail, to say the least. The results of this approach have been patchy. In both countries, as at Westminster, high levels of women members are both Seizing the Day created and sustained by the actions of one or two parties rather than the body politic When the devolved institutions were set up as a whole. In Wales both Labour and Plaid in 1999, they had a unique opportunity to Cymru use some form of positive action, and start from scratch and to think in advance although both rowed back a little for the most about what kind of legislature they wanted. recent set of elections, between them they As a result, both made formal commitments still contribute the bulk – 19 out of 24 – of the to gender equality that had never been women elected, with 50% of members of the Introduction Women’s Representation 4 in Scotland and Wales

Labour group in the Assembly being women. in Scotland – that women would be able to change the political culture, to ‘feminise’ what In Scotland, the position is more stark. Forty- had hitherto been a very male activity. It was nine per cent of the Labour group of MSPs is generally (if perhaps mistakenly) believed female, but only 28% of the SNP’s majority that gaining a critical mass of thirty per group, and although women constitute 40% of cent women in any legislature would enable Conservative MSPs, their actual numbers are cultural change to take place. Moreover, both very small, there being only six of them. bodies made conscious attempts to organise themselves along different lines to those at Detailed analyses of the 2011 results are Westminster and to put equalities issues much contained in separate sections of this report, closer to the hearts of their governments. but even on the most superficial assessment of the results it is evident that any change This certainly made for wider discussion of in policy on the part of a small number of some of the issues seen as being of special political parties will result in a collapse in the interest to women, but whether it caused number of women legislators in one or both an irreversible cultural change is a matter for devolved bodies. Thus, although the high debate. In Scotland there is a strong view levels of women in both Wales and Scotland that in recent years a ‘Westminsterisation’ are certainly an achievement, they are an of Edinburgh politics has meant that ‘the old achievement for individual organisations, not adversarial and party-bound style of politics for politics as a whole. (has) reasserted itself with a vengeance … not least through the traditional “yah-boo” This situation leads in turn to pressures on politics of First Minister’s Questions, and sustainability, which has contributed to the through fierce party whipping’4. In Wales, a recent decline. strong attempt to frame the Assembly on a ‘consensual’ model collapsed when faced with the pressure of day-to-day politics. And Sustainability although in both countries there does seem to be some evidence for the case that issues Achieving gender balance is difficult, but have been discussed and dealt with that might sustaining it is a real challenge. not have been, had women not been present in numbers5, neither seems to have achieved Proportional representation, combined with the great cultural shift that was anticipated. positive action inside one or more of the main political parties, has produced results. As a consequence, it appears that the But this has a limited remit – it can only get same long list of issues that put women off 4. Joyce McMillan and Ruth Fox, Has women through the door. It can’t keep them Westminster politics is now at play in both Devolution Delivered for Women?, Hansard there if they choose to leave, and nor can Edinburgh and Cardiff. These were detailed Society, 2010. it encourage more women to participate or comprehensively in the Speaker’s Conference 5. See Sarah Childs, change the nature of political activity itself. report published in 2010 and the fact that Joni Lovenduski and Rosie Campbell, the number of women councillors is more or Changing Numbers, Changing Politics? The expectations raised in the run-up to less static in both countries (22% in Scotland Hansard Society, 2005, and McMillan devolution did not just relate to numbers. and 25% in Wales) suggests that the problem and Fox, Hansard Society 2010. There was a real anticipation – particularly extends throughout political life. Clearly the Introduction Women’s Representation in Scotland and Wales 5

political parties, who act as the gatekeepers to a monocultural and exclusive norm. to political candidacy, have a major role to play in removing barriers, but they can only Yet we should also recognise what has be effective up to a point. The whole political been achieved. For all the concerns and community, as well as the wider electorate, reservations expressed here and elsewhere, has to be in agreement that institutions lack Scotland and Wales have managed to take democratic credibility if half the population is the first steps towards breaking away from so seriously under-represented, and to date the traditional mould. Certainly, more needs that has never been achieved. to be done, and moreover, any diminution or dilution of progress must be viewed with alarm. Cultural change almost always What Next? requires leadership from the top, and in both countries this has wavered in recent years. If the twentieth century saw the (eventual) Other pressures may divert attention from the triumph in the UK of representative politics, need to keep moving, political parties may the twenty-first will see the development of the not always consider democratic credibility participative model, and the tension between an absolute priority, and women themselves the two will form part of the narrative of our may – and often do – find other battles more future democratic history. This is not to say important at different points. that representative institutions will become obsolete, but they will need to change and So while on the one hand we should continue adapt. For some people, individual judgement to celebrate progress made, we should also already trumps the collective will, and elected view the results analysed in this report as a politicians are in danger of being seen as clarion call not to let the successes of the irrelevant in a world in which issues can last decade slip away. The recommendations be widely debated before parliaments and it makes reflect that view. It’s now up to assemblies have even realised that there is both the body politic and the electorate to a problem. How will we ensure diversity in decide whether or not to take action to turn this new world of localism and community representative democracy from aspiration decision-making, and how will new ways of into achievement. p doing things involve women when the old ones have failed so often?

