DOCSLIB.ORG

Congressional Record United States of America PROCEEDINGS and DEBATES of the 107Th CONGRESS, FIRST SESSION

Total Page：16

File Type：pdf, Size：1020Kb

Download full-text PDF Read full-text
Congressional Record United States of America PROCEEDINGS and DEBATES of the 107Th CONGRESS, FIRST SESSION E PL UR UM IB N U U S Congressional Record United States of America PROCEEDINGS AND DEBATES OF THE 107th CONGRESS, FIRST SESSION Vol. 147 WASHINGTON, THURSDAY, FEBRUARY 1, 2001 No. 14 House of Representatives The House was not in session today. Its next meeting will be held on Tuesday, February 6, 2001, at 2 p.m. Senate THURSDAY, FEBRUARY 1, 2001 The Senate met at 9 a.m., in execu- PLEDGE OF ALLEGIANCE The legislative clerk read the nomi- tive session, and was called to order by The Honorable MICHAEL D. CRAPO led nation of John Ashcroft, of Missouri, the Honorable MICHAEL D. CRAPO, a the Pledge of Allegiance, as follows: to be Attorney General. Senator from the State of Idaho. I pledge allegiance to the Flag of the The ACTING PRESIDENT pro tem- United States of America, and to the Repub- pore. Under the previous order, the lic for which it stands, one nation under God, time until 9:15 shall be under the con- PRAYER indivisible, with liberty and justice for all. trol of the majority party. The Chaplain, Dr. Lloyd John f Mr. REID. Mr. President, I suggest the absence of a quorum. Ogilvie, offered the following prayer: APPOINTMENT OF ACTING The ACTING PRESIDENT pro tem- Almighty God, this is the day You PRESIDENT PRO TEMPORE pore. The clerk will call the roll. have made, we will seek to serve You The PRESIDING OFFICER. The The legislative clerk proceeded to in it; this is Your Chamber, we want to clerk will please read a communication call the roll. honor You in it; this is Your Senate, to the Senate from the President pro Mr. HARKIN. Mr. President, I ask we desire to maintain the unity of tempore (Mr. THURMOND). unanimous consent the order for the Your Spirit and the bond of peace The legislative clerk read the fol- quorum call be rescinded. through it. Give us an acute sense of lowing letter: The ACTING PRESIDENT pro tem- the power of the words we speak. Grant U.S. SENATE, pore. Without objection, it is so or- the Senators the ability to disagree PRESIDENT PRO TEMPORE, dered. without being disagreeable, to declare Washington, DC, February 1, 2001. Under the previous order, the time truth without depreciation of each oth- To the Senate: until 9:30 shall be under the control of Under the provisions of rule I, paragraph 3, the Senator from Iowa. er’s character, to state convictions of the Standing Rules of the Senate, I hereby without demeaning disdain, to refrain Mr. HARKIN. Mr. President, after re- appoint the Honorable MICHAEL D. CRAPO, a viewing his testimony before the Judi- from egregiousness in an effort to ex- Senator from the State of Idaho, to perform plain, and to judge merits without the duties of the Chair. ciary Committee and studying his long being judgmental. STROM THURMOND, public record, I cannot support the President pro tempore. nomination of John Ashcroft to be Dear Father, this is a crucial day for Mr. CRAPO thereupon assumed the United States Attorney General. the Senate. Remind the Senators on chair as Acting President pro tempore. This is not an easy decision for any both sides of the aisle that what goes of us. We have all served in this body around does come around. Bless this f with former Senator Ashcroft. I cannot Senate. Keep the Senators close to You RESERVATION OF LEADER TIME say that I was a personal friend of his. and to each other so that when the The ACTING PRESIDENT pro tem- We never associated socially or any- vote this afternoon is over, we will not pore. Under the previous order, leader- thing like that, but I did have dealings have lost the respect that galvanizes ship time is reserved. with Senator Ashcroft, as we all do and the reconciliation that heals. We f around here, on matters of legislative simply want to live this day knowing importance. You will be the judge of what is said NOMINATION OF JOHN ASHCROFT Quite frankly, in my dealings with and how it is said. We commit our- TO BE ATTORNEY GENERAL him, I always found him to be cour- selves to civility and care as men and The ACTING PRESIDENT pro tem- teous to me and my staff. I found that women who are accountable to You. pore. The Senate will resume consider- we could work together even though we You are our Judge and Redeemer. ation of the Ashcroft nomination, did not have the same views, perhaps, Amen. which the clerk will report. on certain pieces of legislation. I found ∑ This ‘‘bullet’’ symbol identifies statements or insertions which are not spoken by a Member of the Senate on the floor. S933 . S934 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD — SENATE February 1, 2001 that we worked together in the spirit to Luxembourg on the totality of complished judge as ‘‘pro-criminal and of compromise here on the Senate Hormel’s record. I spoke with Ambas- activist,’’ a man with a ‘‘tremendous floor. sador Hormel just last week about this. bent toward criminal activity.’’ When John Ashcroft’s name was first He said he had never had any contact Mr. Ashcroft stood on this floor—I announced as the nominee for Attorney with Senator Ashcroft, not when he remember listening to him, and I General, I, of course, thought to my- was dean of students at the University couldn’t believe someone actually said self, he certainly would not have been of Chicago Law School and not since he this about a sitting State supreme my first choice, but then again George was nominated in 1997. He did not re- court justice from his own State—that Bush was not my first choice for Presi- cruit Mr. Ashcroft for law school. As Judge White had ‘‘a tremendous bent dent. But I recognized that Presidents dean of students, of course—and there toward criminal activity.’’ should have fairly large leeway to have are a lot of students there—Mr. Hormel I don’t know Ronnie White. I have the people around them they want. was honest; he said: I can’t remember. met him only once. But after I looked But, again, we also have an obliga- Maybe when he was a student, I might over his record it seemed to me that tion, a constitutional obligation, in the have met him. I might have talked to what Mr. Ashcroft was saying was not advise and consent clause in the U.S. him. I might have said something to a only false, it was defamatory. And it is Constitution to look over those indi- group of students. He may have come behavior unworthy of a U.S. Attorney viduals, to give careful scrutiny to into my office for something. But I General. It is one thing in a political those individuals, to make sure that have no recollection of that. campaign to take on your political op- we, as a body collectively—at least by Furthermore, Mr. Hormel emphati- ponent and hit him with tough words majority vote—are able to believe that cally stated he did not ‘‘recruit’’ John in tough races, but you can fight back. nominated officials will have the hon- Ashcroft for Chicago Law School. When I have been hit pretty hard in some of esty, the character, and wherewithal to he was nominated in 1997, Mr. Hormel my political campaigns. But when the carry out their duties and to serve all repeatedly tried to meet with John election is over, you get over it because of the American people well. Ashcroft to talk to him. Even if I op- at least you are able to fight back. After long and difficult deliberation, pose someone, I at least give them the Here was a Senator using the privileges I have come to the conclusion that courtesy to come in and make their of the floor of the Senate to personally there are significant questions raised case. I have always made that policy, defame the character of a sitting Su- on John Ashcroft’s fitness to be our because maybe there is something I preme Court justice of the State of Nation’s chief law enforcement officer. haven’t heard or something I would Missouri when that judge had no abil- First and foremost, I have serious look at differently. John Ashcroft ity to fight back. concerns about the misleading state- would not even meet with Jim Hormel. Finally Mr. White did get his day, ments Mr. Ashcroft made during the Mr. Hormel did get a recess appoint- sort of, in court before the Judiciary confirmation hearings. ment from President Clinton, served Committee. I commend Senator LEAHY As we all know, Senator Ashcroft well, and was distinguished in his post for making sure Ronnie White got his strongly opposed the nomination of Mr. in Luxembourg. I asked people at the day here to show that he is a distin- Jim Hormel as Ambassador to Luxem- State Department in charge of that guished justice, that he has absolutely bourg. Jim Hormel, a distinguished area how he performed, and they said the opposite of a bent toward criminal lawyer, successful businessman, educa- extremely well. They said that he had activity. He also strongly believes in tor, philanthropist a scion of our fa- conducted his position in the best in- upholding the law, ensuring that every mous midwestern families. We all have terests of the United States and as a person, no matter how low that person heard of Hormel Meats. We probably distinguished Ambassador.
