THE CATHOLIC UNIVERSITY OF AMERICA

Theophanies in the Minor Prophets: A Cross-Analysis of Theophanic Texts in Micah, Habakkuk, and Zechariah

A DISSERTATION

Submitted to the Faculty of the

School of Theology and Religious Studies

Of The Catholic University of America

In Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements

For the Degree

Doctor of Philosophy

By

Jamie Aislinn Banister

Washington, D.C.

2013 Theophanies in the Minor Prophets: A Cross-Analysis of Theophanic Texts in Micah, Habakkuk, and Zechariah

Jamie Aislinn Banister, Ph.D.

Director: Alexander A. Di Lella, O.F.M., Ph.D.

Storm-god and warrior-god theophanic motifs were widely used throughout the

Ancient Near East (ANE), both in mythological and historical texts. Theophanies and theophanic motifs in the Old Testament (OT) are often found in passages, especially hymns, whose originality within the surrounding literary context is questionable; one example in the

Twelve (Minor) Prophets is Habakkuk 3. A detailed cross-analysis of three theophanic texts found in Micah 7, Habakkuk 3, and Zechariah 9 provides insights into the use of storm-

/warrior-god theophanic motifs within the Twelve Prophets.

This study begins with an overview of theophanies in the OT and the use of the storm-/warrior-god motifs in the ANE, followed by a survey of the history of research pertaining to compilation/redaction theories for the Twelve Prophets and to each book in which the three passages of interest appear (Mic 7:7-20; Hab 3:1-19; Zech 9:9-16). Then, I provide a close exegetical reading for each of the three passages with special attention to the use of the storm-/warrior-god motifs within each, followed by a summary of findings.

Habakkuk 3 (at least vv. 3-15) is likely the earliest of these three texts. The core theophanic material (vv. 3-15) reveals strong mythological connections with other ANE texts, including personifications of cosmic phenomena which also could be references to attendant deities. In contrast, Mic 7:7-20 and Hab 3:2, 16-19 carefully avoid any implication that Yhwh has a physical form even while employing similar vocabulary and motifs, such as a clear modification of the battle-against-the-sea motif in Mic 7:7-20 in which Yhwh battles sin and iniquity rather than mythological or historical enemies, albeit without any mention of the deity’s weapons. Finally, Zech 9:9-16 reintroduces Yhwh’s weapons; however, rather than Yhwh using traditional theophanic weapons, Yhwh’s people will function as his weapons against their enemies. Thus, a cross-analysis of these three passages specifically with respect to the storm-/warrior-god motifs reveals a pattern that parallels the theological development from a polytheistic or henotheistic perspective (which is deeply rooted in ANE mythology) to one that is more strictly monotheistic (which avoids mythological aspects of the storm-/warrior-god motifs).

This dissertation by Jamie Aislinn Banister fulfills the dissertation requirements for the doctoral degree in Biblical Studies approved by Alexander A. Di Lella, O.F.M., Ph.D. as Director, and by Christopher T. Begg, S.T.D., Ph.D. and Joseph Jensen, O.S.B., S.T.D. as Readers.

______Alexander A. Di Lella, O.F.M., Ph.D., Director

______Christopher T. Begg, S.T.D., Ph.D., Reader

______Joseph Jensen, O.S.B., S.T.D., Reader

ii

Dedicated to

Amelia Pauline (Holzwarth) Banister

July 4, 1910 – ______



in memoriam

Robert (Bob) James Banister

November 19, 1909 – August 14, 1999

iii

Ø lvwrym swsw ~yrpam bkr-ytrkhw ~ywgl ~wlv rbdw hmxlm tvq htrknw

And I will expel the chariot from Ephraim, And the horse from Jerusalem. And the bow of war will be expelled, And he will proclaim peace to the nations.