In the trend towards smaller, more local decision-making, the institutions of Scotland and Wales are trailblazers. What happens in them is therefore of interest in more ways than just numbers – they are capable of setting both tone and target for others to follow. If Holyrood is becoming more like Westminster, if women in Wales are finding it more, not less, difficult to participate, then we need to be aware of that and to consider how, in future, we can stop new institutions defaulting back Chapter 2 Women’s Representation 6 in Scotland and Wales Women’s Representation and Wales

The representation of women in the National The National Assembly Advisory Group Assembly for Wales has been one of (NAAG) was set up December 1997 to achieve 1. This proportion ended up as 42% due devolution’s true successes. It was a stated consensus on and produce recommendations to the disqualification of one AM on the goal of Welsh devolution to include more for the establishment of the Assembly. Its basis of conflict of interest. Another AM people in the decision-making process. In membership reflected the ‘inclusive’ ideal, was exempted from 1 disqualification after a the first Welsh Assembly in 1999, women and included five women, and women’s vote on July 6th 2011. In strict legal terms, constituted 40 per cent of the Members, organisations in particular lobbied the NAAG the Assembly had 58 AMs elected until rising to a record 50 per cent in 2003 on its recommendations. These included Eluned Parrot took the place of John Dixon, (which rose to 52 per cent after the election family-friendly working practices; terms and Aled Roberts took his seat. This of in 2006). This made the to coincide with school term-times and chapter, in looking at the policies of the Assembly a world leader in women’s political gender-neutral titles to be used in Assembly parties, takes the view that the specific representation. The 2011 election marked proceedings. The subsequent Government action (or lack thereof) intended by the party a reduction in the proportion of female of Wales Act was unique in the UK in placing in placing candidates in what it took to AMs and a return to the same proportion a statutory obligation on the Assembly to be winnable seats is more important of 40 per cent as in the first Assembly in pursue equality of opportunity both within and to understand the dynamics of gender 1999. Although this remains a high figure in without. Thus, women’s organisations, by representation than a particularly odd comparison to the UK’s other legislatures, fitting their demands within a wider discourse circumstance which adds a distortion to it also raises questions over continued of ‘inclusiveness’ were able to have significant the gender equality and the policies sustainability. input into the design of the Assembly’s toward it. As such, we use the number procedures and standing orders, and so build of female AMs based on those who were equality ‘into the bricks’ of the Assembly itself. intended to be elected by the parties Background and by being candidates in winnable seats on May 5th 2011. Context The Assembly 2. R Rawlings, ‘The New Model Wales’, Journal of Law and Prior to devolution in 1997, the Welsh Election 2011 Society, 25, 4 (1998), p 466. Office was a narrow form of administrative devolution, which tended to pursue ‘the The headline figure for women is that the 3. V Bogdanor, Devolution in the humdrum business of implementing policies proportion of women fell to 40 per cent. An United Kingdom 2 (Oxford: 1999). decided elsewhere’. It seldom challenged optimistic view would read that in the face of a important policy presumptions or worked retreat in formal positive action by Labour and 4. Two AMs could not take their seats due out a major policy from a specifically Welsh , the ratio has remained relatively to irregularities in their 3 membership of civil pattern of need’ . Exclusion shaped the high and marks a return to the still relatively society boards and conflicts of interest discourse of pro-devolutionists, both in high starting point of the 1999 election. The under Electoral Commission rules. terms of appealing to recognition of Welsh fear of a retreat to the 30 per cent mark has, nationhood and also excluded groups at least, not been realised. 5. Following the disqualification of within Wales. As such, ‘inclusiveness’ John Dixon, the ratio was 8 of 23, or 35%. became a term that was associated with However, an analysis of underlying trends equal opportunities, pluralism and cross- would caution against this view. The 6. The number of new members was 14 in party working. Crucially, it signalled a clear relatively high return of women is linked to 2003 (nine of whom were women: a 63% break from the exclusive and discriminatory the resurgence of the Labour vote in 2011 return); 13 in 2007 (five women: a 38% politics of the Westminster model and the following its nadir in the 2010 UK General return). The return of 2007 coupled Assembly’s institutional design was created Election. Many of Labour’s most vulnerable with 2011 show a worrying return of in opposition to this. seats were held by women and in November Chapter 2 Women’s Representation Women’s Representation and Wales in Scotland and Wales 7

Figure 1 – Women AMs by Party Female Candidates by Party 2011 (%) 1999 – 2011

pLib Dem pLabour pConservative pPlaid Cymru pConstituency pList pTop 2 on list 70 70

60 60 % of s 50 50

party AM 40 40

30 30 total women

of 20 20 % 10 10

0 0 1999 2003 2007 2011 Conservative Labour Lib Dems plaid cymru

2009, a large swing toward Labour looked seven were women. This is a return of 30 per unlikely. In the event, all of these seats were cent women as a proportion of new mem- safe, given the nine-point national swing to bers, which illustrates a worrying trend.5 The Labour. number of new members is by far the highest in the Assembly’s history, so this low return Moreover, we would also caution that ‘incum- of women may be significant for the future.6 bency overhang’ accounts for a large propor- As more members retire in future, the ratio of tion of the 40 per cent figure. Of the 37 incum- women in the Assembly is likely to go down. bent AMs following May 2011, 17 are women – a return of 46 per cent. Of the 23 Assembly As illustrated in Fig. 3, Labour is substantially candidates originally elected in 19994, only higher than the other parties in female candidates nominated, on both the constituency and list seats. The lowest Figure 2 – Women AMs Elected in 2011 percentage of women is in the constituency by Party seats, in particular for the Conservatives and pConstituency pList pTotal Plaid Cymru. It should be noted that, due to Labour’s dominance of the constituency seats, 120 both these parties have a limited amount of constituency seats to fight for in a small 100 institution such as the Assembly. It should total 80 also be noted that women were contesting 60 some of the main target seats (Llanelli and party Carmarthen West and South Pembrokeshire of 40