Load more

Recommended publications
  • Congressional Record—Senate S869
    January 31, 2001 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD — SENATE S869 In my 2 years in the Senate, the Ron- PROVIDING FOR AN ADJOURN- against all enemies foreign and domes- nie White vote, led by Senator MENT OF THE HOUSE OF REP- tic. Ashcroft’s decision to use the Repub- RESENTATIVES I have heard arguments pro and con lican caucus to kill the nomination, Mr. HATCH. Mr. President, as in leg- with respect to this nomination. I am was the bleakest, most divisive and de- islative session, I ask unanimous con- not here to argue the case at all. I am structive moment I have experienced sent that the Senate proceed to the im- here merely to express my support for in my short stay in the Senate. It was mediate consideration of H. Con. Res. the nomination of John Ashcroft to be a moment utterly lacking in—to use 18, an adjournment resolution, which is Attorney General of the United States. our President’s words in his inau- at the desk. I further ask unanimous I will not fall out with anyone else who gural—civility, courage, compassion, consent that the resolution be agreed differs from my views. As I say, I am and character. to and the motion to reconsider be laid not here to debate my views. I know But the Ronnie White nomination upon the table. what my views are. I am going to state was just the most visible attempt by The PRESIDING OFFICER. Is there them, and they will be on the record. I Senator Ashcroft to kill a nomination.
    [Show full text]
  • Review Essay on the Politically Incorrect Guide to American History by Thomas E
    San Jose State University SJSU ScholarWorks Faculty Publications Economics 4-1-2006 Review Essay on The Politically Incorrect Guide to American History by Thomas E. Woods, Jr. JEFFREY ROGERS HUMMEL San Jose State University, [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: https://scholarworks.sjsu.edu/econ_pub Part of the Economic History Commons, and the Macroeconomics Commons Recommended Citation JEFFREY ROGERS HUMMEL. "Review Essay on The Politically Incorrect Guide to American History by Thomas E. Woods, Jr." Journal of Libertarian Studies (2006): 65-86. This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the Economics at SJSU ScholarWorks. It has been accepted for inclusion in Faculty Publications by an authorized administrator of SJSU ScholarWorks. For more information, please contact [email protected]. JOURNAL OF LIBERTARIAN STUDIES S JL VOLUME 20, NO. 2 (SPRING 2006): 65–86 REVIEW ESSAY The Politically Incorrect Guide to American History. By Thomas E. Woods, Jr. Washington: Regnery, 2004. THOMAS E. WOODS, JR.’S, Politically Incorrect Guide to American History not only became a New York Times bestseller but also raised an amaz­ ing amount of furor, to a certain extent among the left leaning, who are the book’s bête noire and would be expected to take offense, but especially in conservative and libertarian circles, among the book’s presumed friends. Woods’s survey of U.S. history from the colonial period through President Clinton has been condemned so far by Reason magazine contributing editor Cathy Young (2005a, 2005b); both in the Boston Globe and on the pages in Reason, by John B.
    [Show full text]
  • Traces the UNC-Chapel Hill Journal of History
    traces The UNC-Chapel Hill Journal of History volume 2 spring 2013 The University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill Published in the United States of America by the UNC-Chapel Hill History Department traces Hamilton Hall, CB #3195 Chapel Hill, NC 27599-3195 (919) 962-2115 [email protected] Copyright 2013 by UNC-Chapel Hill All rights reserved. Except in those cases that comply with the fair use guidelines of US copyright law (U.S.C. Title 17), no part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in retrieval system, or transmitted in any form by any means, electronic, mechanical, or otherwise, without the prior written permission from the publisher. Design by Brandon Whitesell. Printed in the United States of America by Chamblee Graphics, Raleigh, North Carolina. Traces is produced by undergraduate and graduate students at UNC-Chapel Hill in order to showcase students’ historical research. Traces: The UNC-Chapel Hill Journal of History is affiliated with the Delta Pi chapter (UNC-Chapel Hill) of Phi Alpha Theta, the National History Honor Society. Unfortunately there is no Past, available for distillation, capture, manipulation, observation and description. There have been, and there are, events in complex and innumerable combinations, and no magic formula “will ever give us masterytraces over them . There are, instead, some rather humdrum operations to be performed. We suspect or surmise that an event, a set of events has taken place: where can we find the traces they must have left behind them? Or we have come across some traces: what are they worth, as traces, and to what events do they point? Later on we shall find out which events we can, from our own knowledge of their traces, safely believe to have taken place.