Zech 9:10a-b

iv TABLE OF CONTENTS

Abbreviations ……………………………………………………………………………… xi

Acknowledgments ……………………………………………………………………….... xii

Chapter I: Introduction: Theophanies ……………………………………………………… 1

1. Form / Structure of Theophanies ………………………………………………...... 3

1.1. Theophany as a Literary Genre ……………………………………………….. 3

1.2. Theophany as Part of ANE / Israelite Tradition ………………………………. 5

1.3. Theophany as Type Scene …………………………………………………….. 7

2. Sitz im Leben of Theophanies in the Old Testament ………………………………... 9

3. Theophanies in the Old Testament …………………………………………………. 11

3.1. Sinai Theophanies & Moses ………………………………………………….. 11

3.2.“Old Poetry” in Prose Passages ……………………………………………….. 13

3.3. Theophanies in the Psalms …………………………………………………… 17

3.4. Theophanies in the Prophetic Literature ……………………………………… 21

3.5. Appearances to the Patriarchs & Call Narratives …………………………….. 23

3.6. Mt. Horeb and Elijah: 1 Kings 19 …………………………………………….. 25

4. Storm-god and Warrior-god Motifs in the ANE …………………………………..... 26

4.1. Atmospheric and Natural Elements as Weapons …………………………. 27

4.2. Mythic Battles …………………………………………………………….. 29

4.3. Effects on Nature ………………………………………………………….. 30

4.4. Smiting Enemies ………………………………………………………….. 31

4.5. Storm- and/or Warrior-gods and Mountains …………………………….... 31

5. Conclusion ………………………………………………………………………….. 32

v Chapter II: Background Research on Micah, Habakkuk, Zechariah, and Redaction

of the Twelve Minor Prophets ……………………………………………… 34

1. Redaction / Formation of the Twelve Minor Prophets ……………………………… 34

1.1. David Noel Freedman ………………………………………………………… 35

1.2. James Nogalski ……………………………………………………………….. 38

1.3. Barry Alan Jones ……………………………………………………………… 40

1.4. Aaron Schart ………………………………………………………………….. 42

1.5. Erhard S. Gersternberger ……………………………………………………… 43

1.6. Jacob Wöhrle ………………………………………………………………….. 44

1.7. Conclusion …………………………………………………………………….. 46

2. Micah ………………………………………………………………………………… 47

2.1. Hermann Gunkel (1924) ………………………………………………………. 48

2.2. Artur Weiser (1967) …………………………………………………………… 48

2.3. Theodor Lescow (1972; 1995) ………………………………………………… 49

2.4. Bernard Renaud (1977) ……………………………………………………….. 50

2.5. Hans W. Wolff (1982) ………………………………………………………… 51

2.6. Burkard M. Zapff (1997) ……………………………………………………… 51

2.7. Jörg Jeremias (2007) ………………………………………………………….. 53

2.8. Bruce Waltke (2007) …………………………………………………………. 53

2.9. Alain Decorzant (2010) ……………………………………………………….. 55

2.10. Conclusion …………………………………………………………………… 56

3. Habakkuk ……………………………………………………………………………. 56

3.1. Bernhard Stade (1884) ………………………………………………………… 57

vi 3.2. Bernhard Duhm (1906) ……………………………………………………….. 57

3.3. Paul Humbert (1944) …………………………………………………………. 58

3.4. William F. Albright (1950) …………………………………………………… 59

3.5. Sigmund Mowinckel (1953) ………………………………………………….. 60

3.6. John H. Eaton (1964) …………………………………………………………. 61

3.7. Theodore Hiebert (1986) ……………………………………………………… 63

3.8. Henrik Pfeiffer (2005) ………………………………………………………… 64

3.9. John E. Anderson (2011) ……………………………………………………… 65

3.10. Conclusion …………………………………………………………………… 66

4. Zechariah ……………………………………………………………………………. 66

4.1. Bernhard Stade (1881-1882) ………………………………………………….. 67

4.2. Hinckley G. Mitchell (1912) ………………………………………………….. 68

4.3. Paul Lemarche (1961) ………………………………………………………… 70

4.4. Benedikt Otzen (1964) ………………………………………………………... 71

4.5. Henning Graf Reventlow (1993) …………………………………………….... 72

4.6. Paul L. Redditt (1995) ……………………………………………………….... 73

4.7. Byron G. Curtis (2006) ………………………………………………………... 73

4.8. Ina Willi-Plein (2007) …………………………………………………………. 75

4.9. Anthony R. Petterson (2009) ………………………………………………….. 75

4.10. Conclusion …………………………………………………………………… 77

5. Summary ……………………………………………………………………………. 77

Chapter III: Micah 7:7-20 …………………………………………………………………. 80

1. Text, Syntax, and Translation ……………………………………………………. 82

vii 2. Authenticity and Dating …………………………………………………………. 95

3. Exegetical Analysis and Commentary …………………………………………... 96

3.1. Introduction / Bridge (7:7) ………………………………………………….. 97

3.2. Strophe I: Zion/Jerusalem’s Song of Trust in Yhwh (7:8-10) ……………... 99

3.3. Strophe II: Oracle of Promise in Response to Zion/Jerusalem (7:11-13) …. 102

3.4. Strophe III: Petition to Yhwh (7:14-17) …………………………………… 109

3.5. Strophe IV: Song of Praise (7:18-20) ……………………………………… 113

4. Storm-/Warrior-god Theophanic Motifs and Vocabulary ……………………….. 116

4.1. Effects upon Nature …………………………………………………………. 117

4.2. Effects upon Humans ……………………………………………………….. 117

4.3. God’s Anger / Wrath ………………………………………………………... 118

4.4. God as Savior, Rock, etc. …………………………………………………… 119

4.5. Place Names ………………………………………………………………… 119

5. Summary …………………………………………………………………………. 119

Chapter IV: Habakkuk 3 …………………………………………………………………. 121

1. Text, Syntax, and Translation ……………………………………………………. 122

2. Authenticity and Dating …………………………………………………………. 158

3. Exegetical Analysis and Commentary …………………………………………… 163

3.1. Heading/Superscription (3:1) ……………………………………………….. 165

3.2. Strophe I: Introduction (3:2) ……………………………………………….... 166

3.3. Strophes II-III: Theophany: Coming of the Deity & Reaction (3:3-7) ……… 170

3.4. Strophes IV-V: Theophany: Divine Warrior (3:8-15) ………………………. 175

3.5. Strophe VI: Conclusion (3:16-19) …………………………………………... 183

viii 4. Storm-/Warrior-god Theophanic Motifs and Vocabulary ………………………... 185

4.1. Effects upon Nature ………………………………………………………….. 186

4.2. Effects upon Humans ………………………………………………………... 187

4.3. God’s Anger / Wrath ………………………………………………………… 188

4.4. God’s Weapons / Battle Motifs ……………………………………………... 189

4.5. God as Savior, Rock, etc. ………………………………………………….... 190

4.6. Place Names ……………………………………………………………….... 190

5. Summary …………………………………………………………………………. 191

Chapter V: Zechariah 9:9-16 …………………………………………………………….. 195

1. Text, Syntax, and Translation ……………………………………………………. 198

2. Authenticity and Dating …………………………………………………………. 207

3. Exegetical Analysis and Commentary …………………………………………... 215

3.1. Strophe I: Coming of the King (9:9-10) ……………………………………. 218

3.2. Strophe II: Restoration of Yhwh’s People (9:11-13) ……………………….. 221

3.3. Strophe III: The Victorious Divine Warrior (9:14-16) ……………………… 226

4. Storm-/Warrior-god Theophanic Motifs and Vocabulary ……………………….. 231

4.1. Effects upon Nature …………………………………………………………. 232

4.2. Effects upon Humans ………………………………………………………... 232

4.3. God’s Anger / Wrath ………………………………………………………… 233

4.4. God’s Weapons / Battle Motifs ……………………………………………… 233

4.5. God as Savior, Rock, etc. …………………………………………………… 234

4.6. Place Names ………………………………………………………………… 234

5. Summary …………………………………………………………………………. 235

ix Chapter VI: Conclusion ………………………………………………………………….. 237

1. Intertextuality and Inner-Biblical Allusions ……………………………………… 237

2. Cross-analysis of Mic 7:7-20, Habakkuk 3, and Zech 9:9-16 ……………………. 242

2.1. Quotations and Non-Theophanic Linguistic Similarities …………………… 242

2.2. The Storm-/warrior-god Motif ……………………………………………… 246

3. Summary of Findings …………………………………………………………….. 254

Appendix A: Theophanic Vocabulary – Nouns and Verbs ………………………………. 261

Appendix B: Theophanic Vocabulary – By Thematic Categories ……………………….. 265

Select Bibliography ………………………………………………………………………. 269

x ABBREVIATIONS

General Abbreviations and Publications

General abbreviations and those for publications are based on “The Instructions for Contributors to the Catholic Biblical Quarterly,” CBQ 65 (2003) 682-710. The instructions are also available online at .

Syntactical Analysis

A = adverb

I = indirect object

Int = interrogative particle

N = nomen

O = (direct) object

P = prepositional phrase

Pred = predicate

S = subject

V = verb

Voc = vocative

xi

ACKNOWLEDGMENTS

This dissertation could not have been completed without the support and encouragement from both faculty and students of the Department of Biblical Studies at the Catholic University of America. First and foremost, I am truly honored to have studied under and benefited from the guidance of my director, Fr. Alexander A. Di Lella,

O.F.M., who has persevered with me throughout the dissertation process. Although my dissertation does not follow in the footsteps of Fr. Di Lella’s significant studies on the deuterocanonical books, it is my sincere wish that this opus at least reflects, if only dimly,

Fr. Di Lella’s broader legacy of academic excellence and scholarly precision, which he endeavored to impart upon his students. I am grateful to my readers, Fr. Christopher T.

Begg and Fr. Joseph Jensen, O.S.B., for their insightful comments and corrections, as well as their endurance over the past several years that it has taken to complete this dissertation. I am also appreciative of the enthusiasm and encouragement received from

Dr. Robert D. Miller, II, Dr. David Bosworth, Dr. Michael Patrick O’Connor (1950 –

2007), Fr. Frank Matera, and especially Fr. Francis T. Gignac, S.J., who has seen me through the Biblical Studies doctoral program.

Dr. Monica Blanchard, CUA Department of Semitics, also deserves special recognition for going above and beyond the call of duty in helping me gain access to needed resources in the Semitics/ICOR Library, especially whenever we were unable to arrange a time for me to access the materials in person. I cannot thank her enough for her invaluable assistance, without which this dissertation would not have been completed within the University’s deadline.

xii

I am indebted to Dr. Michael Weigl, who inspired the topic for this dissertation. It was he who first introduced me to the fascinating (and challenging) world of research regarding the theophany in Habakkuk 3. It is also thanks to him that I was able to participate in the Wadi ath-Thamad excavation project in Jordan, through which I am better able to bring “text” and “stone” together in my teaching and research.

I would like to extend special thanks to the faculty at Aquinas Institute of

Theology (who encouraged me to pursue doctoral studies), especially Fr. Seán Charles

Martin, Fr. George Boudreau, O.P., Sr. Catherine Vincie, R.S.H.M., and Sr. Jean deBlois,

C.S.J. Other professors whom I wish to thank specifically include Dr. Eugene Bales and

Rev. Dr. Ronald MacLennan of Bethany College (KS).

Finally, I would like to express deep appreciation to my friends and family for their love and support throughout my educational career and, particularly, during the dissertation process. I am especially grateful to my mother for her assistance with some of the German secondary sources. This dissertation is dedicated to my paternal grandparents, Bob and Amelia Banister, from whom I received my first Bible as well as inherited my love for Scripture.

xiii Chapter I

Introduction: Theophanies

The term “theophany” (Gk to. qeofa,nia; La theophania) is etymologically derived from two Greek words: qeo,j (“god”) and fai,nw (“bring to light, reveal, make known”).1

Thus, a basic meaning for “theophany” is “manifestation/appearance of (a/the) god.”2

Perhaps the earliest known use of the term was with reference to a religious festival at Delphi during which time the statues of the gods were shown to the people.3

More recently, “theophany” has been adopted in the fields of both Ancient Near

Eastern (ANE) studies and biblical studies to refer, not to a human being revealing the image of a deity (as occurred during the Greek festival at Delphi), but to a divine appearance and/or self-revelation initiated by the deity. However, much confusion exists regarding the precise use of the term due to the inconsistent manner in which “theophany” has been defined by scholars and the different perspectives from which this topic has been approached.4 Although

1 In Gk, the neuter form (ta. qeofa,nia; always in the plural) refers to the theophanic cultic festival at Delphi, while the feminine (h` qeofa,neia) is the generic term for “theophany” (see LSJ, 792).

2 See J. Hamilton, “Theophany,” in Dictionary of the Old Testament: Wisdom, Poetry, & Writings (ed. T. Longman, III; Downers Grove, IN: IVP Academic, 2008) 817-20, here 817; N. F. Schmidt and P. J. Nel, “Theophany as Type-scene in the Hebrew Bible,” Journal for Semitics 11 (2002) 256-81, here 256-57; D. W. Suter, “Theophany,” in HBD (San Francisco: Harper & Row, 1986) 1062-63, here 1062; “Theophany,” in Catholic Bible Dictionary (ed. S. Hahn; New York: Doubleday, 2009) 904-5, here 904.

3 LSJ, 792; T. Hiebert, “Theophany in the OT,” in ABD 6. 505-11, here 505; E. Pax, EPIFANEIA: Ein religionsgeschichtlicher Beitrag zur biblischen Theologie (M nchener theologische Studien , Historische Abteilung 10; Munich: Karl Zink Verlag, 1955) 20-21.

4 This problem has already been noted by several scholars, including C. S. Grizzard and M. E. Tate (“Theophany,” in Mercer Dictionary of the Bible [ed. W. E. Mills; Macon: Mercer University Press, 1990] 908); H. M. Ohnmann ("Some Remarks on the Use of the Term ‘Theophany’ in the Study of the Old Testament," in Unity in Diversity [ed. R. Faber; Hamilton: The Senate of the Theological College of the Canadian Reformed Churches, 1989] 1-12, esp. 2-5); and Schmidt and Nel (“Theophany as Type-scene,” 257). 1 2 most scholars limit the application of the term to exclude dreams and visions, other scholars do not.5 Some scholars differentiate between “theophany” and “epiphany,” often by appealing to the purpose of the revelation and/or the manner in which it occurs.6 The result is that what one scholar calls an “epiphany,” another scholar might call a “theophany” or vice versa.

In the present study, “theophany” is used in the broader sense of a divine manifestation, particularly as it involves physical effects and/or visual descriptions, and is not dependent upon the presence of direct verbal communication between the deity and human beings. Thus, some of the passages that are treated as “theophanies” in this work may be classified as “epiphanies” instead by some scholars.

5 Some scholars who recognize the potential for a theophany to be part of a dream or vision include M. Eliade (The Sacred and the Profane: The Nature of Religion [Evanston: Harper & Row, 1961] 26-27, though he also uses the term “hierophany”); R. K. Gnuse (“A Reconstruction of the Form-Critical Structure in 1 Samuel 3: An Ancient Near Eastern Dream Theophany,” ZAW 94 [1982] 379-90, esp. 380); W. J. Harrelson (“Theophany in the OT,” in New Interpreter’s Dictionary of the Bible, vol. 5 [Nashville: Abingdon, 2009] 566-69); C. P. Staton, Jr. (“Theophany,” in Eerdmans Dictionary of the Bible [ed. D. N. Freedman; Grand Rapids: Eerdmans, 2000] 1297-98, here 1298); and G. W. Savran (Encountering the Divine: Theophany in Biblical Narrative [JSOTSup 420; New York: T & T Clark, 2005] 16). Also, G. H. Davies (“Theophany,” in IDB 4. 619-20, here 619) notes that “it is not always possible to distinguish between vision and theophany.”

6 Eliade (Sacred and the Profane, 111-12, 121) considers a “theophany” to be a manifestation of divine presence, whereas “epiphany” is a manifestation of divine power. For C. Westermann (Elements of Old Testament Theology [Atlanta: John Knox, 1982] 25-27), the difference lies in whether God is speaking (“theophany”) or acting (“epiphany”) as the primary mode in which the revelation occurs. Similarly, J. K. Kuntz (The Self-Revelation of God [Philadelphia: Westminster, 1967] 12) focuses on the spoken word as the central element of a “theophany.” Meanwhile, F. M. Cross (Canaanite Myth and Hebrew Epic [Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1973] 255-57) recognizes two patterns based on the movement of the Divine Warrior; an “epiphany” occurs when the Divine Warrior marches into battle with his weapons (e.g., lightning), while a “theophany” occurs when the Divine Warrior returns from battle to his holy mountain temple, though Cross notes that these patterns can occur in mixed form as well as separately. According to Schmidt and Nel (“Theophany as Type-scene,” 260), a theophany “contains elements of the epiphany,” but “the epiphany excludes elements of the theophany.” 3

1. Form / Structure of Theophanies in the OT

There are several different approaches that have been used with regard to analyzing the form and structure of theophanies, particularly as they appear in the OT. One method is to treat theophanies as having a specific form and thus as a distinct literary genre. Another method instead focuses more on the content, rather than literary form of the theophanies, the content of which is then linked to historical and/or cultic traditions. A third method treats theophanies as a “type scene” in biblical narrative. A brief overview of each approach will be provided here based on the work of at least two different scholars who have endorsed a particular method.