% for Plaid Cymru, the Vale of Glamorgan for 20 the Conservatives, as well as Aberconwy). 0 This is an indication that the parties have no plaid Labour cymru Lib Dems Conservative systematic objection in placing women in Chapter 2 Women’s Representation 8 Women’s Representation and Wales in Scotland and Wales

winnable seats as such, although more needs Figure 4 – Female to be done.7 Ministers 1999 - 2011 pCabinet minister pJunior minister The problem lies also in the lack of women 70 willing or available to stand. This is an issue 60

that goes beyond the scope of this chapter % 50 and goes deeper than the electoral system of

or devolution, as such, but is a problem with 40 cabinet political culture in general. While it seems that 30 there are more women open to stand in the 20 Assembly than Westminster, it is clear that the ideal of inclusivity, which was its goal, has 10 not made enough headway in bringing more 0 women into politics. 1999 2001 2003 2005 2007 2009 2011

* Only 1 deputy minister in 1999 Women and the 8 Cabinet parliament in the world to shame.’ The other parties have also placed women The Welsh Assembly has had a Labour or in important positions in coalition. Jenny Labour-led government throughout its history. Randerson was Minister of Culture in the Lib- Lab Coalition, one of two Liberal Democrats There have been two Labour minority govern- with a cabinet minister portfolio. Similarly, ments: the first under the First Secretary Alun Plaid put in charge of Rural Affairs 7. There is an anomaly in the data. Michael from May 1999 until his resignation in portfolio, and as Deputy Given its modified use of ‘zipping’ on May 2000; the second following Peter Law’s Minister for Housing. the list, Plaid’s figures should be 50% in the exit from the party in 2005 until May 2007. top two places. Plaid Cymru nominated a Unsurprisingly, give that was woman second on the list, following its Labour has governed through coalition during First Minister for almost a decade, there has gender policies, in the Mid and West region two periods. They joined with the Liberal been continuity in Labour Cabinet Ministers, in September 2010. However, this person Democrats in October 2000 until May 2003. and this applies also to women. Two of the stood down. Plaid placed a man, next on Following a protracted period of negotiation, three women in ’ 2011 cabinet, the list, in her place. In contrast, when Labour joined Plaid Cymru in coalition from and , have been Labour’s Mari Rees passed away when July 2007-May 2011. ministers since ’s first cabinet in second on the list, her position was taken by 1999. , the Minister for Health the female candidate who was fourth on Given the Labour party’s dominance, and their and Social Services in Carwyn Jones’ 2011 the list, Rebecca Evans, who is now impressive track record on gender balance cabinet, is the first woman in any party to an AM. We would urge Plaid Cymru to through positive action in the Assembly as serve as a cabinet minister who was not address this in future, in adhering to its own a whole, it is unsurprising that the gender elected in 1999. Three men elected from 2003 gender policy and in treating it with due balance in the Cabinet has also been onwards have been cabinet ministers. The seriousness. impressive. As stated, ‘Nearly half of ratio of women in the government has reduced 8. Assembly Record the Assembly and a majority of the Cabinet are to a third of cabinet and junior ministers of Proceedings, 30 October 2001. women – a level that puts virtually every other following May 2011. Chapter 2 Women’s Representation Women’s Representation and Wales in Scotland and Wales 9

Women’s Plaid Cymru Representation, Plaid Cymru is the only other party, apart from Labour, that has used positive action Candidacy and to improve women’s representation. In November 1997, a commitment was given the Parties to zipping and placing women first on the regional lists. As the majority of Plaid Labour Cymru’s seats have been won on the basis Labour has been in the vanguard of gaining of party lists, this has resulted in a fairly good gender parity in the Assembly. All the seats proportion of women AMs. They performed won by the party outside of the Mid and better than expected in the constituencies in West Wales regions have been constituency 1999 – which resulted in fewer women than seats contested through the First Past might have been the case. The benefits of the Post (FPTP) system. FPTP is generally zipping were reasserted in 2003, with the thought of to be one of the less conducive party achieving perfect parity, albeit on a systems for electing women. Labour’s record disappointing overall performance. in Wales is therefore an illustration to all parties of what can be achieved through In 2007, Plaid regained lost ground, although political will and positive action. Thanks to all- controversy was caused by the fact that the women shortlists, women consisted of 53.5 popular ex-party leader, Dafydd Wigley, was per cent of the Labour group in 1999. This second on the North Wales list due to the figure rose to 63 per cent and 61 per cent in policy. As such, Plaid has now abandoned its 2003 and 2007 respectively. As the largest commitment to placing women on the top of party by some distance, this has been the party lists. most important factor in achieving gender parity. The 2011 election brought Plaid’s worst ever result in terms of seats and a close In the General Election of May 2010, second to 1999 in terms of gender balance. Labour’s share of the vote was 36 per Plaid won only 11 seats, four of whom were cent – it’s lowest since 1918. In the 2007 women. The zipping policy was responsible Assembly election, Labour’s vote shrank to for guaranteeing the election of two women 32 per cent. Fears of a substantial loss of on the list. It should be noted that one of Labour women due to party performance Plaid’s target seats, Carmarthen West and were not unfounded in the run up to the South Pembrokeshire, was contested by a 2011 Assembly election. Four key targets woman, and the surprising loss of Llanelli also for Conservative male candidates were affected the gender balance. Now that Plaid held by Labour women AMs: Vale of Clwyd has retreated on positive action, it makes (majority 92); Delyn (majority 510); Clwyd reinstalling these policies difficult as this means South (majority 1,119) and (majority working against incumbency. A reversion to 1,250). In this event, Labour enjoyed a very the previous policy would also be, effectively, satisfactory result, and swings to Labour an attack on the male incumbents now in secured all of these seats. place. Chapter 2 Women’s Representation 10 Women’s Representation and Wales in Scotland and Wales

