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The Relationship Between Liberal and Feminist Ideology Has Historically Been a Complex One

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The Relationship Between Liberal and Feminist Ideology Has Historically Been a Complex One The relationship between liberal and feminist ideology has historically been a complex one. This introduction to this special issue of the Journal, by Elizabeth Evans, will consider CAN LIBERAlisM the peaks and troughs of the relationship and assess to what extent the aims and objectives of feminism and liberalism are intertwined or mutually exclusive. EVER BE FEMINisT? While thinkers such as Mary Wollstonecraft and John Stuart Mill have inspired arly feminist ideas on between the party and feminist extending the rights organisations such as the Fawcett generations of Liberal of men to women, set Society. This article will firstly campaigners for the forth by Mary Woll- consider some of the key areas of stonecraft in A Vindica- tension between feminism and equal treatment of Etion of the Rights of Women (1792), liberalism before moving on to men and women, the were adopted and championed by a chronological analysis of the a number of leading Liberals who extent to which Liberalism in party’s position on argued that the refusal to accord practice can claim to be feminist. women the same basic rights of It is important to deconstruct the suffrage issue at equality and liberty was tyran- the terms ‘liberalism’ and ‘femi- the beginning of the nical.1 J. S. Mill’s detailed and nism’ in order to provide a more important work, The Subjection of concise understanding of their twentieth century was Women (1869), provided a critical distinct ideological approaches, often problematic. appraisal of women’s oppression, thereby allowing us to identify applying the principles of justice, shared ground or potential for While modern Liberal liberty and the right to choose to hostility. Most commentators Democrat manifestos the condition of women’s lives. identify two distinct waves of However, liberalism and femi- feminism: first-wave feminism, do show a degree nism have, at times, been dia- typically contained within the of commitment to metrically opposed: for example period 1830–1920, is grounded in the early twentieth century the in a classical liberal-rights per- women’s issues, a failure Liberals were divided on the issue spective with women’s enfran- to secure the election of suffrage, leading many lib- chisement and civil rights at eral feminists to desert the party the core of its agenda, while of more women to concentrate efforts on the second-wave feminism emerged MPs ensures that the newly formed Women’s Social during the 1960s and relied and Political Union (WSPU). heavily upon informal grassroots party’s commitment More recently, the use of equality women’s organisations. First- guarantees or quotas to increase wave feminism concentrated on to feminist objectives the number of women MPs has overturning legal obstacles to remains uncertain. highlighted divisions in opinion equality, and, following Mill’s 4 Journal of Liberal History 62 Spring 2009 CAN LIBERAlisM EVER BE FEMINisT? philosophy, liberal feminists Mystique (1963), focused their a multilayered ideology. Theo- campaigned for access to prop- efforts on highlighting the more rists write of ‘feminisms’ rather erty ownership and the right unseen elements of discrimina- than ‘feminism’, and the rec- to vote. What is evident is the tion – challenging sexist stere- ognition of this plurality is disconnect between practi- otypes and created gendered crucial.2 During the 1970s the cal changes to legislation that identities. Taking as their start- women’s liberation movement would improve women’s lives ing point the failure of first-wave underwent internal divisions and a more strategic approach to feminism to address the role of as a result of accusations from challenging the underlying gen- women in society, women were non-white, non-middle-class dered norms and values of soci- encouraged to believe that they women that the movement was ety. This is best exemplified by could be more than just house- only concerned with securing the fact that many liberal femi- wives. There was a conver- equality for a certain type of nists saw no connection between gence between the personal and woman.3 This led to a widen- legal equality and the need for the political which resulted in ing of the feminist approach so wider societal social and cul- increased attention towards leg- as to incorporate views as wide tural equality. Essentially their islation surrounding issues such ranging as black, eco, cyber and main objective was to secure as divorce and abortion. The power feminism, all of which equality and liberty within practical objectives of feminism provide different perspectives existing societal structures, and and liberalism were once again on the feminist