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The relationship between liberal and feminist ideology has historically been a complex one. This introduction to this special issue of the Journal, by Elizabeth Evans, will consider Can the peaks and troughs of the relationship and assess to what extent the aims and objectives of and liberalism are intertwined or mutually exclusive. ever be Feminist? While thinkers such as and have inspired arly feminist ideas on between the party and feminist extending the organisations such as the Fawcett generations of Liberal of men to women, set Society. This article will firstly campaigners for the forth by Mary Woll- consider some of the key areas of stonecraft in A Vindica- tension between feminism and equal treatment of Etion of the Rights of Women (1792), liberalism before moving on to men and women, the were adopted and championed by a chronological analysis of the a number of leading who extent to which Liberalism in party’s position on argued that the refusal to accord practice can claim to be feminist. women the same basic rights of It is important to deconstruct the issue at equality and was tyran- the terms ‘liberalism’ and ‘femi- the beginning of the nical.1 J. S. Mill’s detailed and nism’ in order to provide a more important work, The Subjection of concise understanding of their twentieth century was Women (1869), provided a critical distinct ideological approaches, often problematic. appraisal of women’s oppression, thereby allowing us to identify applying the principles of justice, shared ground or potential for While modern Liberal liberty and the right to choose to hostility. Most commentators Democrat manifestos the condition of women’s lives. identify two distinct waves of However, liberalism and femi- feminism: first-wave feminism, do show a degree nism have, at times, been dia- typically contained within the of commitment to metrically opposed: for example period 1830–1920, is grounded in the early twentieth century the in a classical liberal-rights per- women’s issues, a failure Liberals were divided on the issue spective with women’s enfran- to secure the election of suffrage, leading many lib- chisement and civil rights at eral feminists to desert the party the core of its agenda, while of more women to concentrate efforts on the second-wave feminism emerged MPs ensures that the newly formed Women’s Social during the 1960s and relied and Political Union (WSPU). heavily upon informal grassroots party’s commitment More recently, the use of equality women’s organisations. First- guarantees or quotas to increase wave feminism concentrated on to feminist objectives the number of women MPs has overturning legal obstacles to remains uncertain. highlighted divisions in opinion equality, and, following Mill’s

4 Journal of Liberal History 62 Spring 2009 Can Liberalism ever be Feminist?

philosophy, liberal feminists Mystique (1963), focused their a multilayered ideology. Theo- campaigned for access to prop- efforts on highlighting the more rists write of ‘’ rather erty ownership and the right unseen elements of discrimina- than ‘feminism’, and the rec- to vote. What is evident is the tion – challenging sexist stere- ognition of this plurality is disconnect between practi- otypes and created gendered crucial.2 During the 1970s the cal changes to legislation that identities. Taking as their start- women’s liberation movement would improve women’s lives ing point the failure of first-wave underwent internal divisions and a more strategic approach to feminism to address the role of as a result of accusations from challenging the underlying gen- women in society, women were non-white, non-middle-class dered norms and values of soci- encouraged to believe that they women that the movement was ety. This is best exemplified by could be more than just house- only concerned with securing the fact that many liberal femi- wives. There was a conver- equality for a certain type of nists saw no connection between gence between the personal and .3 This led to a widen- legal equality and the need for the political which resulted in ing of the feminist approach so wider societal social and cul- increased attention towards leg- as to incorporate views as wide tural equality. Essentially their islation surrounding issues such ranging as black, eco, cyber and main objective was to secure as divorce and abortion. The power feminism, all of which equality and liberty within practical objectives of feminism provide different perspectives existing societal structures, and and liberalism were once again on the feminist agenda. Despite personal oppression within the in harmony, with David Steel, the diverse number of feminist family was not considered. The the former Liberal Leader, at the theories, we can assume that period between the end of first- forefront of the campaign for the underlying philosophy run- wave feminism and the start of women’s rights to access