Liberal Democrats remained disqualified, and his seat was taken Until May 2011, the Liberal Democrats had by the next person on the list, a new female consistently won six AMs, and is the only party AM, . If, previously, parity had to have a female leader. Throughout, the Lib been achieved more by luck than design – Dems have achieved gender parity, with the in this case the increase in the proportion exception that in 2010 Veronica German took of women was through a minor miracle of over from Mike German when he took his seat chance and circumstance, from the loss of a in the , tipping the balance in , followed by the disqualification of favour of women members. However, equal the only winnable seat in that circumstance in representation was a result of accident rather the South Wales Central region. than design, and in 2011 the Lib Dems only managed to elect one woman (their leader ) out of a total of five AMs. Following the 2011 election, the Welsh Conservatives remain the only party to have Candidate selection was partly responsible gained more seats with each subsequent for this. A female AM was controversially election. Indeed, their success in 2011 also led demoted to second place on the North Wales to the loss of their leader, Nick Bourne, due to list in favour of a man. In Cardiff Central, the party’s gaining constituency seats at his Jenny Randerson took her seat in the House list seat’s expense. This again raises questions of Lords to be replaced by Nigel Howells. regarding the ban of dual candidacy in a His loss meant that a list seat was won by different context. another man, John Dixon. The Lib Dems’ other incumbent seat was lost to a male The Conservatives return of women in 2011 Conservative candidate. was four out of fourteen (28.6 per cent). The party leadership has felt pressure to be For such a small party in the Assembly, seen within the mainstream on women’s the allocation of scarce seats is bound to representation due to the success of other be controversial in terms of positive action, parties in this field – a process academics and the party have been fortunate in having refer to as the ‘contagion effect’. In the experienced women in the right positions in Assembly, the failure of ‘soft’ measures such the past. Having lost or sidelined incumbent as training and mentoring, and the resistance women AMs, there are obstacles in the way of constituency parties to central control, can of women being selected. The candidates in be seen in the results of the previous election other target seats of Newport East, Swansea in 2007, where a single woman was returned. West, Pontypridd and Wrexham were all male, Following this result, the enterprising leader, with only Ceredigion as a possible target being Nick Bourne, introduced rules that would contested by a woman. help women get on the list. In order to avoid attacking incumbents, Bourne set the rule that However, two of the male list candidates, women or ethnic minority candidates should Aled Roberts and John Dixon, were originally have priority on the list seats where there was unable to take their seats due to having not an incumbent standing, therefore going broken the rules for standing. Of the two, Aled further than the UK branch of party. Roberts was exempted from disqualification by a motion on July 6th 2011. John Dixon The policy opened up positions for women Chapter 2 Women’s Representation Women’s Representation and Wales in Scotland and Wales 11

on the list in winnable seats. As a result, the Women AMs have been active in raising Conservatives returned two women on the issues over childcare, domestic violence, equal regional lists and two in constituency seats. A pay and equality. This has resulted in some woman was also the Conservative candidate concrete policy outputs, for example moves in its main target constituency seat, the Vale of to end gender segregation in schools, longer Glamorgan (which Labour’s Jane Hutt retained). maternity leave for teachers and housing Whether or not this policy will remain in place priority for women fleeing domestic violence.9 depends on future leadership of the party. A retreat on descriptive representation is likely to lead to retreat on substantive representation, and diminish the achievements Summary in creating a more open political culture in the Assembly as a whole. The Welsh General Election of 2011 yielded mixed results for women’s representation in However, it is incumbent on the parties Wales. The reduction in the number of women to continue to push for equality of gender was not as bad as had been feared. The representation in the Assembly, not only as Conservative Party, for the first time, made a reflection of their own diversity, but for the gains in the numbers of women. However, the continuing development of good governance retreat in positive action by the two previous of the institution as a whole. We recommend larger parties brought the number of women that, where at all possible, the three smaller down. In the case of Labour, they retained parties should aim to gain women on the parity, although the women are now in their top of the list – certainly where there is no most vulnerable seats. For Plaid Cymru, a incumbent already in place. We would urge poor electoral performance coupled with their the Labour party to continue to select women retreat on positive action makes regaining on the basis of parity, but where possible to traction on the issue more difficult. The Liberal install women in safe seats. Democrats still have the cache of the only female leader, and raised their number of Wales remains a UK leader on the issue of women through chance. gender representation. The National Assembly has been rightly proud of its achievements in The underlying figures caution against gender equality. It is vital that complacency complacency. The relatively low proportion of should not allow that record, and its vital new women Assembly Members, in the largest consequences for governance, political culture intake of new members yet in the Assembly, and inclusion to wither away. p indicates that the long-term trend may be a retreat. Such ‘descriptive’ representation not only has symbolic value, important though that is too. Assembly Members are 9. McMillan, J. & Fox, R. 2010. Has key gatekeepers to policy decisions and in Devolution Delivered for Women? Hansard setting the policy agenda. The gender of Society and British Council Scotland representatives plays an important role in Available at: both within the institutions and with [Accessed 19 July 2011]. organisations and civil society on the outside. Chapter 3 Women’s Representation 12 in Scotland and Wales Women in the Scottish Parliament