1.1. Theophany as a Literary Genre

Several theories have been proposed in which “theophany” is treated as a literary genre using form criticism.7 Probably the most extensive and influential work about theophanies in the OT was published in 1965 by J. Jeremias, who uses Formgeschichte and

Überlieferungsgeschichte to analyze theophanic passages.8 Jeremias thinks that the Song of

Deborah in Judges 5 contains the original theophanic form (specifically in vv. 4-5) from which all other OT theophanies have developed.9 This original form, according to Jeremias, consists of two parts: (1) the coming of Yhwh from a certain place, and (2) an uproar in

7 A related method, used by N. C. Habel (“The Form and Significance of the Call Narratives,” ZAW 77 [1965] 297-323), places “theophany” as one part of a larger call narrative genre within the OT. One obvious weakness of this method is that not all theophanies are found within call narratives, thus limiting its usefulness in analyzing theophanic texts. See also the brief summary and critique of Habel’s method by Schmidt and Nel (“Theophany as Type-scene,” 263-64).

8 J. Jeremias, Theophanie: Die Geschichte einer alttestamentlichen Gattung (WMANT 10; Neukirchen-Vluyn: Neukirchener Verlag, 1965) 6.

9 Ibid., 7.

4 nature (e.g., earthquakes, lightning) as a result of Yhwh’s coming.10 From the original form, four developments took place: (1) a two-part short form in which at least one of the parts contains new content (e.g., Amos 1:2); (2) a two-part form where one or both parts have been greatly expanded (e.g., Hab 3:3-15); (3) a form in which the first part, the coming of Yhwh, stands on its own (e.g., Zech 9:14); (4) and a form where the second part, describing the uproar of nature, stands by itself (e.g., Hag 2:6, 21).11 Jeremias’s study focuses heavily on theophanies in Hebrew poetry, including two of the three passages under consideration in this study, rather than divine revelations found in prose passages (e.g., God’s self-revelations to the patriarchs in Genesis).

J. K. Kuntz traces the “clearest actualization” of the complete and unexpanded theophanic form to a prose passage in Gen 26:23-25.12 He discerns six formal elements within this theophany: (1) an introductory description, (2) divine self-asseveration, (3) quelling of human fear, (4) assertion of gracious divine presence, (5) “hieros logos” (divine speech addressed to the particular situation), and (6) a concluding description.13 However, he also notes that both contraction and expansion of this basic form are found within the

10 As Jeremias explains: “In zwei gleich langen Teilen … reden sie von einem Kommen Jahwes vom einem Ort, und von dem Aufruhr der Natur, der bei seinem Nahen entsteht. Aus dieser zweigliedrigen Form mit zweigliedrigen Inhalt, die in Am. 1,2; Mi. 1,3f.; Ps. 46,7 und Js 64,19b vorliegt und sich hinter Ri 5,4f. und Ps. 68,8f. zu erkennen gibt, läßt sich die Form aller anderen Theophanieschilderungen erklären” (ibid., 15).

11 A summary list of these four developments is found ibid., pp. 15-16; see pp. 16-69 for a detailed analysis and examples of each type.

12 Kuntz, Self-Revelation of God, 58-59.

13 Ibid.; the elements of the proposed theophanic form are listed on p. 59 and Kuntz further describes each element individually on pp. 60-69.

5

Israelite tradition and that the proposed form is more easily recognized in prose passages than in poetry.14

F. M. Cross identifies two genre patterns of theophanies both of which follow the archaic mythic pattern of: (1) the Divine Warrior goes into battle against chaos; (2) convulsion of nature when the Divine Warrior manifests his wrath; (3) return of the Divine

Warrior to take a place of kingship among the gods and be enthroned on his mountain; (4) the Divine Warrior speaks from his temple, again causing nature to respond.15 The first genre pattern identified by Cross is the Divine Warrior’s march into battle, of which he considers Exod 15:1-18 to be the oldest and fullest example.16 The other genre pattern is best exemplified in Psalm 29 in which the Divine Warrior returns from the battle to manifest his kingship.17 Cross locates the normative and primary locus of OT prose theophanies in the revelation at Sinai, which he counts among the second genre type even though he admits that the first genre type includes the oldest hymns of the OT.18

1.2. Theophany as Part of ANE / Israelite Tradition

Other scholars have used a tradition-historical method, treating theophanies primarily as an element of Ancient Near East and/or Israelite tradition, with or without a connection to cultic practices (depending upon the scholar and/or particular passage under discussion).

14 Ibid., 59-60, 70.

15 Cross, Canaanite Myth and Hebrew Epic,162-63.

16 Ibid.,157. Cross also includes as part of the first genre “virtually all of srael’s oldest hymns” such as Deut 32:2-3, 26-29; Judg 5:4-5; Pss 68:9-8, 18; 77:15-20; 114; Hab 3:3-15 (p. 157).

17 Ibid.,160; some other examples cited by Cross are Pss 89:9-19; 93; 96; 98 (pp. 160-62).

18 Ibid., 163-64. 6

Three scholars whose assessment of theophanies fall into this category are G. von Rad, J.

Van Seters, and E. Kingsbury.

Both von Rad and Van Seters trace the familiar elements of the storm/warrior-god motif to the Israelite tradition of Yhwh’s holy wars which was then later adapted for various purposes. For example, it is from this holy war tradition that the concept of the “Day of

Yahweh” was derived, according to von Rad.19 With regard to the Sinai tradition in Exodus

19–20, Van Seters sees a later transformation of these theophanic motifs away from the context of the holy war/cosmic conflict and into the context of covenant and law giving instead, with the result that several new elements (e.g., commandments, human mediator) were introduced into the Sinai theophany account in the post-exilic period that had not been present previously in similar OT theophany narratives prior to the Babylonian Exile.20

Kingsbury distinguishes between the storm theophany and the earthquake theophany, each of which he thinks reflects separate literary and cultic traditions and were later conflated and sometimes harmonized in the OT.21 He traces the storm theophany to a northern tradition connected with Mt. Horeb (which he thinks is in a different location from Mt. Sinai), the

Elohist tradition, and the story of the calf (reinstituted by Jeroboam I in the Northern

Kingdom), and sees it as displaying clear affinities with Canaanite poetry. He also claims that the imagery of Yhwh coming from a certain general area is originally found in the storm theophany; in contrast, in the earthquake theophany, Yhwh is portrayed as coming from

19 G. von Rad, “The Origin of the Concept of the Day of Yahweh,” JSS 4 (1959) 97-108, here 104.

20 J. Van Seters, The Life of Moses: The Yahwist as Historian in Exodus-Numbers (Louisville: John Knox, 1994) 263, 267-70.

21 E. C. Kingsbury, “The Theophany Topos and the Mountain of God,” JBL 86 (1967) 205-10. Kingsbury (p. 205 n. 1) calls the two types of theophanies “topics,” by which he means “rhetorical patterns which may be used as building blocks for literary structures.” 7

Jerusalem or the Temple.22 However, in order to maintain his hypothesis, Kingsbury has to treat exceptions to his observations (e.g., Judg 5:4; Ps 68:7; Deut 32:2) as later glosses by appealing to what he perceives as their disruptive effects, metrically or otherwise, in their present contexts.

1.3. Theophany as a Type Scene

A more recent method seeks to treat theophany as a type scene in the Old

Testament.23 This method differs from form criticism in that it views the texts purely from a synchronic viewpoint, thus avoiding any diachronic analyses that may be based on problematic or questionable premises. Also, what might be treated as a recurring pattern among form-critics is instead viewed as “manifold variations of literary convention” used as part of “a tacit agreement between the artist and his audience.”24 Two approaches are discussed below; one by N. Schmidt and P. Nel, the other by G. Savran.

The theophanic type scene as proposed by Schmidt and Nel consists of five elements:

(1) background, (2) manifestation, (3) dialogue, (4) intrigue, and (5) conclusion.25 First, the background provides the reason (e.g., chaos, evil) for the imminent divine manifestation.

Second, the divine manifestation gives rise to the phenomenological reaction of nature (e.g.,

22 Ibid., 209.

23 The use of the type-scene concept as applied to biblical literature can be traced back to R. Alter (The Art of Biblical Narrative [New York: Basic Books, 1981] 47-62).

24 Schmidt and Nel, “Theophany as Type-scene,” 264; see also Adler, Art of Biblical Narrative, 47-49.

25 Schmidt and Nel, “Theophany as Type-scene,” 265.

8 thunder, wind, fire) and of the human party in fear or awe.26 Third, there is the communication between deity and the human party, often in the form of question-answer dialogue. The fourth element contains the plot of the theophany, which makes the theophany

“unique and mysterious.”27 Finally, the conclusion indicates the departure of Yhwh or the resulting response of the human party, told from the narrator’s perspective. Schmidt and Nel then apply this model to several Hebrew texts: Exodus 3–4; 19–23; 24–31; 32–34; Numbers

22–24; and 1 Kings 19.28 One drawback of this method, insofar as this study is concerned, is that texts which do not include a verbal exchange between deity and human are excluded a priori from consideration, having been classified by Schmidt and Nel as “epiphanies” rather than “theophanies.”29

More recently, Savran has proposed his own four-part theory regarding the basic elements of a theophany type scene, which is quite similar to that of Schmidt and Nel.30 He calls the first component “setting the scene,” which focuses on the solitude of the human recipient and the location of the theophany (often in what is, or subsequently becomes, a holy place). Second is the “appearance and speech” of Yhwh which may commence with a visual element that later fades from the picture once the divine-human communication begins. Third

26 This second “element” of the proposed type scene corresponds with the “elements” described under the comprehensive list of theophanic elements identified by A. Scriba (Die Geschichte des Motivkomplexes Theophanie [FRLANT 167; Göttingen: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, 1995] 14-79).

27 Schmidt and Nel, “Theophany as Type-scene,” 265.

28 Ibid., 266-77.

29 See ibid., 259-60 for their distinction between “theophany” and “epiphany,” as well as the discussion above regarding the use of the term “theophany.”