abor- Liberalism ning through most contem- second-wave feminism, roughly tion. In 1967, registered practi- porary feminist thought is the from the 1920s to the 1960s, tioners, and the free provision of and feminism desire to eradicate the discrimi- is generally considered to be medical aid for abortion through nation against women by chal- a period of relative inactivity the NHS, were key components have, at lenging hegemonic for feminists, which correlates of his successful Private Mem- within society. This patriarchy neatly with the decline in the ber’s Bill regulating abortion. times, been manifests itself through cultural, fortunes of the . Current forms of feminism diametrically institutional and structural dis- Second-wave feminists, such focus on the pluralistic nature crimination that places women as in The Feminine of feminism, constructing it as opposed. at a disadvantage in relation to

Journal of Liberal History 62 Spring 2009 5 can liberalism ever be feminist? male citizens. In some respects to the Constitution of the Lib- grounded in liberalism’s com- it is easier to define feminism by eral Democrats which states that mitment to equality of opportu- what it is against rather than try- the party ‘exists to build and nity and the idea that the ‘best’ ing to pull together the varying safeguard a fair, free and open candidate should be selected strands of feminist thought into society, in which we seek to bal- regardless of gender. Addition- a more detailed definition. ance the fundamental values of ally, many women in the party This negative definition of liberty, equality and community have highlighted the patronising feminism is at odds with the and in which no one shall be nature of positive discrimination idea of liberalism, which Con- enslaved by poverty, ignorance and the importance of avoiding rad Russell described as a ‘hur- or conformity.’8 tokenism.14 rah word’, thereby signifying his Perhaps of most interest A commitment to meritoc- interpretation of the philosophy when considering the relation- racy in the selection of parlia- as setting out a positive agenda ship between feminism and mentary candidates led to the for change.4 However, ambigu- liberalism is the tension within establishment of the party- ity and complexity of meaning the party over the importance funded Gender Balance Task are by no means absent from lib- of equality of outcome versus Force (now Campaign for Gen- eralism, especially in its twenty- equality of opportunity.9 Whilst der Balance, CGB) which has first-century context. Just as we feminism in general empha- the remit of encouraging, sup- would distinguish between the sises the importance of equality porting and training potential different feminist approaches, of opportunity, it is equality of women candidates. Yet whilst so it is also necessary to consider outcome that is now the more the majority of Liberal Demo- the differing views within liber- significant feature of feminist crats view positive action and alism. Those who traditionally writing, particularly in support discrimination as a curtailment favour a social liberal approach, of direct intervention to increase of the of the , as espoused by Hobhouse, Key- the number of women MPs as highlighted in the 2001 con- nes, Beveridge and Rawls, rec- through all-women shortlists ference decision not to adopt ognise the value and role that (AWS).10 and AWS, many feminists argue that the state can play in bringing freedom from discrimination this is the only way to ensure about social change and tackling is now a core part of the social Perhaps of parity of representation, and so inequality;5 whereas agenda espoused by all most interest criticise the incremental liberal liberals, influenced more by the three political parties.11 Because approach. pre-New-Liberal Gladstonian this equality of opportunity when con- The criticisms leveled at lib- tradition, set out their views has now become part of a com- eralism by feminism are that the in The Orange Book and see a mon-sense rhetoric, evident in sidering the former fails to properly con- more limited role for the state speeches given by party leaders, sider women as a group, albeit a in changing society.6 They tend surrounding women’s numeri- relationship diverse one, and as such the lib- to favour greater private sector cal representation in Parlia- between eral approach to equality over- intervention in the delivery of ment, feminist attention is now laps with non-feminist analysis public services. firmly directed towards of social life, couched within These two approaches at of outcomes, and this is where a commitment to equality for times seem to present quite a liberalism and feminism part and liberal- all. Despite legislative successes dramatic divergence of opinion, company. brought about through the although, as David Howarth This divergence has occurred ism is the introduction of legal reforms argues, it would be simplistic to because many feminists