When assessing the quality of government the Lothian regional list outright with no party in any democratic political system, general allegiance. In fact, in 2007, she won so many consensus is that the closer elected votes that she could have held two seats if representatives are to the constituents that that had been physically possible. they serve, the better. One of the premises of devolution was to decentralise power away Sadly, however, the achievements of these from London and take it closer to the regions Scottish political ‘greats’ are not reflected and nations of the United Kingdom, making in the aggregate number of women who policy more in tune with local communities, have been active in politics and government and restoring the balance between politics and in Scotland. Like so many parts of other people. A government that has lost sensitivity established Western European democracies, to those by whom it was elected, is one gender equality remains an aspiration rather lacking trust. Much has been written about than a reality. The prominent role played the way advanced industrial democracies by MSP, as Deputy First like the British political system have become Minister, cannot conceal the fact her party increasingly dominated by professional, career is dominated, both in terms of electoral politicians who look the same and have similar representation and at the grass-roots policies regardless of the party they represent. membership level, by men.1 Helen Liddell’s In particular, under-representation by brief tenure as Scottish Secretary between minorities and women is an ongoing puzzle – 2001 and 2003 could not compensate for the both in terms of explaining the reasons behind overwhelmingly male culture that was – and it, as well as providing workable solutions. is – the Labour Party, steeped in the post- industrial politics of the various central belt Ironically, women have played a consistently communities that lie between and prominent role in Scottish politics. When the Edinburgh. Annabel Goldie’s popularity as a spectacularly won the witty and likeable opponent to Hamilton by-election in 1967, their candidate at First Minister’s Questions is no substitute was the charismatic young Glaswegian lawyer, for the Scottish Conservative Party’s relatively Winnie Ewing. She would later go on to be poor record in gender balance. given the affectionate nickname, Madame Ecosse, serving as a Member of the European This chapter will seek to analyse some of the Parliament for many years. Margaret (Peggy) factors involved in the continuing absence of Herbison was another hugely influential gender equality in the Scottish Parliament. It figure in Scotland – the Labour MP for North will assess where we are now, especially after Lanarkshire, she served as Minister of Social the 2011 Scottish Parliament elections, which Security in Harold Wilson’s 1960s government. were the fourth to be conducted since 1999. She abolished the means-tested national Certainly, we are in the fortunate position where assistance scheme, and replaced it with the we can start to detect trends and analyse arguably fairer Supplementary Benefit, which whether the various aspects of the much- operated until 1988. Currently, the Scottish envisaged ‘new politics’ of devolution have Parliament’s only Independent member is been matched by better gender equality and Margo MacDonald – so popular and well- a greater number of women actively serving respected by all sections of voters that she in the national legislature in Edinburgh. There has been able to comfortably win a seat on are essentially three aspects to this. First, the Chapter 3 Women’s Representation Women in the Scottish Parliament in Scotland and Wales 13

hard statistical facts – how many women MSPs civic forum involving churches, trade unions and are there, and how does that total compare voluntary groups that campaigned for a new with previous figures? Second – and linked Parliament and also a ‘new politics’. Indeed, to this – what can we say about candidacy, only two of the four main Scottish parties were and the stage that comes immediately before involved in the Convention, and the convener electoral success or failure? Third, what is the was a prominent clergyman. The message was position of women holding office in the Scottish simple – devolution is not a partisan project but Government, either in the cabinet or as a the ‘settled will of the ’. As a junior minister, and how do they compare with consequence, the devolved model at Holyrood previous Scottish Executives? has many merits, including the three provisions mentioned above, as well as a permanent Petitions Committee, an open-doors policy to Designing Devolution visitors, and a proportional electoral system.

Before we do that, however, it is also Indeed, at the heart of any analysis of this worthwhile reflecting on the original aims and kind lies the electoral system. It is the electoral objectives of Scottish devolution. The structures system that sets the rules of the game as of the Scottish Parliament have been set up far as determining who gets elected in the and designed to facilitate good government first place. Electoral systems do not create – an inclusive legislature and a responsible political cultures, nor can they act as a executive. In particular, it was founded on four solution to any existing problems in political key principles: power sharing, accountability, cultures, but they are the main instruments openness and equal opportunities – and it available to us that can be used to improve is that last principle that is perhaps of most the quality of democracy and government. relevance to this report. In addition to the The Scottish Parliament uses the Mixed- setting up of an Equal Opportunities Committee Member Proportional (MMP) system of voting in the Parliament, the Consultative Steering (sometimes referred to as Additional Member or Group (the body responsible for laying out AMS). Each voter has two ballots – one to elect much of what eventually became the Scotland their individual constituency MSP and another Act 1998) also recommended that: that helps determine how many representatives each party gets via the regional ‘lists’. This p The sitting pattern of the Parliament should second vote exists primarily to ensure that the be ‘family friendly’; overall outcome of the election reflects the proportionality of votes that each party receives, p The arrangements for the operation of the and simply has a list of the party names on it. Parliament should be equally attractive to men 1. See R. Johns, J. Mitchell and L. Bennie and women; (2011 –forthcoming), ‘Gendered Members of the Fourth nationalism? The gender gap in support p The Parliament should meet during normal for the Scottish National Party’ Party business hours on a regular, programmed Scottish Parliament Politics. basis.2 2. Consultative (MSPs), 2011 Steering Group (1998) Shaping Scotland’s The CSG had its origins in the Scottish Parliament (Edinburgh: HMSO). Constitutional Convention – the cross-party As Figure 1 below illustrates, the number of Chapter 3 Women’s Representation 14 Women in the Scottish Parliament in Scotland and Wales