30 Savran, Encountering the Divine, 13-25. However, Savran notes that not every theophany narrative develops the elements equally, if at all, and it is in comparing the differences that one is able to discern important elements that the biblical author wished to emphasize given the unique aspects he chose to either enhance or suppress vis-à-vis other theophany narratives (pp. 25-26). 9 is the human response to the divine presence, which can take the form of fear and fascination, and/or an expression of doubt or anxiety. The final element is what Savran calls

“externalization,” the continuing effect resulting from the theophany even after the departure of the deity. However, Savran focuses on theophanies that occur in narratives, thus excluding texts which lack a clear narrative character, such as Habakkuk 3, from his analysis.31

Although viewing theophany as a type scene may have some interesting and useful aspects, neither of the models offered by Schmidt and Nel or Savran are directly applicable to the three theophanic texts that will be my primary focus (Micah 7; Habakkuk 3; Zechariah 9).

2. Sitz im Leben of Theophanies in the OT

There are two major theories regarding the Sitz im Leben of theophany accounts. One theory is that theophanies can be traced to the context of Holy War and the imagery of the victorious Divine Warrior.32 After rejecting Jerusalem worship festivals as the original Sitz im Leben of theophanic accounts, Jeremias concludes that the genre pertains originally to hymns (as opposed to prose passage) and traces the development of theophanic accounts back to a “Song of Victory” celebrating Yhwh’s triumphant Holy War; Jeremias suggests that Judg 5:4-5 and Ps 46:7 reflect the original Sitz im Leben of the theophany accounts.33

31 Unlike Schmidt and Nel, Savran considers these other passages as “theophanies”; Savran restricts his application of the term solely in the interest of focusing on theophanies that appear within a clear narrative context (Savran, Encountering the Divine, 6; see esp. n. 6 which lists Judges 5 and Habakkuk 3 among texts that lack a clear narrative context).

32 Other scholars who reject the cult as the original Sitz im Leben of the theophany in addition to those mentioned below include P. C. Craigie (“The Song of Deborah and the Epic of Tukulti-Ninurta,” JBL 88 [1969] 253-65, esp. 254-55), W. R. Herman (“The Kingship of Yahweh in the Hymnic Theophanies of the Old Testament,” Studia Biblica et Theologica 16 [1988] 169-211, esp. 208-9), and F. Schnutenhaus (“Das Kommen und Erscheinen Gottes im Alten Testament,” ZAW 76 [1964] 1-22, esp. 19-21).

33 Jeremias, Theophanie, 122, 138-44. Jeremias also attempts to trace the subsequent detachment of theophanic descriptions from this original Sitz im Leben (ibid., 158-63). 10

Cross traces OT theophany accounts to the language of Canaanite storm-god mythology that has been transformed from myth into an epic pattern focusing on the wars of Exodus and

Conquest which began with the victory at the sea (in which passages Cross admits that the two motifs, the epic Exodus-Conquest motif and the mythic Battle with the Sea motif, often merge), but written from the perspective of “the league cultus in a shrine in Canaan.”34

Another theory seeks to connect theophanies specifically to cultic festivals.35 Weiser formulated what has become a classic argument in favor of dramatic cultic covenant renewal festivals as the Sitz im Leben of theophanic tradition.36 Mowinckel thinks that the coming and manifestation of Yhwh at the cultic festivals, announcing the enthronement of Yhwh as king, was central to the festal experience.37 Kuntz views theophany accounts as particularly

(though not solely) focused on the temple cult at Jerusalem during the monarchy and especially as functioning to draw attention to the deity’s presence during the annual Feast of

Tabernacles.38 Van Seters notes that the use of the shofar in the Exodus 19 – 20 theophany account (in particular) indicates the theophany account’s use in post-exilic cultic festivals,

34 Cross, Canaanite Myth and Hebrew Epic, 157, 163-65 (quotation on p. 163). A similar position is also held by M. Coogan (“Warrior, Divine,” in New Interpreter’s Dictionary of the Bible, vol. 5 [Nashville: Abingdon, 2009] 815-16, here 816) regarding the Israelite historicization of the mythic battle between the storm-god and the sea into Yhwh’s victory over Pharaoh and the Egyptian army at the Red/Reed Sea, poetically described in Exodus 15, which uses the storm-god imagery for Yhwh.

35 Scholars who hold this view include J. Gray (Joshua, Judges, Ruth [NCBC; Grand Rapids: Eerdmans, 1986] 203-5) and Kingsbury (“Theophany Topos,” 205). Cf. H.-P. Müller, “Die kultische Darstellung der Theophanie,” VT 14 (1964) 183-91.

36 A. Weiser, “Zur Frage nach der Beziehungen der Psalmen zum Kult: Die Darstellung der Theophanie in die Psalmen und im Festkult,” in Festschrift für Alfred Bertholet (ed. W. Baumgartner, et al.; Tübingen: Mohr, 1950) 513-31.

37 S. Mowinckel, The Psalms in Israel’s Worship (2 vols.; Oxford: Basil Blackwell, 1962), 1. 142-43.

38 Kunz, Self-Revelation of God, 222-23; a full discussion of the cultic context of theophany accounts is found on pp. 215-31. 11 resulting from a combination of the storm-god motif and that of the enthronement of God on

Zion.39

3. Theophanies in the OT

Theophanic texts are found throughout all major sections of the OT. Below is a sampling of some of the different types of theophanies (broadly defined) in the OT. Passages that have connections to the three passages on which this study focuses (Micah 7; Habakkuk

3; and Zechariah 9) will be discussed more thoroughly than those that are significantly different in content and form.

3.1. Sinai Theophanies and Moses 40

The theophany at Sinai in Exodus 19 is often considered the most well-known and perhaps most significant theophany in the OT41; it is part of a larger narrative which contains other theophanic scenes (e.g., in Exodus 24).42 In Exodus 19, Moses converses with Yhwh

39 Van Seters, Life of Moses, 268.

40 Another theophany involving Moses at Mt. Horeb (= Sinai?) in Exodus 3 is mentioned below under “Call Narratives.”

41 Regarding the significance of Exodus 19 and theophanies, see Grizzard and Tate, “Theophany,” 908; “Theophany,” Catholic Bible Dictionary, 905; G. Windsor, “Theophany: Traditions of the Old Testament,” Theology 75 (1972) 411-16, here 412. In fact, the approach used by J. Niehaus in his book on theophanies (God at Sinai: Covenant & Theophany in the Bible and Ancient Near East [Grand Rapids: Zondervan, 1995]) focuses on an analysis of passages, from “pre-Sinai” to “post-Sinai,” which contain what he calls “Sinaitic characteristics” (i.e., characteristics of a storm theophany; see p. 142).

42 For more detailed analyses of Exodus 19 and its context, see Th. Booij, “Mountain and Theophany in the Sinai Narrative,” Bib 65 (1984) 1-26; W. Brueggemann, “The Book of Exodus: ntroduction, Commentary, and Reflection,” in NIB (12 vols.; New York: Cambridge University Press, 2005) 1. 675-981, esp. 831-39 (Exodus 19) and 879-83 (Exodus 24); W. Janzen, Exodus (Believer’s Church Bible Commentary; Scottdale, PA: Herald Press, 2000) 234-49; Jeremias, Theophanie, 100-114; Kunz, Self-Revelation of God, 72- 103; C. L. Meyers, Exodus (NCBC; New York: Cambridge University Press, 2005) 141-56; Niehaus, God at Sinai, 195-200; F. Polak, “Theophany and Mediator: The Unfolding of a Theme in the Book of Exodus,” in Studies in the Book of Exodus (BETL 126; ed. M. Vervenne; Leuven: Leuven University Press, 1996) 113-47, 12 several times after the arrival of the Israelites at Mt. Sinai, but the focus is the encounter on the third day during which the people are consecrated, which leads up to the communication of the Ten Commandments in Exodus 20.43 Exodus 19:16 mentions lightning (*~yqrb), thunder (twlq), and a thick cloud (dbk !w[) over the mountain, all of which (combined with a trumpet blast) cause the people to tremble (drx). Two verses later (v. 18), Yhwh descends in fire (va) upon the smoke-enveloped (!v[) mountain that, like the people in v. 16, trembles (drx).44 Elohim responds to Moses via thunder (lq) in v. 19, after which the narrative quickly moves to a focus on God’s verbal revelation. Later in 24:15-18, during a subsequent trip of Moses to the mountain, the glory of Yhwh (hwhy dwbk) is described as covering the mountain in a cloud (!w[) and in fire (va).45 esp. 129-41; W. H. C. Propp, Exodus 19-40 (AB 2A; New York: Doubleday, 2006) 101-623, especially 619-23; Scriba, Geschichte, 177-82; Van Seters, Life of Moses, 245-89; A. Wénin, “La théophanie au Sinaï: Structures littéraires et narration en Ex, 19.10-20, 21,” in Studies in the Book of Exodus (BETL 126; ed. M. Vervenne; Leuven: Leuven University Press, 1996) 471-80; E. Zenger, Die Sinaitheophanie: Untersuchungen zum jahwistischen und elohistischen Geschichtswerk (FB 3; Würzburg: Echter Verlag, 1971).

43 Unless otherwise noted, all Hebrew (Heb) texts are taken from BHS and all English translations are my own. The critical edition of the Greek (Gk) text used for Exodus is J. W. Wevers, Exodus (Septuaginta 2/1; Göttingen: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, 1991). The La text is from R. Weber, Biblia sacra iuxta vulgatam versionem (Stuttgart: Deutsche Bibelgesellschaft, 1994).

44 Although the LXX agrees with the MT in 19:16 with regard to the people trembling, it deviates from the Hebrew in v. 18 where the same verb root (drx) is used of the mountain. In place of the MT statement that dam rhh-lk drxyw (“and the whole mountain trembled greatly”), the LXX reads kai. evxe,sth pa/j o` lao.j b sfo,dra (“and all the people were greatly amazed”). However, there is one Gk MS (F ) which uses evptoh,qh (“were terrified”) of v. 16 in place of evxe,sth in v. 18. Both Latin (La) and Syriac (Syr) have the mountain as the subject in the last clause like the Heb of v. 18. If it assumed that the MT reflects the original text, the change in the LXX may indicate an intentional movement away from using mythical language whereby objects, such as mountains, are personified and described as reacting similarly to human beings (e.g., using the same verb for each that indicates an emotional reaction). t is also possible, as indicated in Wever’s (Exodus, 238) critical b notes regarding the variant in Gk MS F , that the LXX’s phrasing in v. 18 was taken over from v. 16. The question then is whether the apparent influence of v. 16 upon v. 18 in the Gk was accidental or intentional.