believe tension to improve opportunities for present these approaches as war- an equality of opportunity women, most notably in educa- ring factions and the two beliefs approach is not sufficiently radi- within the tion and employment, the exis- do not prohibit convergence of cal to overcome the institutional tence of liberal feminism as part opinion on much of the contem- within political parties party over of the initial foundations of fem- porary Liberal Democrat policy which currently helps prevent inist theory has to some extent platform.7 J. S. Mill’s focus on greater numbers of women the impor- become redundant. To be sure, equality, freedom and what we from being selected, particu- tance of liberal feminism is distinct from now call civil is what larly in winnable seats.12 The Marxist and , drives much of the thinking Liberal Democrats’ refusal to equality of with their emphasis on power behind twentieth-century and introduce AWS for the selec- relations and , but contemporary liberal think- tion of their parliamentary can- outcome for a contemporary understand- ing, and it is these core themes didates has resulted in criticism ing of feminism the inclusion of that this article will take as the from women’s pressure groups versus a distinct liberal strand requires base understanding of liberal- such as the Fawcett Society.13 equality of a far-reaching definition of ism. This principle is articulated The philosophy behind much feminism that could prove to be neatly in the opening preamble of the opposition to AWS was opportunity. of limited political use. Those

6 Journal of Liberal History 62 Spring 2009 can liberalism ever be feminist? more comfortable with the dis- On the men and women.16 Mill’s work is behind liberalism’s traditional course and ideas of liberal femi- the only substantial text within distinction between public and nism have embraced the social broader liberalism which seeks to pro- private life and its insistence that justice agenda and the discourse themes of vide a philosophical discussion the latter cannot be a matter of of diversity with a firm emphasis about the inequality between political concern.’18 By viewing on equality of opportunity and a equality, the sexes. However, in arguing the private sphere as a distinct belief in meritocracy based upon that women should receive equal space free from state interven- an existing system. such as wom- treatment to men, it is suggest- tion, the traditional liberal view Away from the contentious ing that the assumed male norms essentially isolates women and issue of positive discrimination en’s right to governing society should also women’s issues from the pub- for the selection of parliamen- vote, to be be applied to women, an area lic agenda, reinforcing cultural tary candidates, the basic con- of significant contention within traditions surrounding women’s temporary values of feminism educated, feminism. roles within society and the and liberalism clearly chime. On Although not perhaps writing sexual division of labour. How- the broader themes of equality, and to work with gender in mind, the impor- ever, thinkers within the Lib- such as women’s right to vote, tance of equality or equal rights eral Democrats have recently to be educated, and to work for for equal is emphasised by Rawls, who begun to grapple with the need equal pay, liberalism and femi- pay, liber- writes, ‘each person is to have an for the party to provide detailed nism are in accord. However, equal right to the most extensive policies regarding the family, within Western twenty-first- alism and basic liberty compatible with a and to debate the role that the century politics these are ideas similar liberty for others’.17 Fem- state can play in safeguarding that are matters of consensus feminism are inists would argue that if the childhood.19 Whilst this goes rather than controversial femi- rules and laws governing a soci- some way to allaying feminist nist demands, and none of the in accord. ety have been created by men, concerns vis-à-vis liberalism’s mainstream political ideologies then women will never be able unwillingness to interfere too would be at odds with femi- to take an equal part because of heavily in the private sphere, a nism on such issues. In order to the inherent cultural and institu- feminist liberal approach must analyse this relationship more tional bias against both women be willing positively to embrace closely we need to look beyond and that exist within the idea that intervention is cru- a simplistic understanding of the fabric of society. Feminism cial in improving the lives of equality to assess to what extent not only stresses the importance children, and helping the poor- liberalism is a champion of gen- of difference between women, est and most vulnerable women der equality. but also the differences between in society. Part of the criticism lev- men and women which have Looking in further detail at elled at liberalism by feminists