female MSPs has fluctuated since the first female Independents, all elected at various elections to the Scottish Parliament in 1999, points from 2003 onwards. Unfortunately, and has not exceeded 40 per cent of the the rise in electoral popularity of the SNP has total membership of 129 at any point. While brought about a concurrent decline in the the anticipated drop in representation after number of women elected to Holyrood. As 2011, partly as a consequence of changing we can see from Figure 1, the percentage party strategies, did not entirely materialise, of female SNP MSPs has fallen away quite the overall percentage did not change consistently since the first elections in 1999. much from 2007 – 45 MSPs are presently The equivalent figure for Labour has held female, representing 35 per cent of the total relatively steady, as a result of some equality number. The highest number of women guarantee measures, which will be discussed came in the second parliamentary session, in the next section. The rise in female between 2003 and 2007, when 51 women Conservative members is healthy but ultimately were elected, constituting just under 40 per involves small overall aggregate numbers, cent of the total. While not comparing like while the Scottish Liberal Democrats remain with like, this does nonetheless represent a an incongruous example of a party that is steady improvement on the number of female publicly committed to equalities but itself rather Scottish MPs prior to devolution. In 1997, badly hindered by a distinct gender imbalance. only 11 out of the 72 members elected were female, representing just over 15 per cent. The MMP voting system mentioned earlier It might also be noted in passing that the allows us to look in more detail at the way proportion of all female MPs at Westminster gender representation is broken down by currently stands at only 22 per cent. the two votes – constituency and list. Due to their larger numbers, the two parties that are Although not represented in Figure 1, we most significant and worth analysing in any should also note the three female Green detail are Labour and the SNP. As we can see MSPs, four female Scottish Socialists and two from both Figure 2 and Table 1 below, female

Figure 2 – Female MSPs elected in Figure 1 – Female MSPs by party, 2011 by party 1999-2011 pConstituency pList pTotal pSNP pLabour pConservative pLib Dem

60 60 % 50 50 of

40 40 party

% 30 30

total 20 20

10 10

0 0 1999 2003 2007 2011 SNP Labour Conservative Lib Dems Chapter 3 Women’s Representation Women in the Scottish Parliament in Scotland and Wales 15

Table 1 – Female MSPs elected in 2011 by party

Party Constituency List Total (% of total) (% of total) (% of total)

SNP 14 (36) 5 (31) 19 (28) Labour 6 (40) 11 (50) 17 (46) Conservative 0 (0) 6 (50) 6 (40) Lib Dem. 0 (0) 1 (33) 1 (20) Others 0 (0) 2 (100) 2 (67)

Main cell entries are absolute numbers; figures in brackets represent percentage of all MSPs in that category.

Labour candidates appear to have done better conundrum brings us on to the important via the list than in seats in 2011, while the issue of party strategies. reverse is true for the SNP.

However, in previous years, more women have Party Strategies – been elected in general via constituencies than the lists – see Table 2 below. Indeed, Female Candidates more generally, one might have expected the parties that rely more heavily on list seats to in 2011 have greater numbers of women, as it is far easier for parties to centrally nominate women Having established that the number of to high list positions than it is for local party female MSPs is far from ideal, it is worth associations to choose a single candidate looking in more detail at how candidates go to represent their area. Yet as we already about becoming elected representatives at know, it is Labour that has always had the Holyrood in the first place. Clearly, the problem highest proportion of female MSPs, despite potentially lies more deeply than simply most of their seats coming as a consequence women proving to be unpopular candidates of winning constituencies. This apparent for the electorate. Are sufficient numbers of

Table 2 – Female MSPs by method of election, 1999-2011

1999 2003 2007 2011

Constituency 30 (41) 32 (44) 25 (34) 20 (27) List 18 (32) 19 (34) 18 (32) 25 (45) Total 47 (37) 51 (40) 43 (33) 45 (35) Main cell entries are absolute numbers; figures in brackets represent percentage of all MSPs in that category. Chapter 3 Women’s Representation 16 Women in the Scottish Parliament in Scotland and Wales

women coming through the party ranks to cent from the 2007 total of 36 per cent. Getting offer themselves for office to start with, and to the bottom of why so few women feel if not, why not? Is there a problem within the inclined to offer themselves for election requires culture of the Scottish parties collectively? more space than is available here, but it clearly goes much deeper than either the electoral The data presented in Figure 3 below are not system, or the wider context of devolution. surprising, given what we already know about However, given that so many of the policy areas the aggregate numbers of MSPs discussed within the remit of the Scottish Parliament and previously – Labour is nominating significantly Government are social affairs – for example, more women to Parliament via the regional education, health and equal opportunities – it lists than the SNP. The figures for the Scottish cannot simply be a case of disinterest in the Conservatives and Liberal Democrats are work of the devolved institutions. mildly surprising, almost the reverse of what we might have expected. However, given the Party strategies are key – none of the Scottish small number of politicians actually involved parties apply the harder versions of positive here, an element of randomness is clearly also discrimination that have proven to be effective present. For example, as it happened, six of in the past in other contexts like Westminster. the 10 female Conservative list candidates Indeed, only apply softer strat- in 2011 were placed as high as either first or egies for both the constituency and regional second – and were all successfully elected. lists – for the former, the party requires gender-balanced short-lists, and for the latter, In 2011, the total number of female candidates zipped lists that alternate the name of candi- was 171 out of a total of 579, constituting only dates in order i.e. man-woman-man-woman. 30 per cent of the total. This was down six per Indeed, it was Labour’s one-off strategy in 1999 of twinning constituencies that explains the conundrum that until 2011, more women Figure 3 – Female party candidates, were actually elected via constituencies than 2011 Scottish Parliament elections through the party list. Calculating accurately which constituencies they were most likely to pConstituency pList pTop 3 on list win, Labour then placed equal numbers of male and female women candidate in those 60 constituencies – and to great success. Further, % 50 had Labour not zipped their regional lists, the of