agenda. Despite personal oppression within the in harmony, with David Steel, the diverse number of feminist family was not considered. The the former Liberal Leader, at the theories, we can assume that period between the end of first- forefront of the campaign for the underlying philosophy run- wave feminism and the start of women’s rights to access abor- Liberalism ning through most contem- second-wave feminism, roughly tion. In 1967, registered practi- porary feminist thought is the from the 1920s to the 1960s, tioners, and the free provision of and feminism desire to eradicate the discrimi- is generally considered to be medical aid for abortion through nation against women by chal- a period of relative inactivity the NHS, were key components have, at lenging hegemonic patriarchy for feminists, which correlates of his successful Private Mem- within society. This patriarchy neatly with the decline in the ber’s Bill regulating abortion. times, been manifests itself through cultural, fortunes of the Liberal Party. Current forms of feminism diametrically institutional and structural dis- Second-wave feminists, such focus on the pluralistic nature crimination that places women as Betty Friedan in The Feminine of feminism, constructing it as opposed. at a disadvantage in relation to Journal of Liberal History 62 Spring 2009 5 CAN liBERAlisM EVER BE FEMINisT? male citizens. In some respects to the Constitution of the Lib- grounded in liberalism’s com- it is easier to define feminism by eral Democrats which states that mitment to equality of opportu- what it is against rather than try- the party ‘exists to build and nity and the idea that the ‘best’ ing to pull together the varying safeguard a fair, free and open candidate should be selected strands of feminist thought into society, in which we seek to bal- regardless of gender. Addition- a more detailed definition. ance the fundamental values of ally, many women in the party This negative definition of liberty, equality and community have highlighted the patronising feminism is at odds with the and in which no one shall be nature of positive discrimination idea of liberalism, which Con- enslaved by poverty, ignorance and the importance of avoiding rad Russell described as a ‘hur- or conformity.’8 tokenism.14 rah word’, thereby signifying his Perhaps of most interest A commitment to meritoc- interpretation of the philosophy when considering the relation- racy in the selection of parlia- as setting out a positive agenda ship between feminism and mentary candidates led to the for change.4 However, ambigu- liberalism is the tension within establishment of the party- ity and complexity of meaning the party over the importance funded Gender Balance Task are by no means absent from lib- of equality of outcome versus Force (now Campaign for Gen- eralism, especially in its twenty- equality of opportunity.9 Whilst der Balance, CGB) which has first-century context. Just as we feminism in general empha- the remit of encouraging, sup- would distinguish between the sises the importance of equality porting and training potential different feminist approaches, of opportunity, it is equality of women candidates. Yet whilst so it is also necessary to consider outcome that is now the more the majority of Liberal Demo- the differing views within liber- significant feature of feminist crats view positive action and alism. Those who traditionally writing, particularly in support discrimination as a curtailment favour a social liberal approach, of direct intervention to increase of the freedom of the individual, as espoused by Hobhouse, Key- the number of women MPs as highlighted in the 2001 con- nes, Beveridge and Rawls, rec- through all-women shortlists ference decision not to adopt ognise the value and role that (AWS).10 Gender equality and AWS, many feminists argue that the state can play in bringing freedom from discrimination this is the only way to ensure about social change and tackling is now a core part of the social Perhaps of parity of representation, and so inequality;5 whereas economic justice agenda espoused by all most interest criticise the incremental liberal liberals, influenced more by the three political parties.11 Because approach. pre-New-Liberal Gladstonian this equality of opportunity when con- The criticisms leveled at lib- tradition, set out their views has now become part of a com- eralism by feminism are that the in The Orange Book and see a mon-sense rhetoric, evident in sidering the former fails to properly con- more limited role for the state speeches given by party leaders, sider women as a group, albeit a in changing society.6 They tend surrounding women’s numeri- relationship diverse one, and as such the lib- to favour greater private sector cal representation in Parlia- between eral approach to equality over- intervention in the delivery of ment, feminist attention is
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