to be taken into account when the trajectory of liberal thought has been that whilst they claim considering how a truly fair and and activity in the twentieth to consider men and women equal society could be created. and twenty-first centuries, we equal, several liberal philoso- Tinkering with legislation will can see that, on the question phers have used essentialist not be enough to create equal- of suffrage, feminists and the language and ideas. For exam- ity between the sexes because majority of liberals were clearly ple, Mill describes women as men have created the basis of divided, leading many to join intuitive, which signifies an ele- a liberal, free and fair society. the newly formed . ment of reductivist biologism Rather, what is needed is a more Whilst the issue of suffrage in his thoughts on women, and fundamental revolution in the was of significant importance, plays into the construction of a way in which society and cul- it is also vital to acknowledge romanticised notion of woman- ture operate in order to allow that during this period issues hood.15 Of course it is important men and women together to cre- of Home Rule and splits over to consider the historical context ate the rules governing their leadership were also key to the when analysing nineteenth- society, free from existing gen- decline of the Liberals. So what century texts, and Mill’s work der stereotypes. evidence is there for any com- The Subjection of Women (1869) Feminist critics have also mitment to feminism on behalf highlights an early and progres- argued that the liberal emphasis of the party? Indeed, is it pos- sive discussion within liberal- on the individual is too cerebral sible to find such a consensus ism on the need to improve the and that the division of society within a philosophy which val- quality of women’s lives. Con- into public and private com- ues the individual over a sense sidering the need for changes to pounds the idea that public space of collective identity? legislation and societal attitudes is codified as male, and the pri- Whilst feminism certainly towards women Mill called for a vate home as female. As Valerie finds fault with certain aspects of ‘morality of justice’ and the crea- Bryson observes, ‘Male values liberal ideology, looking at lib- tion of an equal society between and interests are also said to be eralism in practice may provide

Journal of Liberal History 62 Spring 2009 7 can liberalism ever be feminist? us with examples of where the The first However, following this brief to maintain women’s position two agendas have both clashed period most radicals switched within society, he was aware and dovetailed. The narrative explicit to Labour and the party failed of the drudgery of housework of the suffrage movement is mention of to capitalise on the issue.22 Pugh and his scheme was a significant irrevocably bound to the Liberal considers two different catego- move forward in terms of provi- government and its subsequent women in ries of women involved in the sion for women in society. demise. As early as 1902 the Lib- party. Firstly there were leading Whilst Beveridge is impor- eral MP Herbert Samuel wrote post-war feminists such as Margaret Win- tant as regards an analysis of in his work Liberalism that the tringham and Margery Cor- the substantive Liberal and Lib- arguments in favour of women’s manifestos bett Ashby, and secondly, there eral Democrat commitment suffrage were part of a power- produced by were party loyalists with deep to women’s issues, a feminist ful backdrop regarding citizen- family connections in the party appraisal of party election mani- ship. Despite the patronising the British such as Violet Bonham Carter festos will allow us to trace the assumption that women had less and Megan Lloyd George, who extent to which such issues have responsibility than men, Samuel Liberal Party showed no obvious sign of inter- been prioritised by the party. Of highlights that having the vote est in women’s issues. Pugh course, when looking at mani- will engender citizenship and came in credits Wintringham’s success festos, it is vital to remember the a feeling of self-worth amongst 1964’s Think to the fact that she was a femi- historical context and the extent women, ‘despite their lives being nist who ‘epitomised the WI to which the Liberals were narrower than those of men, and for Yourself, image of the motherly woman’ struggling for survival. their responsibilities less, all the and was thus able to cham- The first explicit mention of greater is their need of the stim- with its rec- pion women’s causes and break women in post-war manifestos ulus of citizenship and the larger down prejudices surrounding produced by the British Liberal advantage they would derive ognition of women’s involvement in poli- Party came in 1964’s Think for from it.’20 However, he lacked the economic tics.23 The existence of feminists Yourself, with its recognition of the confidence to come out in