45 One may notice a potential pattern regarding the imagery associated with each of the names, Yhwh and Elohim, which I have retained in my discussion where appropriate. The storm imagery (thunder [19:16, 19] and probably also the lightning in 19:16, given that the following verse uses Elohim) seems associated with Elohim, whereas Yhwh is associated with smoke and/or fire (19:18; 24:17). This distinction is most clear in Exodus 19. If one takes into account Exodus 24, the only term used in passages with both of the names is !w[ (“cloud”); however, in Exodus 19, the cloud associated with Elohim is clearly described as a storm/thunder 13

Mountains are a common location where theophanies often occur in the OT (cf. Gen

12:8; Psalms 48, 68). Ancient cosmology often included a belief that the sacred/holy realm was in the heavens. Given such a view, mountains would be a natural holy place due to their height and closeness to heaven – i.e., the place where heaven and earth meet – and, hence, provide a logical locale for theophanies to occur. Eliade discusses several examples from multiple cultures (Indian, Iranian, Norse, Palestinian, etc.) whose cosmologies include this notion of a holy mountain as a common phenomenon in the cosmologies of several ancient cultures.46

3.2. “Old Poetry” in Prose Passages

There are several places in the Pentateuch and Deuteronomistic literature in which a primarily prose narrative is interrupted by the inclusion of Hebrew poetry, often in the form of a hymn or song. These poetic passages occur in: Gen 49:1-17; Exod 15:1-18, 21; Num

23:8-10, 18-24; Deut 32:1-47; 33:2-29; Judg 5:2-31; 1 Sam 2:1-10; 2 Sam 1:19-27; 22:2-51

(// Psalm 18); 23:2-7; and possibly Num 24:3-9, 15-24. The most pertinent of these passages for the current study are discussed below.47

cloud (dbk !w[) accompanied by thunder and lightning, whereas the description of the cloud in Exodus 24 (associated with Yhwh) contains no such ominous overtones (cf. Exod 13:21-22 where Yhwh leads the Israelites by a !w[ dwm[ [“pillar of cloud”] which also is not suggestive of a threatening thunderstorm cloud). The pattern in question could indicate two separate traditions that have been combined in this narrative; however, one also should note that the same verb drx (“tremble”) is used with both sets of imagery (storm in 19:16; fire in 19:18) to describe a reaction to the divine presence.

46 M. Eliade, Images and Symbols: Studies in Religious Symbolism (New York: Sheed & Ward, 1961) 41-44.

47 For 2 Samuel 22, see the discussion below on the parallel passage in Psalm 18. 14

3.2.1. Exodus 15: “Song of Moses” / “Song of the Sea”

This passage is a hymn of victory, celebrating Yhwh’s triumph over the Egyptian army at the Reed Sea.48 Yhwh is called “(my) salvation” (h[wvy) in v. 2, “man of war” (hmxlm vya) in v. 3,49 and one who redeems (lag) his people in v. 13. The Egyptians are tossed into the Sea (v. 4) where the deep (~wht) covers them and they sink into the depths (tlwcm) like a stone (v. 5). Yhwh’s right hand shatters (#[r) the enemy (v. 6), and the deeps (tmht), as well as waters (~ym) and flowing waters (~ylzn), react to the breath (xwr) of Yhwh’s nostrils/anger. The peoples (presumably the nations given the context and indicated in Gk by e;qnh) heard and shook (zgr),50 while anguish (lyx) seized the inhabitants of Philistia (v. 14). The chiefs of Edom were terrified (lhb), trembling (d[r) seized the Moabite rulers, and the inhabitants of Canaan melted away (gwm, niphal) (v. 15); terror (hmya) and dread (dxp) fall upon them (v. 16).

3.2.2. Deuteronomy 32: “Song of Moses”

This “song” includes proclamations of Yhwh’s greatness, denunciations of Israel for its unfaithfulness toward Yhwh, and a promise that Yhwh will yet have compassion on

48 For more information about this hymn in Exodus 15, see M. Brenner, The Song of the Sea: Ex. 15:1- 21 (BZAW 189; Berlin/ New York: de Gruyter, 1991); Brueggemann, “The Book of Exodus,” 797-804; Cross, Canaanite Myth, 112-44; Meyers, Exodus, 109-11, 116-23; P. D. Miller, The Divine Warrior in Early Israel (HSM 5; Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1973) 113-17; W. H. C. Propp, Exodus 1 – 18 (AB 2; New York: Doubleday, 1999) 502-72; B. D. Russell, The Song of the Sea: The Date of Composition and Influence of Exodus 15:1-21 (Studies in Biblical Literature 101; New York: Peter Lang, 2007); Van Seters, Life of Moses, 147-48.

49 The Gk in v. 3 has suntri,bwn pole,mouj (“crushing/shattering wars” with pole,mouj as the direct object and suntri,bwn as a participle modifying ku,rioj [“Lord”]) where hmxlm vya (“man of war”) appears in the Heb.

50 Most Gk witnesses have wvrgi,sqhsan (“they were angry”) in place of the Heb !wzgry (“they shake”); however, Alexandrinus and a few other MSS use evfobh,qhsan (“they were afraid”) instead, which more closely agrees with the Heb. 15

Yhwh’s people despite their previous unfaithfulness.51 Several times Yhwh is referred to as the “Rock” (rwc; vv. 4, 15, 18, 30, 31).52 Yhwh’s anger against the unfaithful sraelites is likened to a fire (va) that burns to the bottom of Sheol, devours the land and its produce, and sets fire to the foundations of the mountains (~yrh ydswm) (v. 22). Yhwh sends his arrows (~ycx) against them (v. 23), along with famine (b[r), flame (@vr), pestilence (bjq), and teeth of animals with poison (hmx) of crawling things (v. 24). However, Yhwh rejects the notion of completely destroying them (v. 26) lest the other nations think that they and/or their gods were responsible instead of Yhwh (v. 27-33), and Yhwh’s flashing (qrb; lit. “lightning”) sword (brx) is directed against his adversaries instead (v. 41). Yhwh will make his arrows (~ycx) drunk with blood, his sword (brx) shall devour flesh (v. 42). Thus, in the end, Yhwh avenges the blood of his servants/people (v. 43).

3.2.3. Deuteronomy 33: “Moses’ Final Blessing”

The final blessing given by Moses to the tribes of Israel in Deuteronomy 33 begins and ends with theophanic imagery commonly associated with a Divine Warrior motif, with the blessings for each tribe located in the middle.53 Yhwh comes from Sinai, dawned on his

51 The critical edition of the Gk text of Deuteronomy used is J. W. Wevers, Deuteronomium (Septuaginta 3/2; Göttingen: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, 1977). For more detailed analyses of Deuteronomy 32, see W. Brueggemann, Deuteronomy (Abingdon Old Testament Commentary; Nashville: Abingdon, 2001) 277- 84; R. E. Clements, “The Book of Deuteronomy: ntroduction, Commentary, and Reflection,” in NIB (12 vols.; Nashville: Abingdon, 1998: 2.269-538) 2. 522-30; S. R. Driver, A Critical and Exegetical Commentary on Deuteronomy (ICC; 3rd ed.; Edinburgh: T & T Clark, 1986) 344-85.

52 The Gk consistently uses qeo,j (“God”) where rwc appears in the Heb text as a reference to God (as opposed to a literal “rock” as in v. 13).

53 For more detailed analyses of Deuteronomy 33, see Brueggemann, Deuteronomy, 284-87; Clements, “Book of Deuteronomy,” 531-37 (esp. 534); Driver, Critical and Exegetical Commentary on Deuteronomy, 385-417 (esp. 390-93); H. Pfeiffer, Jahwes Kommen von Süden: Jdc 5; Hab 3; Dtn 33 und Ps 68 in ihrem literatur- und theologiegeschichtlichen Umfeld (FRLANT 211; Göttingen: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, 2005) 178-203. 16 people from Seir, and shone forth from Mt. Paran, with fire (va) possibly being associated with his right hand (!ymy, v. 2).54 Later, God (“El”) is described as one who rides through the skies (~ymv bkr, v. 26), the Eternal God (~dq yhla) who is srael’s dwelling place and drives out (vrg, piel) their enemies (v. 27), and Yhwh who is their shield (!gm) and sword (brx) by which they triumph over their enemies (v. 29).

3.2.4. Judges 5: “Song of Deborah”

Although the bulk of this song recounts the events of the preceding narrative involving Deborah, Barak, and the death of Sisera by Jael’s hand in Judges 4, there is a brief theophanic description near the beginning in vv. 4-5.55 Yhwh is said to have come forth from Seir, marching from Edom, with the result that the earth trembles (v[r) and the clouds (~yb[) drop rain (~ym; “water”) (v. 4). The mountains trickled (lzn)56 before Yhwh, this One of Sinai (ynys hz), the God of Israel (larfy yhla, v. 5). As mentioned above, it is to these two verses that Jeremias traces the original literary form of theophanies in the OT.57

54 Note: there is some textual instability in the Heb for the latter part of this verse. The Samaritan Pentateuch mentions td va (“fire of law”; cf. La ignea lex) but, like the MT, neither the Gk nor the Syr mention “fire.” Even without the explicit mention of “fire” (or another element commonly associated with a warrior-god’s arsenal), the imagery of Yhwh coming from Sinai and associated with mountains is consistent with the warrior-god and storm-god motifs in the OT.

55 For more detailed analyses of Judges 5, see M. D. Coogan, “A Structural and Literary Analysis of the Song of Deborah,” CBQ 40 (1978) 143-66; P. C. Craigie, “Deborah and Anat: A Case Study of Poetic magery [Judges 5],” ZAW 90 (1978) 374-81; Pfeiffer, Jahwes Kommen von Süden, 19-116.

56 The RSV uses “quaked” and the NAB “trembled” to describe the mountain’s reaction to Yhwh, a type of reaction which is more common (e.g., drx in Exod 19:8; zgr and v[g in Ps 18:8) and what one would expect given the context; also, the Gk has evsaleu,qhsan (“they were shaken”), which is used to translate the hithpael of v[g in Ps 18:8.

57 Jeremias, Theophanie, 7. 17

3.2.5. 1 Samuel 2: “Song / Prayer of Hannah”

This short prayer/song has a couple of noteworthy elements of relevance to my study.58 Yhwh’s salvation (h[wvy) is mentioned in v. 1 among the reasons why Hannah is rejoicing and praising Yhwh, and v. 2 affirms that there is no “rock” (rwc) like Yhwh.59 Later, it mentions that Yhwh’s adversaries shall be shattered (ttx, niphal) and Yhwh thunders (~[r, hiphil) in the skies/heaven against them (v. 10). Thus, we find a combination of warrior- and storm-god motifs, particularly in v. 10.