number of female MSPs elected in 2011 might party 40 have been much lower. 30

total 20 The Liberal Democrats require one woman to be short-listed for constituency contests but 10 have no provisions for their list candidates. 0 The Greens operate zipped lists, and have no SNP Labour Conservative Lib Dems constituency candidates standing, in any case. * The aggregate figures are a combination of the author’s own and those taken from M. Kenny and F. Mackay (2011) ‘Not Failing but Stalling’: The Conservatives and SNP have no equality Women and the 2011 Scottish Parliament Elections, a report for Engender, available here: provisions at all. It should also finally be http://www.engender.org.uk/UserFiles/File/news/Election%20Report%20 (Scottish%20Parliament%202011).pdf noted that there exists a liberal interpretation Chapter 3 Women’s Representation Women in the Scottish Parliament in Scotland and Wales 17

of how the rules are applied by many local associations in all the parties. Elected to Govern? In terms of the SNP – now Scotland’s largest Female Ministers party – there is no systematic evidence of women being deselected or discriminated in 2011 against, or incumbency failing to make a difference for female MSPs. For example, Last, we must also look at women in while the number of female nationalist MSPs government. Once elected, are female fell from 15 in 1999 to just nine in 2003, four representatives being given the same type of actually chose to retire and / or leave the party opportunities to serve in executive positions for other reasons, and this was a very poor and manage departments as their male result for the party as a whole, in any case. It counterparts? Or are many of them simply should also be noted that in constituencies, left to spend their time as MSPs working as the party’s figures are broadly in keeping with backbench lobby or committee fodder? those of Labour. That having been said, for Labour in 2011, as many as 13 incumbent As we can see from Figure 4, there is a mixed women MSPs either stood down or lost their picture with women in promoted positions as seats compared with only eight men. well – the SNP minority administration from 2007-2011 had a high of 41 per cent of junior Nevertheless, as Table 3 below illustrates, ministers, but there has also been a decline parties have nothing to fear from nominating in full cabinet ministers under their watch. women in constituencies. Here, we subtract The two individuals holding those positions the percentage share of the list vote from in each administration are the same – Nicola the constituency equivalent in order to try to detect any differences in levels of support for parties as a result of the gender of the Figure 4 – Female candidate. Only the Liberal Democrats ministers, 1999-2011 (%) appear to have some reason to favour male p p candidates but this can be easily explained Cabinet minister Junior minister by the fact that seats with female candidates 90 were often not held by the party. 80 Table 3 – Comparative performance 70 of male and female constituency 60

candidates % 50 Mean % share of constituency vote – of

% share of list vote where: 40 cabinet Male Female 30 candidates candidates 20 SNP 1.2 1.3 Labour 4.8 6.7 10 Conservative 1.4 1.3 0 Lib Dem 3.2 1.9 1999 2001 2003 2005 2007 2009 2011 Chapter 3 Women’s Representation 18 Women in the Scottish Parliament in Scotland and Wales

Sturgeon and . Indeed, Hyslop many that the spectacle of MPs in London was sacked as Education Secretary in 2009, shouting abuse at one another like overgrown half way through the parliamentary cycle, after schoolboys during debates would be avoided, becoming unpopular with Scottish teaching replaced by a more consensual and inclusive unions and other representatives. Prior to this, approach to policy. A hemispherical debating the Labour-Liberal Democrat coalition included chamber would lead to a better-spirited style some high-profile female ministers – Wendy of discussion, while normalised daily and Alexander as Minister for Enterprise, Susan weekly working hours would enable more Deacon as Minister for Health and Sarah women to combine their role as an MSP Boyack as Minister for Transport. Interestingly, with that of a mother or other type of family two of these ‘star’ names – Alexander and member, for example. Deacon – have both now chosen to leave the Parliament, citing a desire to spend more time Sadly, some ten years on, many aspects of with their families. this aspiration remain just that – the Scottish Parliament is dominated by a large number of Importantly, the new Presiding Officer for middle-aged, male, former councillors3 – many the Parliament is Tricia Marwick, the SNP of whom represent very accurately the type of MSP for Mid Fife and Glenrothes. However, career machine politicians mentioned at the while her role as the face of the assembly start. First Minister’s Questions is, if anything, for the next four years is central, it is also even worse than its Westminster equivalent, in fundamentally ceremonial and involves little terms of the tone real power. Assessing the number of female parliamentary committee conveners over the of proceedings. The worthy and measured four sessions produces a similar conclusion work conducted by the various parliamentary to the one regarding wider representation committees, away from the glare of the – the committees provide an important cameras, must be rightly acknowledged as scrutinising function at Holyrood, and a important instruments of policy scrutiny, and, healthy number of conveners since 1999 as was mentioned at the end of the previous have been women, but at present, only four section, many prominent committees’ chairs out of 14 serving are female. have been female – for example, , the SNP MSP for Midlothian South, Tweeddale and Lauderdale, is presently gaining Analysis and widespread respect as convener of the Justice Committee. Nevertheless, the accusation of Conclusions ‘politics as usual’ continues to hover around the foot of Edinburgh’s Royal Mile. This chapter has highlighted the problem that Scottish politics continues to have in relation Social policy achievements, like the Domestic to gender balance and equalities. The dawn Abuse Scotland Act 2011, along with of devolution offered a new type of politics, the development of prominent advisory distinct from the adversarial and machismo- groups, such as the Scottish Women’s’ 3. In 2011, 59 MSPs (just under half) were driven Westminster model, which, at times, Convention, are important and deserve to be either councillors or full-time party appears more, suited to the Victorian era acknowledged but women’s issues still require employees prior to their election. than the twenty first century. It was hoped by a louder voice in the Scottish Parliament, or Chapter 3 Women’s Representation Women in the Scottish Parliament in Scotland and Wales 19