    [Show full text]
  • SOURCES of CONFEDERATE NATIONALISM, 1848-1865 Paul DH Quigley a Dissertation Submitted to the Faculty of T
    PATCHWORK NATION: SOURCES OF CONFEDERATE NATIONALISM, 1848-1865 Paul D. H. Quigley A dissertation submitted to the faculty of the University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in the Department of History. Chapel Hill 2006 Approved by: Professor Harry L. Watson Professor William L. Barney Professor W. Fitzhugh Brundage Professor Laura F. Edwards Professor Lloyd Kramer ©2006 Paul D. H. Quigley ALL RIGHTS RESERVED ii ABSTRACT Paul D. H. Quigley Patchwork Nation: Sources of Confederate Nationalism, 1848-1865 (Under the direction of Professor Harry L. Watson) “Patchwork Nation” explores white southerners’ conceptions of nationalism during the American Civil War era. The core impetus of Confederate nationalism was the desire to preserve slavery, but my emphasis is on the broad range of intellectual, cultural, and personal sources that white southerners drew upon as they engaged the concept of nationalism in their lives. Investigating these sources pushes our understanding of Confederate nationalism in three previously neglected directions: outward, backward, and inward. White southerners conceived of Confederate nationalism in light of what they already knew about the concept. Nationalism was then enjoying a golden age in Europe, and transatlantic intellectual currents greatly influenced ideas about nationalism in the American South. Hence our turn outward. But the nationalism with which white southerners were most familiar was antebellum American nationalism, in which most of them had been enthusiastic participants. Hence our turn backward. In defining a new nationalism, they replicated many aspects of the old, in both substantive and conceptual terms. Such replication generated a persistent problem that will concern us throughout: how could the South retain the nationalism of a country from which it had voluntarily departed? Our final turn takes us inward, into the sphere of everyday life.
    [Show full text]
  • Neo-Confederate - Rationalwiki
    Neo-Confederate - RationalWiki https://rationalwiki.org/wiki/Neo-Confederate Neo-Confederate From RationalWiki "If at first you don't secede, try, try again." The colorful pseudoscience “ Racialism —MAD Magazine” Neo-Confederate (otherwise known as Southern Nationalism ) is a label for several fringe political groups that believe that the states that made up the Confederacy during the American Civil War (Virginia, North Carolina, South Carolina, Georgia, Florida, Alabama, Mississippi, Louisiana, Tennessee, Arkansas, and Texas and in some cases Maryland, West Virginia, Kentucky, and Hating thy neighbour Missouri despite not actually being members of the Confederacy) should once Racism again secede from the Union and form their own nation. These people believe Racial pride that Southern interests have diverged so far away from Northern interests that it Nationalism merits splitting America into two countries. Divide and conquer Everyone is racist Contents James Damore Reverse racism 1 History Yakub Islam 2 Beliefs Yellow Peril 3 Strange Yankee bedfellows 4 See also Dog-whistlers 5 Notes Eric S. Raymond 6 References Joseph Kony 7 External links Louis Farrakhan Max Hermansen Troy Southgate History v - t - e (https://rationalwiki.org /w/index.php?title=Template:Race& The origin of the term is unclear, but it was used as early as 1949 by Arthur action=edit) Schlesinger Jr. in his book The Vital Center to describe Strom Thurmond Guide to: and the Dixiecrats, and in 1954 by Leonard Levy in a book review published U.S. Politics in The Western Political Quarterly . The modern use of the term as a self- identifier dates from Southern Partisan magazine in 1988.