in the Liberal Party at this point the economic inequalities facing favour of women’s suffrage, and inequali- was crucial to the party’s abil- women. The manifesto included his conclusion states that, whilst ity to attract feminist voters and a commitment to introduce opinion is so bitterly divided ties facing campaigners. equal pay and enhance legal about the issue within the Lib- The 1942 publication of the rights in marriage, and an eral Party, it can ‘neither be women. Beveridge Report marked a dra- emphasis on part-time working denied discussion in its counsels matic shift in social reform, and opportunities to allow women nor find a place in its immedi- his commitment to improving to return to work.25 This inclu- ate programme.’21 This reticent the lives of the poorest citizens, sion of a specific policy designed attitude towards women’s suf- particularly through the provi- to appeal to women was devel- frage is symptomatic of the Lib- sion of family allowances and oped in the 1966 election mani- eral Party’s hesitant approach to widow’s pensions, explicitly festo, where the party called for what would be one of the most recognised the fact that women a new system of allowances to important political issues of the were disproportionately dis- provide more funds for widows early twentieth century. When advantaged by the system.24 with children and again stressed the Liberal W. H. Dickinson Beveridge undoubtedly made the importance of helping mar- introduced his Bill to enfran- a conscious decision to redress ried women with children to chise unmarried women house- many of the gendered economic return to work if they wished holders, Campbell-Bannerman inequalities evident within to.26 said that the government would society, arguing that married The 1970 manifesto did not give it no time and that he could women should be entitled to build on 1964 and 1966. It made not support it because it would economic support from their no mention of women despite only enfranchise ‘well-to-do husbands, as he viewed women’s having sections entitled ‘The single women’ and not impact unpaid role within the home as Old’, ‘The Young’ and ‘The upon working-class men and crucial. Whilst many women Independent Trader’ amongst women. The Bill was eventually welcomed the proposals in the others. The February 1974 elec- talked out. scheme, the Women’s Freedom tion manifesto, Change the Face of In his work on women’s League was critical of the sup- Britain, saw the return of a small movements in Britain, Martin port the plan gave to the domi- section concerning women’s Pugh notes that Liberal politi- nant view of women’s dependent equality, this time under the cians had often championed status, a view taken up again heading ‘The Status of Women’, women’s causes. This con- by second-wave feminists in which advocated the establish- nection was briefly reborn in the 1970s. However it would ment of a Sex Discrimination 1918, when prominent Liber- be unfair to suggest that Bev- Board to ensure that legisla- als campaigned on equal pay. eridge had willingly attempted tion surrounding equal pay and

8 Journal of Liberal History 62 Spring 2009 can liberalism ever be feminist? opportunity was adhered to. commitment to equal represen- significant increase in the par- Again, it stressed the impor- tation on appointed bodies and ty’s engagement with women’s tance of allowing women to improved maternity benefits.30 issues, with policies ranging work, ‘Our aim is to provide Given the strong tradition of from ideas to strengthen UK the opportunity for women who gender equality and women’s discrimination laws through an so wish freely to seek satisfying groups within the Labour Party, Equality Act in Freedom, Justice goals other than a lifetime of we would expect to and indeed and Honesty (2001) and the pro- childbearing.’27 Despite the pro- can identify the greater empha- duction of a specific manifesto gressive nature of some of these sis on women’s issues that the for women in both 2001 and proposals there is no mention of SDP introduced into Alliance 2005.34 Again, the decision to the need for a wider shift in soci- manifestos. The newly created produce a separate manifesto ety with regards women’s roles, SDP had been clear about its for women is a key indication as proposed a century before by commitment to gender equal- that, whilst the party stresses Mill. Moreover, there was no ity and both the numerical and the importance of the individ- discussion of childcare alterna- the substantive (acting on behalf ual, it also recognises the elec- tives which would allow women of women) representation of toral importance of appealing to go back to work, and such an women was a core part of their to women voters and showing omission undermines the com- belief and narrative.31 that, despite the low numbers of mitment to ensuring a nation of The Liberal Democrats in women MPs on its benches, it is all the talents. their 1992 manifesto failed to