3.3. Theophanies in the Psalms60

Several Psalms are also of interest due to their affinities with the “Old Poetry in

Prose” passage mentioned above, as well as all three of the passages under consideration in this study (Micah 7; Habakkuk 3; Zechariah 9). Brief observations and analyses of the theophanic language in a few of these Psalms are given below but are by no means exhaustive of all Psalms which contain theophanic imagery and vocabulary.61

58 For more detailed analyses of 1 Samuel 2, see R. W. Klein, 1 Samuel (WBC 10; 2nd ed.; Waco: Word, 2008) 12-20.

59 As in Deuteronomy 32, the Gk avoids literal translations of rwc when used as a title or epithet for God.

60 One scholar who has done a lot of research specifically on theophanies in the Psalms is J. H. Hunter, who wrote his (unpublished) doctoral thesis on the subject as well as a couple of articles, the latter of which were utilized for the current study (“The Literary Composition of Theophany Passages in the Hebrew Psalms,” JNSL 15 [1989] 97-107 [p. 106 mentions the unpublished doctoral thesis]; idem, “Theophany Verses in the Hebrew Psalms,” Old Testament Essays 11 [1998] 255-70). Hunter cites Jeremias quite frequently but concludes that theophanies texts were a literary and theological device used by poets for various purposes and in a manner that transcends any single form-critical genre (“Theophany Verses,” 265-66).

61 See also M. Z. Brettler, “Images of YHWH the Warrior in Psalms,” Semeia 61 (1993) 135-65; M. Klingbeil, Yahweh Fighting from Heaven: God as Warrior and as God of Heaven in the Hebrew Psalter and Ancient Near Eastern Iconography (OBO 169; Göttingen: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, 1999) esp. 55-157; T. Longman, , “Psalm 98: A Divine Warrior Victory Song,” JETS 27 (1984) 267-74; Pfeiffer, Jahwes Kommen von Süden, 204-57 (Psalm 68); B. Renaud, “Le Psaume 85 et son caractère théophanique,” in Ouvrir les 18

3.3.1. Psalm 18 (// 2 Samuel 22)

Psalm 18 begins with several epithets for God that are similar to titles or imagery found elsewhere in similar theophanies, including the descriptions in some of the “Old Poetry” in prose passages discussed above. In v. 3, Yhwh is described as a rock ([ls and rwc), a mountain/high stronghold (hdwcm and bnfm), a shield (!gm), and a “horn of salvation” ([vy-!rq) who saves the speaker/author from his enemies (v. 4). In danger of death and in distress (vv. 5-6), the petitioner calls upon Yhwh who hears from Yhwh’s

Temple (v. 7).62 Yhwh’s subsequent anger is described in v. 8 as causing the earth to convulse (v[g) and shake (v[r) and likewise causing the foundations of the mountains to quake (zgr) and convulse (v[g).63 Smoke (!v[) comes from his nose and a fire (va) from his mouth that devours (lka, v. 9).

Verses 10-14 shift to imagery typically associated with a storm-god motif before the slight shift back to warrior-god type imagery in v. 15. Yhwh bends down (hjn) the heavens and a dark cloud (lpr[) is under his foot (v. 10). Yhwh rides upon a cherub and upon the “wings of the wind” (xwr-ypnk, v. 11). Darkness ($vx) is his hiding place and thick thunderclouds (lit. ~yqxv yb[ ~ym-tkvx; “darkness of rain, clouds of clouds”) are his canopy (v. 12); there follow references to brightness (hgn), hail (drb), and possibly lightning (lit. va-ylxg; “coals of fire”) in v. 13. Yhwh thunders (~[r) in the heavens,

Écritures (ed. P. Bovati and R. Meynet; LD 162; Paris: Cerf, 1995) 133-49, esp. 141-48; S. Shnider, “Psalm XV : Theophany, Epiphany, Empowerment,” VT 56 (2006) 386-98.

62 Cf. vv. 5-7 with Jonah 2 and Psalm 116 in particular with regard to the precise phrasing used for this imagery. However, for the purpose of this study, the general idea of petitioning for God’s intervention in the context of danger from one’s enemies is what is noteworthy.

63 It is intriguing that the verb v[g is used in the qal with #ra (“earth”) as subject but in the hithpael when ~yrh (“mountains”) are the subject. However, there does not seem to be a significant difference in meaning and the LXX uses the aorist passive of saleu,w to translate both stems of v[g in this verse. Note that the parallel verse in 2 Sam 22:8 has ~ymv (“heavens”) rather than ~yrh (“mountains”). 19 giving his voice (lq, v. 14).64 Then, in v. 15, Yhwh sends out his arrows (~ycx) by which he scatters (#wp) “them” [enemies] and shoots his lightning (~yqrb) by which he confuses (~mh) them.65 The channels of the waters (~ym yqypa) are made visible and the foundations of the world (lbt twdswm) uncovered (hlg) by Yhwh’s rebuke, also described as the “blowing of breath/wind of his nose/anger” ($pa xwr tmvnm, v. 16).

3.3.2. Psalm 68 Elohim goes out (acy) before his people, marching (d[c) in the wilderness (!wmyvy) (v. 8). The earth quakes (v[r) in Elohim’s presence (v. 9).66 Rain falls from the sky (vv. 9- 10).67 The kings of enemy armies flee (ddn) from Adonai (vv. 12-13)68 and Shaddai scatters (frp) kings (v. 15). The mountain of Bashan is asked why it looks with envy toward the mountain which is the dwelling place of Yhwh (vv. 16-17). Elohim’s chariots (bkr) are

64 The same phrase va-ylxgw drb (“hail and coals of fire”) is also repeated at the end of this verse in Hebrew (cf. v. 13); however, the LXX does not reflect the repetition, and it is possible that the repetition is due to a scribe accidentally recopying the phrase from the previous verse.

65 Note that the shift in imagery is slight; the storm-god imagery is still present, given the mention of “lightning,” but the warrior-god aspect has been added (“arrows”) with the probable reemergence of the enemies (v. 4) via the use of the otherwise unspecified third-person object pronouns in v. 15.

66 As does (Mt.) Sinai, if Sinai is understood as standing in parallel position with #ra (“earth”) and the verb v[r is implied on the basis of the parallelism in Hebrew (“gapping” of the verb between parallel poetic lines).

67 In v. 9, the phrase indicating rain is wpjn ~ymv-@a (literally: “the nose of the heavens/skies dripped”); this expression is found only here in the TANAKH. Verse 10 uses a more common word, ~vg, meaning “rain shower,” “rain.” These rains are portrayed favorably – i.e., rain as necessary to support plant and animal life and, hence, the lives of God’s people – as opposed to destructive rains. Cf. the discussion below regarding ANE storm-gods.

68 Note that the LXX reads avgaphtou/ (“beloved”) for !wddy, as if from the noun ddy (“beloved”), which completely changes the tone and meaning of this verse in Greek. 20 mentioned in connection with Sinai (v. 18). El is called “(our) salvation” (h[wvy) in v. 20 and an escape from death (twm) belongs to Yhwh Adonai in v. 21.69

The warrior imagery returns in v. 22, where Elohim is described as shattering / smashing (#xm) the heads of his enemies (wybya var).70 Adonai brings back (his people?) from the depths of the sea (~y twlcm) in v. 23.71 Later, in v. 31, there is a petition for God to scatter (rzb) people who delight in battle. There is a reference to the one who “rides in the heaven of heavens of ancient times” (~dq-ymv ymvb bkr) in v. 34, followed by an assertion that Elohim’s power (z[) is in the clouds (~yqxv) in v. 35.

3.3.3. Psalm 77 As with Psalm 18 above, in Psalm 77 a petitioner is crying out in distress (hrc) with the hope that God may hear (vv. 2-4). This leads to a recollection of the wonders God had done in the past for Israel (vv. 12-21), in particular those of the Exodus tradition.

69 The terms “El” and “Adonai” are used in both verses in the following chiastic pattern: Adonai (v. 20a) El (v. 20b) El (v. 21a) Adonai (v. 21b) However, the second use of Adonai is also accompanied by Yhwh. (Note that the shortened form of Yhwh [Yh] occurs with Elohim in v. 19 immediately before v. 20 begins.) On the one hand, there is much diversity in Psalm 68 with regard to the name/designation of the deity; however, on the other hand, the above pattern indicates that the uses might not be completely random.

70 dqdq [“crown of the head”] is also used in this verse in the following poetic line as a reference back to var. The term dqdq is noteworthy in that it only occurs in ten other verses in the MT, three of which were discussed above (Gen 49:26; Deut 33:16, 20).

71 The plural term twlcm is also used in Exod 15:5 and Mic 7:19 (among other verses); however, in Micah 7, it is used more literally in the sense of the depths of the sea whereas in Psalm 68 it is probably used as a metaphor for death (cf. Ps 88:7; Jonah 2:4). Exodus 15 could be taken either way – literally and/or metaphorically (i.e., the Egyptian army was covered by the waters in the Reed Sea, thus resulting in their deaths). Also cf. Ps 68:21, mentioned above, with regard to God’s dominion over death; it is interesting to note that Mot and Yam were both names of ANE deities as well, which raises the question regarding the connection of this psalm with ANE mythology. 21 Both the storm-god and warrior-god imagery occur. God redeemed (lag) the sons of Jacob and Joseph with his arm/strength ([wrz, v. 16). The waters (~ym) writhed (lyx) when they saw Elohim and the deep (~wht) quaked (zgr, v. 17). The clouds (twb[) poured rain (~ym wmrz) and were accompanied by thunder (lit. ~yqxv wntn lwq, “the clouds gave voice”) while arrows (~ycx, probably indicating lightning) went back and forth (v. 18). Verse 19 also mentions thunder (~[r; but this time linked to chariot wheels [lglg]) and lightning (~yqrb), and now the earth also trembles/quakes (zgr) and shakes (v[r).

3.4. Theophanies in Prophetic Literature

In addition to the three passages of particular interest for this study in Micah 7,

Habakkuk 3, and Zechariah 9, many similar theophanic descriptions also occur elsewhere in prophetic literature. Some examples are provided below; however, these are not exhaustive of all theophanies in the prophetic literature or in the individual books discussed below.