    [Show full text]
  • The Public Eye, Fall 2013
    FALL 2013 The Public Eye Turning Right, Coming Apart: A Special Issue on the State of the States The Klan's Rise and Demise in North Carolina A Faustian Bargain: How Georgia's GOP Sold its Soul States' Rights: The New Nulliiers and the GOP's Civil War One by One: The Right's 50 Paths to Power editor’s letter THE PUBLIC EYE QUARTERLY PUBLISHER Out of Many ... What? Tarso Luís Ramos EDITOR n her brilliant book Cities on a Hill, published in the early 1980s, journalist Fran- Theo Anderson ces FitzGerald explored four very different “visionary communities”: the Castro COVER ART neighborhood in San Francisco; the ministry of the Christian Right leader Jerry Photo courtesy of Allen Gathman Falwell in Lynchburg, VA; a retirement community in Florida; and a commune PRINTING Iin Oregon. Red Sun Press The Castro was an obvious fit with FitzGerald’s theme of visionary communities, being the “first gay neighborhood in the country” and a “laboratory for experimenta- EDITORIAL BOARD Frederick Clarkson tion with alternate ways to live.” But Falwell’s ministry was a seemingly odd inclu- Alex DiBranco sion. A fundamentalist Christian, Falwell (who died in 2007) sought to use political Jean Hardisty and legal institutions to restore and enforce “traditional” morality. Kapya Kaoma FitzGerald’s insight was that a LGBTQ neighborhood in San Francisco and a fun- Tarso Luís Ramos Rachel Tabachnick damentalist community in the South were both “creating an entire world for them- selves.” As she wrote of Falwell’s ministry, “It provided its members with a way of living in American society .
    [Show full text]
  • Free Speech Or Sedition: Clement L. Valladigham and the Copperheads, 1860-1864
    James Madison University JMU Scholarly Commons Masters Theses, 2020-current The Graduate School 5-7-2020 Free speech or sedition: Clement L. Valladigham and the Copperheads, 1860-1864 John Forsyth Follow this and additional works at: https://commons.lib.jmu.edu/masters202029 Part of the United States History Commons Recommended Citation Forsyth, John, "Free speech or sedition: Clement L. Valladigham and the Copperheads, 1860-1864" (2020). Masters Theses, 2020-current. 61. https://commons.lib.jmu.edu/masters202029/61 This Thesis is brought to you for free and open access by the The Graduate School at JMU Scholarly Commons. It has been accepted for inclusion in Masters Theses, 2020-current by an authorized administrator of JMU Scholarly Commons. For more information, please contact [email protected]. Clement Laird Valladigham and the Rise and Fall of the Copperheads During the American Civil War, 1860-1864: A Study of Civil Dissent John Bushnell Forsyth A thesis submitted to the Graduate Faculty of JAMES MADISON UNIVERSITY In Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the degree of Master of Arts Department of History May 2020 FACULTY COMMITTEE: Committee Chair: David Dillard Committee Members: Gabrielle Lanier John Butt Table of Contents Table of Contents………………………………………………………………….ii Abstract……………………………………………………………………………iii Introduction………………………………………………………………………..1 I: The Rise of the Antiwar Democrats and Clement Valladigham, 1860-1863….6 II: The Arrest of Valladigham, Trial, Exile and Escape from the South…………46 III: Canada, the Sons of Liberty, the 1864 Democratic Election, Presidential Election and Final Defeat of the Democrats………………………………………75 Conclusion………………………………………………………………………..120 Bibliography………………………………………………………………………127 ii Abstract The antiwar movement during the Civil War, led by the Peace Democrats and their more virulent cousins, the Copperheads, was remarkable from many perspectives.