risk being ignored. The root of the problem devolved institutions were heading into full appears to be with the parties – and this is retreat, and the predictions for 2011 were that two-fold. First, it is hard to believe that women the number of women representatives would interested in politics across Scotland are not fall dramatically. put off by some of the less savoury practices of local party associations – the need for The results were not as terrible as forecast, selection panels to be more open and more but the number of women elected to the accountable probably remains. Second, and Welsh Assembly fell from 47.5 per cent related to this, parties other than Labour need to 40 per cent . An even greater fall was to consider implementing harder measures in only averted by a resurgent Labour party. order to make a real and lasting difference. In Scotland, the number of women MSPs The SNP must demonstrate that their brand increased minimally from 33 per cent to 35 per of nationalism does not simply appeal to male cent, which represents only an additional two Scottish voters, while Labour should also women MSPs from the previous election. reconsider introducing constituency twinning – otherwise the overall proportion of female Women’s representation has tended to rise MSPs is likely to continue to fall in the future. and fall in line with the fortunes of the Labour Party. It was Labour that pioneered the policy of twinning two similar and winnable Conclusion constituencies together and then selecting a man and a woman candidate for each. The Since their establishment in 1999, the mechanism was used for both the Scottish devolved institutions in Scotland and and Welsh elections in 1999. Labour also Wales have been trailblazers for women’s used all-women shortlists in the 2003 Welsh representation. The proportion of women Assembly elections, which helped bring about representatives in both institutions has never the world record-breaking result. However, fallen below 30 per cent. Not only did the having achieved gender parity Labour now Welsh Assembly become the first legislative appears to feel confident enough to dilute its chamber in the world to achieve gender parity equality guarantees. With the exception of in 2003, it also became the first majority Plaid Cymru and the Greens, no other party female legislature in 2006, thanks to Trish in Scotland or Wales uses equality guarantees Law’s by-election victory in . such as twinning or zipping party lists. Compare this to Westminster where the proportion of women elected to parliament The exclusion of women from public life is only passed the 20 per cent mark in 2010. about equality and democratic legitimacy. It also has practical implications for policy- Despite the impressive numbers, the making. Female MSPs and AMs have been 2007 elections saw a decline in women’s actively involved in promoting gender-related representation for the first time. This coincided issues in debates and the policy-making with the relative decline in popularity of the process. This has produced some concrete Labour party – historically the dominant party policy initiatives in the field of childcare and in both countries – and the abandonment of domestic violence(for example the Protection equality guarantees like all-women shortlists from Abuse Act (Scotland) 2001) and has been and ‘twinning’. There were fears that the instrumental in creating more family friendly Chapter 3 Women’s Representation 20 Women in the Scottish Parliament in Scotland and Wales

working practices in the devolved institutions p In Wales, women AMs occupy the six of the that benefit both men and women. eight most vulnerable seats.

Women’s representation in Scotland and p Proportional representation in Scotland and Wales is stagnant or in decline from previous Wales has enabled parties to adopt proactive highs. ‘Soft’ measures like balanced measures to ensure a better gender balance shortlists or training and mentoring have not compared to elsewhere under First Past the achieved gender equality for the SNP, Liberal Post. Democrats or the Conservatives. Hostility to measures to correct the imbalance has p Proportional representation can facilitate been allowed to fester, while the prospects improved women’s representation but it is not of reinstalling effective guarantees appear a guarantor. less and less likely as they work against male incumbents. The initial hope that p Since 2007 where? , there has been an an alternative political culture could be almost complete abandonment of positive established that did not mimic the traditional action measures (such as twinning and all- ‘yah-boo’ adversarialism and Westminster- women shortlists), and the proportion of style point scoring has already begun to women elected has declined from previous unravel in Scotland, and Wales may not be highs. p far behind.

p In the 2011 elections, 35% of Scottish MSPs and 40% of Welsh AMs and elected were women.

p Women’s representation is closely entwined with the electoral fortunes of the Labour Party.

p The Labour Party has sustained gender parity in Wales but not in Scotland.

p The rise in popularity of the SNP has brought about a concurrent decline in the overall number of women MSPs.

p A Labour surge in Wales prevented an even bigger expected decline in the overall number of women AMs.

p In five safe seats – Cardiff South and Penarth; Islwyn; Pontypridd; Swansea East; and Clwyd South – women have been replaced by men.