3.4.1. Isaiah

A brief theophanic passage is found in Isa 30:27-33, though theophanic imagery is used elsewhere in Isaiah as well. The coming of the name of Yhwh brings thick clouds (hafm dbk), his tongue is likened to a devouring fire (tlka va,72 v. 27) and breath as an overflowing stream reaching as high as the back of the neck (rawc, v. 28). There is a reference to the mountain of Yhwh, the Rock (rwc) of Israel (v. 29).73 Yhwh causes his voice (lwq) to be heard and his arm ([wrz) descends in raging anger (@a @[z), a flame of devouring fire (hlkwa va bhl), a driving storm (#pn), a downpour (~rz) and hailstones

72 Cf. Ps 18:9.

73 As I noted previously (particularly in Deuteronomy 32, see n. 51), the Gk uses qeo,j (“God”) where the Heb uses rwc (“rock”). 22 (drb !ba, v. 30). The Assyrians will be filled with terror (ttx, niphal) at the sound of Yhwh’s voice when Yhwh smites (hkn, hiphil) with his rod (v. 31). The breath (hmvn) of

Yhwh is described as kindling the pyre prepared for the [Assyrian] king (v. 33).

3.4.2. Joel

The metaphor of God as a lion occurs in a theophanic passage in Joel 4. Yhwh roars (gav) from Zion and gives his voice (wlwq !ty) from Jerusalem (v. 16),74 causing the heavens and earth to shake (v[r, v. 16);75 Yhwh is called a refuge (hsxm) and mountain stronghold (zw[m) for the people of Israel (v. 16). Also noteworthy is the apparent influence of Yhwh over the elements (the darkening of the sun, moon, and stars) in v. 15 and the reference to Zion as “my [Yhwh’s] holy mountain” (yvdq-rh) in v. 17.

3.4.3. Nahum

Much of the imagery and vocabulary in Nahum 1 makes use of the warrior-god and storm-god motifs. From the beginning, Yhwh is portrayed as avenging and wrathful toward his enemies (v. 2), and later Yhwh’s wrath is likened to a pouring out like fire (va) and rocks are demolished (#tn, niphal) by Yhwh (v. 6).76 Yhwh is also referred to as a stronghold (zw[m, v. 7). The storm-god imagery particularly becomes apparent in v. 3b, which states that Yhwh’s way is in the “destructive wind-storm” (hpws) and the “tempest” (hr[f), with the clouds (!n[) as dust of his feet. Yhwh rebukes the sea, making it dry;

74 The exact same grouping of poetic lines (wlwq !ty ~Ølvwrymw / gavy !wycm hwhy) also occurs in Amos 1:2.

75 Cf. Hag 2:6.

76 The content of v. 2 is tempered a bit in the following verse, which mentions the mighty Yhwh’s sense of justice (not sparing the guilty) and compassion (slow to anger, v. 3a). 23

Bashan and Carmel wither, and the bloom of Lebanon fades (v. 4). The mountains shake (v[r), hills melt (gwm, hithpolel), the earth is laid waste from before him [Yhwh] (v. 5). Yhwh uses an overflowing flood (@jv) as a weapon against his adversaries in v. 8.

3.5. Appearances to the Patriarchs and Call Narratives

Theophanies involving the appearances to the patriarchs and call narratives have been grouped together due to the fact that these passages often contain a different type of theophanic experience; the focus in these passages tends to be upon the verbal revelation to a particular individual, not the appearance of the deity itself which may only be noted briefly and often without any description of the actual appearance. Some appearances of the deity to the patriarchs include Abraham at Shechem (Gen 12:6-7), Abraham and Sarah at Mamre

(Gen 18:1-33), Isaac at Beersheba (Gen 26:24-25), Jacob at Bethel (Gen 28:10-22), and

Jacob at Peniel (Gen 32:23-33).77 Some famous prophetic call narratives include those of

77 Even among these examples, there is quite a bit of variation. The stories of Abraham at Shechem and saac at Beersheba only mention that God “appeared” (har) to the patriarch and spoke. The appearance of God to Jacob at Bethel was during a dream (and, hence, is not classified as a true “theophany” by some scholars; e.g., Davies, “Theophany,” 619). The other two stories (Abraham and Sarah at Mamre and Jacob at Peniel) are unusual in that they seem to involve an appearance of God in actual human form, though the appearance to Abraham and Sarah is somewhat ambiguous since it involved three strangers (presumably God and two angels); E. J. Hamori (“When Gods Were Men”: The Embodied God in Biblical and Near Eastern Literature [BZAW 384; Berlin/New York: de Gruyter, 2008]) has written a detailed analysis of these passages, including a comparison with other ANE theophanies. See also B. T. Arnold, Genesis (NCBC; New York: Cambridge University Press, 2009) 174-87 (Genesis 18) and 277-87 (Genesis 32); J. Barr, “Theophany and Anthropomorphism in the Old Testament,” in Congress Volume: Oxford 1959 (ed. G. W. Anderson, et al.; VTSup 7; Leiden: Brill, 1960) 31-38; T. E. Fretheim, “The Book of Genesis: ntroduction, Commentary, and Reflections,” in NIB (12 vols.; Nashville: Abingdon, 1994) 1. 319-674, esp. 1. 461-65 (Genesis 18) and 564-70 (Genesis 32); J. Skinner, A Critical and Exegetical Commentary on Genesis (ICC; New York: Charles Scribner’s Sons, 1910) 298-306 (Genesis 18; esp. p. 298) and 405-12 (Genesis 32); E. A. Speiser, Genesis (AB 1; New York: Doubleday, 1964) 128-35 (Genesis 18) and 252-57 (Genesis 32); S. Spero, “But Abraham Stood Yet Before the Lord,” Jewish Bible Quarterly 36 (2008) 12-14; M. D. Wessner, “Toward a Literary Understanding of ‘Face to Face’ (~ynIP'-la, ~ynIP') in Genesis 32:23-32,” ResQ 42 (2000) 169-77; C. Westermann, Genesis 12 – 36 (Minneapolis: Augsburg, 1985) 272-93 (Genesis 18) and 502-11 (Genesis 32). 24

Moses (Exodus 3), Gideon (Judges 6), Samuel (1 Samuel 3), Isaiah (Isaiah 6), Jeremiah

(Jeremiah 1), and Ezekiel (Ezekiel 1 – 3).78

Given the significant differences, these passages are not as important for the current study as are the other theophanic passages which have been discussed above in more detail;79 however, it is interesting to note a few broad points of similarity. Mountains are a common motif and are found in the story of Abraham’s (almost) sacrifice of Isaac on a mountain near

Moriah (Gen 22:2), and the call narratives of Abraham (Gen 12:9) and Moses (Exodus 3).80

Also, whereas the appearance of the deity featured in storm-god and warrior-god motifs inspires fear and trembling (of both nature and people), a similar reaction often occurs on an individual, personal level in the patriarchal and call narratives. These include Jacob’s reaction to his dream “theophany” at Bethel (Gen 28:17), Moses’ reaction to the burning bush (Exod 3:6), Gideon’s reaction to the angel of Yhwh (Judg 6:22-23), Manoah and his

78 For more detailed analyses of one or more of these call narratives, see J. O. Akao, “Yahweh and Mal’ak in the Early Traditions of srael: A Study of the Underlying Traditions of Yahweh/Angel Theophany in Exodus 3,” IBS 12 (1990) 72-85; L. C. Allen, Ezekiel 1 – 19 (WBC 28; Nashville: Thomas Nelson, 1994) 1-45; Brueggemann, “Book of Exodus,” 707-21 (esp. 712); R. K. Gnuse, The Dream Theophany of Samuel: Its Structure in Relation to Ancient Near Eastern Dreams and Its Theological Significance (Lanham: University Press of America, 1984), esp. pp. 134-40 regarding the structure of call narratives, and “Dreams in the Night – Scholarly Mirage or Theophanic Formula? The Dream Report as a Motif of the So-called Elohist Tradition,” BZ 39 (1995) 28-53; Habel, “The Form and Significance of the Call Narratives,” 297-323; Klein, 1 Samuel, 27-35, esp. 30; P. K. McCarter, Jr., 1 Samuel (AB 8; New York: Doubleday, 1980) 94-101; Meyers, Exodus, 46-62 (esp. 51-57); Polak, “Theophany and Mediator,” 118-26; Propp, Exodus 1 – 18, 180-243; J. D. W. Watts, Isaiah 1 – 33 (WBC 24; Waco: Word, 1985) 66-77. B. C. Birch (“The First and Second Books of Samuel: Introduction, Commentary, and Reflections,” in NIB (12 vols.; Nashville: Abingdon, 1998) 2. 989-95, here 2. 991) thinks that “theophany” is a better designation for this passage than “call narrative.”

79 Differences such as these are what prompt some scholars to make a distinction between “epiphany” and “theophany.” See also the section titled “Use of the Term ‘Theophany’” above.

80 Several patriarchal and call narratives occur at other specific “holy” sites, particularly sanctuaries (e.g., Shechem, Bethel), instead of mountains. See also J. Lindblom, “Theophanies in Holy Places in Hebrew Religion,” HUCA 32 (1961) 91-106. 25 wife’s reactions to the angel of Yhwh (Judg 13:6, 20), and Ezekiel’s reaction to his vision of

Yhwh (Ezek 1:28).81

3.6. Mt. Horeb and Elijah (1 Kings 19:9-18)

Another well-known theophany occurs in 1 Kgs 19:9-18.82 Elijah has just fled from

Queen Jezebel shortly after the showdown with the prophets of Ba‘al culminating in their death as ordered by Elijah (18:20-40), in retaliation for which Jezebel has threatened to have him killed (19:1-2). Elijah flees to Mt. Horeb where the Word of Yhwh (hwhy-rbd) instructs him to stand upon the mountain before Yhwh (vv. 9-11). Yhwh passes by (rb[) and there is a great and severe wind (qzhw hlwdg xwr) that tears apart the mountains (~yrh qrpm) and shatters rocks (~y[ls rbvm, v. 11). Then there is an earthquake (v[r), followed by a fire (va, vv. 11-12). In each case – wind, earthquake, and fire – the text specifies that Yhwh was not in any of them. nstead, Yhwh’s presence is indicated by the voice of a slight whisper (hqd hmmd lwq), at which point Elijah covers his face and steps out the cave to speak with Yhwh (vv. 12-13).

81 It is also common for the verbal revelation from God (directly or via a messenger) to begin with an admonition for the individual not to be afraid (e.g., Gen 15:1; 21:17; 26:24; 46:3; Exod 20:20; Judg 6:23), thus again associating fear with contact or communication with the divine.