    [Show full text]
  • Daniel Harvey Hill, Proponent and Target of the Lost Cause
    “NEARLY THERE:” DANIEL HARVEY HILL, PROPONENT AND TARGET OF THE LOST CAUSE Brit Kimberly Erslev A dissertation submitted to the faculty of the University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in the Department of History. Chapel Hill 2011 Approved by Advisor: Joseph T. Glatthaar Reader: William L. Barney Reader: W. Fitzhugh Brundage Reader: Larry J. Griffin Reader: Richard H. Kohn ©2011 Brit Kimberly Erslev ALL RIGHTS RESERVED ii ABSTRACT BRIT KIMBERLY ERSLEV: “Nearly There:” Daniel Harvey Hill, Proponent and Target of the Lost Cause (Under the direction of Joseph T. Glatthaar) The life of Confederate Major General Daniel Harvey Hill (1821-1889) provides an ideal lens through which to explore the themes of honor, duty, southern identity and Civil War historical memory. A South Carolina native and product of the first formal American military educational institution at West Point, Hill combined a professional outlook with a belief in a superior Southern martial ethos and masculine duty to family and country. He was a born fighter with an irritable personality who incited controversy during his military and civilian careers. As a proponent and target of the Lost Cause, Hill actively shaped this civil religion while in the process nearly undermining his own efforts. By exploring the fluid and intertwined constructs of honor, duty, identity, and memory in one man’s experience, this dissertation will illuminate the complexity of southern attitudes before, during, and after the Civil War, and question generalizations regarding Confederate veterans’ approach to Lost Cause ideology.
    [Show full text]
  • Maryland Historical Magazine, 1994, Volume 89, Issue No. 4
    (901^ Maryland Historical Magazine < 0 X o Z p 4iN 5' h-' 4^ Published Quarterly by the Museum and Library of Maryland History Maryland Historical Society Winter 1994 THE MARYLAND HISTORICAL SOCIETY OFFICERS AND BOARD OF TRUSTEES, 1994-95 President Jack S. Griswold Vice-Presidents Treasurer Dorothy Mcllvain Scott William R. Amos John D. Schapiro Secretary Counsel Stanard T. Klinefelter William J. McCarthy Term Expires 1995 Term Expires 1997 James C. Alban III Gregory H. Barnhill Clarence W. Blount Gerry L. Brewster Forrest F. Bramble, Jr. Charles W. Conley Stiles T. Colwill Mrs. Leonard C. Crewe, Jr. William B. Dulany Jack S. Griswold Louis L. Goldstein Lenwood M. Ivey Mrs. Lila B. Lohr, Jr. Barbara P. Katz Milton H. Miller, Sr. Stanard T. Klinefelter John W. Mitchell William T. Reynolds William T. Murray III G. Dowell Schwartz, Jr. John D. Schapiro M. David Testa George R. Tydings H. Mebane Turner Term Expires 1996 Ex-Officio Trustees William R. Amos Dennis A. Fiori Gary Black, Jr. Roger B. Hayden, Baltimore County Suzanne F. Cohen Robert R. Neall, Anne Arundel County L. Patrick Deering Kurt L. Schmoke, Baltimore City Mrs. William A. Fisher III Chairmen Emeriti Louis G. Hecht Samuel Hopkins David L. Hopkins, Jr. J. Fife Symington, Jr. William J. McCarthy Presidents Emeriti J. Jefferson Miller II Leonard C. Crewe, Jr. (Deceased) Howard P. Rawlings E. Mason Hendrickson Jacques T. Schlenger John L. McShane Dorothy Mcllvain Scott Brian Topping David Mclntosh Williams Frank H. Weller, Jr. STAFF Dennis A. Fiori, Director Penny Z. Catzen, Head Librarian Richard L. Gorelick, Public Relations Helaine B.
    [Show full text]
  • A Lost Cause Found: Vestiges of Old South Memory in the Shenandoah Valley of Virginia
    A Lost Cause Found: Vestiges of Old South Memory in the Shenandoah Valley of Virginia BY JON D. BOHLAND DISSERTATION Submitted to the faculty of the Virginia Polytechnic Institute and State University in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy Environmental Design and Planning (Public and International Affairs Stream) Dr. Timothy Luke (Chair) Dr. Ann LaBerge Dr. Gerard Toal Dr. Scott Nelson September 22, 2006 Blacksburg, Virginia Keywords: Neo-Confederate, Shenandoah Valley, landscape, Civil War memory, identity. A Lost Cause Found: Vestiges of Old South Memory in the Shenandoah Valley of Virginia Jon D. Bohland ABSTRACT This dissertation examines issues of neo-Confederate collective memory, heritage, and geographical imagination within the Shenandoah Valley of Virginia. I analyze a whole range of material cultural practices throughout the entire region centered on the memory of the Civil War including monuments, battlefields, museum exhibits, burial rituals, historical reenactments, paintings, and dramatic performances. These mnemonic sites and rituals throughout the Great Valley of Virginia serve to circulate a dominant and mythologized reading of the Civil War past, one that emphasizes the Lost Cause myth of the Confederacy. In addition to uncovering neo-Confederate forms of memorialization, I also examine how normative lessons of morality, honor, patriotism, masculinity, and hyper-militarism become naturalized as a result of Lost Cause remembrance. The dissertation combines qualitative, practice-based modes of research with a Foucauldian influenced archival methodology that attempts to uncover particular silenced and alternative versions of the past that do not fit with normative versions of heritage. Acknowledgements There are many people without whom this project would not have been completed in any shape or form.