concerned with women’s issues. As the October election of build on or develop ideas from The 2005 manifesto for women 1974 was mainly fought on the previous manifestos, but did highlighted the party’s top five economy, economic inequality introduce a policy for a citi- policies for women, juxtapos- dominated this manifesto, but zen’s pension which explicitly ing traditional women’s policies no links were made between recognised that women are dis- such as increased maternity pay the disproportionate impact that proportionately discriminated with the importance of scrap- poverty had (and still has) on against in old age due to a life- ping tuition fess to make uni- women. Instead, it was in the time of poorly paid work and versity education affordable 1979 manifesto that the party childcare.32 The 1997 manifesto for all. The way in which the first considered the impact of mirrored the 1987 coverage of party made this link between a inequalities, other than eco- women’s issues detailing a range high-profile national policy and nomic, with a discussion of of specific proposals aimed at The way in women’s issues is both striking gender inequalities and eth- women such as ensuring equal- and a clear change of approach nic minority rights. Moreover, ity of treatment in the health which the towards the established idea of there was a discussion of men service and providing greater women’s issues, leading com- and women in relation to family resources for domestic violence party made mentators to highlight the pro- needs, thereby recognising that, refuges. What is notable is that this link gressive nature of their policies in order for women to take a full despite repeated pledges in this for women despite the numeri- part in society, men have to take and previous manifestos to a between a cal under-representation of on responsibilities previously commitment to parity in terms women MPs.35 undertaken by women.28 of appointments to public bod- high-profile So, having considered the rel- The two elections fought by ies, the party did not offer any ative strengths and weaknesses the Liberal–SDP Alliance, 1983 internal suggestions as to how to national pol- of Liberalism’s commitment and 1987, resulted in the devel- increase the numbers of women icy and wom- to feminist principles it is clear opment of specific monetary MPs on their own benches. that the party has attempted to policies of benefit to women. Rather, they focused on reform- en’s issues is engage with women’s issues on For example, in the 1983 mani- ing the facilities of the House a policy level in their manifes- festo, there was a pledge to of Commons to make it more both striking tos. Of course the debate on increase child benefit by £1.50 appealing to women.33 Whilst women’s representation is a key per week, with a supplemen- the 1992 and 1997 general elec- and a clear part of understanding the cur- tary benefit of £1.50 per week tion manifestos may have been change of rent relationship between femi- for one-parent families. It also disappointing, the party was nism and Liberal Democrats. pledged to enforce sex and aware of the importance of approach Despite the undeniable success race equality through positive women’s issues and women’s of the ‘zipping’ process adopted action in employment policies.29 votes, with specific leaflets and towards the for the 1999 European elections The 1987 manifesto provided press conferences designed to (alternating women and men a more in-depth considera- promote the party’s willingness established on the regional lists of candi- tion of women’s issues, rang- to be seen as a pro-women party. idea of wom- dates, which ensured that half ing from equal opportunities However it is the 2001 the Lib Dem MEPs elected were in education and training to a and 2005 elections that saw a en’s issues. women), it is the 2001 debate on

Journal of Liberal History 62 Spring 2009 9 can liberalism ever be feminist?

AWS which best sums up the in favour of and those against domination’.39 For liberals the differing approaches to wom- introducing quotas.36 repositioning of the debate on en’s representation. Interviews discrimination against women undertaken with women who I was angry and upset when it as one of oppression would be were involved with the party at didn’t go through conference. I key to galvanising a greater sense the time of the 2001 conference felt like going up to them and of urgency towards tackling debate examined their recollec- saying if I was young, attrac- the inherent gendered assump- tions, their stance on the issue tive and in my 20s I’d be there tions and structures in society. and the roles of critical feminist with them with the T-shirt on, A key element of Liberalism is actors in the campaign for the but I’m in my 40s and I want the fight for equality in the face adoption of the mechanism. All to make a success of my career of injustices and oppression, so of those who had witnessed or in politics. They