    [Show full text]
  • Review Essay
    JOURNAL OF LIBERTARIAN STUDIES S JL VOLUME 20, NO. 2 (SPRING 2006): 65–86 REVIEW ESSAY The Politically Incorrect Guide to American History. By Thomas E. Woods, Jr. Washington: Regnery, 2004. THOMAS E. WOODS, JR.’S, Politically Incorrect Guide to American History not only became a New York Times bestseller but also raised an amaz- ing amount of furor, to a certain extent among the left leaning, who are the book’s bête noire and would be expected to take offense, but especially in conservative and libertarian circles, among the book’s presumed friends. Woods’s survey of U.S. history from the colonial period through President Clinton has been condemned so far by Reason magazine contributing editor Cathy Young (2005a, 2005b); both in the Boston Globe and on the pages in Reason, by John B. Kienker in the Claremont Review of Books (2005); by Max Boot in the Weekly Standard (2005); and in assorted blogs, most notably by histo- rians Ronald Radosh (2005) and David Greenberg (2005); and by law professors Eric Muller (2004/2005) and Glenn Reynolds (2005). Some of the critics have laced their denunciations with ad hominem attacks on Woods. Going beyond his book’s content, they have dredged up what they consider either guilty associations with the League of the South or unconscionable past writings in The Southern Partisan. The most egregious offender is Eric Muller. Although Muller in no way qualifies as either a libertarian or conser- vative, his venomous assaults, descending to the low of Klan baiting, have been frequently referenced by other critics of the book.
    [Show full text]
  • The Slave South in the Far West: California, the Pacific, and Proslavery Visions of Empire
    University of Pennsylvania ScholarlyCommons Publicly Accessible Penn Dissertations 2016 The Slave South In The Far West: California, The Pacific, And Proslavery Visions Of Empire Kevin Waite University of Pennsylvania, [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: https://repository.upenn.edu/edissertations Part of the History Commons, and the Political Science Commons Recommended Citation Waite, Kevin, "The Slave South In The Far West: California, The Pacific, And Proslavery Visions Of Empire" (2016). Publicly Accessible Penn Dissertations. 2627. https://repository.upenn.edu/edissertations/2627 This paper is posted at ScholarlyCommons. https://repository.upenn.edu/edissertations/2627 For more information, please contact [email protected]. The Slave South In The Far West: California, The Pacific, And Proslavery Visions Of Empire Abstract This dissertation rests on a relatively simple premise: America’s road to disunion ran west, and unless we account for the transcontinental and trans-Pacific ambitions of slaveholders, our understanding of the nation’s bloodiest conflict will emainr incomplete. Whereas a number of important works have explored southern imperialism within the Atlantic Basin, surprisingly little has been written on the far western dimension of proslavery expansion. My work traces two interrelated initiatives – the southern campaign for a transcontinental railroad and the extension of a proslavery political order across the Far Southwest – in order to situate the struggle over slavery in a continental framework. Beginning in the 1840s and continuing to the eve of the Civil War, southern expansionists pushed tirelessly for a railway that would run from slave country all the way to California. What one railroad booster called “the great slavery road” promised to draw the Far West and the slaveholding South into a political and commercial embrace, while simultaneously providing the plantation economy with direct access to the Pacific trade.
    [Show full text]