could wait by shifting the discourse sur- participated in the debate high- for ten elections, I could wait rounding women’s inequalities lighted the acrimonious nature for two. I haven’t got time. to the more pressing language of of the discussion: (Prospective Parliamentary oppression, a more determined Candidate) and strategic approach towards I’ve never seen anything like countering systemic sex bias the 2001 debate. There were a In that one decision they would perhaps come about. group of young women wear- ruled out a whole generation Whether or not Liberal- ing T-shirts saying ‘I’m not a of women. There are a few ism’s ideals and objectives can token female’, and I still think like me who managed to get ever be congruent with femi- there were interests in the party through the system, but I feel nism is a complicated question. who manipulated them. (MP) sad about all those women who From a contemporary perspec- worked so hard and never got tive, the underlying ideology It was a bloody affair in 2001 the chance to become members remains based upon the writ- and divided the women hugely. of Parliament. (MP) ings of a group of male writers We were all disgusted with the whose political philosophies, women in T-shirts. It was a real Those younger women who whilst dealing with issues of drive against all-women short- had campaigned against AWS equality and liberty, are not, lists by women themselves, argued that they were part of Liberal on the whole, concerned with and I think it was a great pity. a new generation of women women and achieving equality I think they thought they were who had not experienced any Democrat for women. As such, it would being assertive but they didn’t form of sex discrimination.37 manifestos be difficult to argue that a phi- realise what they were doing. This attitude rankled the older losophy based upon male values (Peer) women in the party who were do show a could ever truly be feminist. To all too aware of the continued be sure, Mill’s work is an impor- I think there was immense sad- existence of sex discrimina- degree of tant contribution to bringing ness on my part and the part of tion. Moreover, the debate on the condition of women’s lives a few others about the way in AWS came within the context commitment to a more mainstream audience; which people had conducted of an interim report highlight- to women’s however, from a contemporary themselves. (Peer) ing evidence of covert discrimi- feminist perspective there are nation within the party.38 Many issues, and elements of his work that are The vitriolic atmosphere of the older women in the party problematic. Feminism’s criti- described by the interviewees subsequently walked away from research cism of the liberal focus on the was in part due to the nature the issue of women’s representa- sanctity of the private sphere is of the debate, which struck tion. Again the issue of women’s has also driven by a belief that, by pro- at the heart of traditional lib- numerical representation has shown that tecting the home from state eral assumptions regarding caused feminists to view the intervention, this essentially approaches to any form of dis- Liberal Democrats with a cer- support for enforces the division between crimination. The use of tight tain degree of mistrust. public and private. This divi- fitting pink T-shirts as part of In his consideration of the the Liberal sion mirrors the gendered con- the campaign against AWS was limitations that liberalism pres- struction of society, which sees a particular sticking point for ents to feminist objectives, Democrats the public sphere as male and many of the women angry at Kymlicka argues for gendered is higher the private home as female – so the lack of awareness shown by inequalities to be recast and situ- protecting the private from leg- the young women as to how it ated within the traditional lib- amongst islation effectively cuts women would be perceived. As Rus- eral discourse of oppression: ‘We adrift from the legislative sell and Fieldhouse quite rightly need to reconceptualise sexual women than process. note, there was an evident gen- inequality as a problem, not of Liberal Democrat mani- erational divide between those arbitrary discrimination, but of men. festos do show a degree of

10 Journal of Liberal History 62 Spring 2009 can liberalism ever be feminist? commitment to women’s issues, A failure to 10 See Sarah Childs, J. Lovenduski election manifesto. and research has also shown that & R. Campbell, Women at the Top 28 British Liberal Party: 1979 ‘The support for the Liberal Demo- secure the 2005: Changing Numbers, Changing Real Fight is for Britain’ election crats is higher amongst women election of Politics? (London: Hansard Soci- manifesto. than men.40 This clearly indi- ety, 2005); Drude Dahlreup (ed.), 29 Liberal–SDP Alliance: 1983 ‘Work- cates both a willingness and a more women Women, Quotas and Politics (Oxon; ing Together for Britain’ election need for the party to engage Routledge, 2006). manifesto. in women’s issues. However, MPs ensures 11 Judith Squires, The New Politics of 30 Liberal–SDP Alliance Party: 1987 a failure to secure the election Gender Equality (Basingstoke: Pal- ‘Britain United: The Time Has of more women MPs ensures that the grave Macmillan, 2007). Come’ election manifesto. that the party’s commitment party’s com- 12 Joni Lovenduski, Feminizing Politics 31 Interviews with leading SDP mem- to feminist objectives remains (Cambridge: Polity Press). bers undertaken for author’s PhD uncertain. mitment 13 Laura Shepherd-Robinson and J. research. Lovenduski, Women and Candidate 32 Liberal Democrats: 1992 ‘Chang- Elizabeth Evans has recently been to feminist Selection in British Political Parties ing Britain for Good’ election awarded a PhD at Goldsmiths, Uni- (London: Fawcett Society, 2002). manifesto. versity of London. Her thesis is an objectives 14 Elizabeth Evans, ‘A Question of 33 Liberal Democrats: 1997 ‘Make the exploration of women’s representa- remains Supply?’, ‘Woman and the Liberal Difference’ election manifesto tion and the Liberal Democrats and Democrats’ Conference paper given 34 Liberal Democrats: 2001 ‘Free- considers the response of the party to uncertain. at EPOP: Bristol, 2007. dom, Justice. Honesty’ election feminism and to feminist demands 15 Valerie Bryson, Feminist Debates manifesto; Liberal Democrats: 2001 for women’s increased descriptie pres- (Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan, ‘Liberal Democrat Manifesto for ence. She is the Guest Editor of this 1999). Women’; Liberal Democrats: 2005 special issue of the Journal. 16 J. S. Mill, The Subjection of Women ‘General Election 2005: Liberal (1869) (New York: Prometheus Democrat Manifesto for Women’ 1 Suzanne Brugger and Geoff Stokes, Books, 1986). available online, http://www.lib- ‘Feminism and Political Theory’, 17 , A Theory of Justice dems.org.uk/media/documents/ Liberal Democratic Theory and its Crit- (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1972) p. policies/manifestos/women.pdf ics, ed. Norman Wintrop (Becken- 60. 35 Sarah Childs, ‘Feminising Politics: ham: Croom Helm Ltd, 1983). 18 Ibid., p. 13. Sex and Gender in the Election’, 2 Maggie Humm, Modern Feminisms 19 See Matthew Taylor, ‘The Politics Britain Decides: The UK General (New York: Columbia University of Parenting: Confronting the F Election 2005, eds. A. Gamble and Press, 1992). Word’, Reinventing the State: Social J. Geddes. (Hampshire: Palgrave, 3 Joni Lovenduski and Vicky Ran- Liberalism for the 21st Century, pp. 2005) pp. 150–168. dall, Contemporary Feminist Politics 159–174; and also Steve Webb and 36 Andrew Russell and Ed Fieldhouse, (Oxford: Oxford University Press, Jo Holland ‘Children, the family Neither Left nor Right? The Liberal 1983). and the State: a liberal agenda’, The Democrats and the Electorate (Man- 4 Conrad Russell, An Intelligent Per- Orange Book: Liberalism, chester: Manchester University son’s Guide to Liberalism (London: pp. 235–275. Press, 2005). Duckworth, 1999). 20 Herbert Samuel, Liberalism: An 37 Lucy Ward, ‘Pink Politics’, The 5 Richard S. Grayson, ‘Social Lib- Attempt to State the Principles and Pro- Guardian, 1 October 2001, www. eralism’, The Political Thought of the posals of Contemporary Liberalism in guardian.co.uk/world/2001/ Liberals and Liberal Democrats since England (London: Grant Richards, oct/01/gender.uk, available online. 1945, ed. Kevin Hickson (Manches- 1902) p. 246. 38 Joni Lovenduski and Fawcett Soci- ter: Manchester University Press, 21 Ibid., p. 253. ety, Experiences of Liberal Democrat forthcoming). 22 Martin Pugh, Women and the Wom- Women in Parliamentary Selections 6 Paul Marshall and David Laws (eds.) en’s Movement in Britain 1914–1959 Interim Findings (Fawcett Society, The Orange Book: Reclaiming Liberal- (Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan, 2001). ism (London: Profile Books, 2004). 1992). 39 , Contemporary Politi- 7 Ibid.; David Howarth, ‘What is 23 Ibid., p. 177. cal Philosophy (Oxford: Oxford Uni- ?’, Reinventing the 24 Jose Harris, : A versity Press, 2002). State: Social Liberalism for the 21st Cen- Biography (Oxford: Clarendon 40 Fawcett Society and Ipsos MORI, tury, eds. Duncan Brack, Richard S. Press, 1997). Fawcett/ Ipsos MORI briefing on Grayson and David Howarth (Lon- 25 British Liberal Party: 1964 ‘Think women’s votes (2006), http://www. don: Politico’s, 2007), pp. 1–16. for Yourself’ election manifesto. fawcettsociety.org.uk/documents/ 8 ‘Our Beliefs’ available online 26 British Liberal Party: 1966 ‘For all Fawcett-MORI%20Ipsos%20 http://www.libdems.org.uk/party/ the People: the Liberal Plan of 1966’ briefing%208-9-06.doc, available 9 Duncan Brack, ‘Equality Matters’, election manifesto. online. Reinventing the State: Social Liberal- 27 Liberal Party: February 1974 ism for the 21st Century, pp. 17–36. ‘Change the Face of Britain’

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