82 For more detailed analyses, see M. Cogan, 1 Kings (AB 10; New York: Doubleday, 2000) 449-58; S. J. De Vries, 1 Kings (WBC 12; Waco: Word, 1985) 232-37; P. R. House, 1, 2 Kings (New American Commentary 8; Nashville: Broadman & Holman, 1995) 222-24; Kunz, Self-Revelation of God, 147-54; J. A. Montgomery, A Critical and Exegetical Commentary on the Book of Kings (ICC; Edinburgh: T & T Clark, 1951, 19762) 312-18; C.-L. Seow, “The First and Second Book of Kings,” in NIB (12 vols.; Nashville: Abingdon, 1999) 3. 1-295, here 141-45; J. T. Walsh, 1 Kings (Berit Olam; Collegeville: Liturgical Press, 1996) 264-82.

26

I discuss this passage last because it shows an interesting development from the usual pattern. The theophany on a mountain is a common motif (e.g., Exodus 3; 19 – 24).83 Also common are the natural phenomena that accompany the theophanic experience (here: wind, earthquake, fire), and the vocabulary is similar to that of other theophanic passages.84

However, whereas Yhwh spoke to Moses from the fire (e.g., Exod 3:2, 4), the author of the theophany in 1 Kings emphasizes that Yhwh is not in any of these natural phenomena, not even the fire.

4. Storm-god and Warrior-god Motifs in the ANE

Both storm-god and warrior-god motifs occur frequently in the texts and iconography of various ANE cultures. Many storm-gods were often portrayed with warrior imagery; however, not all warrior-gods were storm-gods.85 Also, questions have recently been raised, particularly by Daniel Schwemer, regarding the appropriate distinction between genuine

“storm-gods” and powerful deities who occasionally use storm-related weapons as part of their warrior-based arsenal but otherwise do not have any responsibilities typically associated

83 See also the discussion regarding the importance of mountains and divine encounters in the section titled “Sinai Theophanies and Moses” above.

84 The corresponding verbal root (v[r) for v[;r; (“earthquake”) in 1 Kgs 19:11 occurs in Judg 5:4; 2 Sam 22:8 (// Ps 18:8); Pss 68:8; 77:19; Joel 4:16, all of which are theophanic passages that speak of the earth “shaking” as a result of the divine presence.

85 For example, the Mesopotamian god Erra was a god of “violence, warfare, pestilence, and ‘scorched earth’” (B. R. Foster, “Mesopotamia,” in A Handbook of Ancient Religion [ed. J. R. Hinnells; New York: Cambridge University Press, 2007: 161-213] 178), a god of plague and the underworld (S. Daley, Myths from Mesopotamia [New York: Oxford University Press, 1989] 282-315, here 282), but not a storm-god. Likewise, the Mesopotamian sun-god Shamash was often portrayed as a warrior-god (Foster, “Mesopotamia,” 176), which is also indicated by an iconographic depiction on a ninth-century B.C.E. Neo-Assyrian cylinder (Klingbeil, Yahweh Fighting from Heaven, 197; fig. 28). In contrast to the storm-god, terrestrial or subterranean water-gods (as opposed to celestial or atmospheric weather-gods) were more likely to be portrayed as peaceful, particularly toward humanity (e.g., the Sumerian water-god Enki // Akkadian god Ea [A. Cotterell, A Dictionary of World Mythology (New York: Oxford University Press, 1986) 25-26; Foster, “Mesopotamia,” 176]). 27 with a “storm-god” (e.g., fertilizing rains).86 Since it is the combination of these motifs in their application to one deity that is of primary (though not exclusive) interest for the current study, it is not necessary to distinguish precisely what constitutes a genuine “storm-god” here. However, Schwemer’s observation may be important later with regard to whether

Yhwh is intended to be portrayed as a genuine “storm-god” or rather primarily as a warrior- god who has merely assumed weaponry typically associated with storm-gods (e.g., lightning, storms) as part of Yhwh’s dominion over everything.87

4.1. Atmospheric and Natural Elements as Weapons

Perhaps the most prominent atmospheric weapon used by ANE gods is lightning, often depicted or described as the “arrows” of the god. In ANE iconography, as Klingbeil

86 D. Schwemer, “The Storm-gods of the Ancient Near East: Summary, Synthesis, Recent Studies, Part I,” Journal of Ancient Near Eastern Religions 7 (2007) 121-68, here 123-29. According to Schwemer, the list of gods “misleadingly addressed as ‘storm-gods’ in secondary literature” include: Enlil, Ninurta (Ningirsu), Marduk, Anzu(d)-Anzû, Dagān, and tūrmēr (not to be confused with the actual storm-god W/Mēr) (ibid., 125- 29; quotation from p. 125). In his article, Schwemer criticizes works such as A. R. W. Green’s The Storm-God in the Ancient Near East (Biblical and Judaic Studies 8; Winona Lake, IN: Eisenbrauns, 2003) as being methodologically flawed by an overly-broad definition of “storm-god” (Schwemer, “Storm-gods, Part 1,” 125 n. 2) and, thus, Schwemer limits the most important ANE storm-gods to: the Semitic Haddu (West Semitic Hadda, Haddu, Hadad [Syria-Palestine, Upper Mesopotamia]; Akkadian Adad, Addu [Babylonia, Assyria]), Syro-Palestinian Ba‘lu (Ba‘al), Hurrian Teshub (Teššub [Teššob], with Urartian Teišeba [Syria, Mesopotamia, Kurdish mountain area, Anatolia]), Hattian Taru, and Hittite-Luwian Tarhun(t) (ibid., 125).

87 Unlike the Canaanite storm-god Ba‘al, Yhwh is not depicted as a fertility-god in the OT nor as having a female consort. However, archeological evidence has raised the question whether Asherah may have been viewed as Yhwh’s consort (perhaps due to an association of Yhwh with El, whose consort was Asherah) in the folk religion (i.e., not sanctioned by the official religious institution) of ancient Israel; for more detailed discussion, see W. G. Dever, Did God Have a Wife? Archeology and Folk Religion in Ancient Israel (Grand Rapids: Eerdmans, 2005) esp. 176-51; J. M. Hadley, The Cult of Asherah in Ancient Israel and Judah (Cambridge: University Press, 2000); O. Keel and C. Uehlinger, Gods, Goddesses, and Images of God in Ancient Israel (trans. T. H. Trapp; Minneapolis: Fortress Press, 1998) 177-281; M. S. Smith, The Early History of God (The Biblical Resource Series; 2nd ed.; Grand Rapids: Eerdmans, 2002) 108-47; Z. Zevit, The Religions of Ancient Israel: A Synthesis of Parallactic Approaches (New York: Continuum, 2001) 650-51. 28 notes, the bundle of lightning is the most important identifier of a weather-god.88 Some deities who are described or depicted as wielding lightning include: Adad, Ba‘al, Hadad,

d škur, Marduk, Ninurta, and the Hittite Storm-god ( U). Thus, there is a passage in which the

Hittite Storm-god helps defeat the enemy of Muršiliš with a lightning bolt:

The proud Weather god, my Lord, showed his divine power, and he violently threw

down a thunderbolt, and Arzawa land saw it, too, and the thunderbolt went forth and

smote Arzawa land, and also smote Apasa, the city of Uhha-LU-iš.89

Also, note the following description of Ba‘al’s arsenal:

Seven lightning bolts he casts,

Eight magazines of thunder;

He brandishes a spear of lightning.90

These deities are also often associated with thunder, thunderstorms, rain and/or floods; see for example, below from the description of Marduk preparing to battle Tiamat:

He fashioned a bow …

Feathered the arrow, set it in the string,

He lifted up a mace and carried it in his right hand,

Slung the bow and quiver at his side,

Put lightning in front of him,

88 Klingbeil, Yahweh Fighting from Heaven, 246. He also notes that three-forked lightning bundle is typically Hittite or Assyrian, while a two-forked bundle is usually Babylonian (ibid., 244). Several seals and cylinders with this motif from the eleventh-eighth centuries B.C.E. have been found (ibid., 244-46).

89 Annals of Muršiliš II 17.16-19 (Niehaus, God at Sinai, 129).

90 Cross, Canaanite Myth, 148; Cross notes that “the last line is filled out with the denominative verb ymm, ‘to do with the right hand,’ used both in Hebrew and at Ugarit (cf. CTA 23.37-38) of throwing or shooting darts” (ibid, n. 5). 29

His body was filled with an ever-blazing flame.

He made a net to encircle Tiamat with it,

Marshalled [sic] the four winds so that no part of her could escape:

…

He created the imhullu-wind … the tempest, the whirlwind,

…

The lord raised the flood-weapon, …

And mounted the frightful, unfaceable storm-chariot.91

Various Assyrian gods are portrayed using atmospheric/natural elements in battle against Kashtiliash V of Babylon in the “Tukulti-Ninurta Epic.”92 Assur kindles a “biting flame” against the enemies and Enlil fans the “burning flame” in the midst of the enemy. 93

Adad sends a “flood-wind” against them.94

4.2. Mythic Battles

One type of ANE mythic battle that is particularly noteworthy is a storm-/sky-

/warrior-god against the sea and/or (possibly sea-)serpent/dragon. Theodor H. Gaster cites various parallelisms among the following myths based on this common motif: Sumerian god

Ninurta vs. Azag, Akkadian god Marduk vs. Tiamat, Indian god Indra vs. Vritra, Canaanite god Ba‘al vs. Yam (sea), Greek god Zeus vs. Typhon, Hittite storm-god vs. dragon Illuyanka,

91 Enuma Elish, Tablet IV (Daley, Myths from Mesopotamia, 251).

92 Niehaus, God at Sinai, 133.

93 Cf. Ps 18:9; Isa 30:27, 30.

94 Cf. Isa 30:30. 30 and the Phoenician god Kronos vs. dragon Ophion.95 Examples of possible parallels to this motif in the OT include Yhwh’s victory over the dragons/serpents Rahab (Job 26:12; Ps

89:11; Isa 51:9) and Leviathan (Ps 74:14; Isa 27:1).

4.3. Effects on Nature

Theophanic descriptions of the appearance of warrior-like storm-gods have a similar effect on nature to Yhwh’s impact as noted above. For example, in the Ugaritic “Ba‘al

Cycle,” we find the following:

So now may Baal make his rain abundant,

May he make the water greatly abundant in a downpour,

And may he give his voice in the clouds,

May he flash to the earth lightning.96

Then later:

Baal opened a break in the clouds,

Baa[l] gave forth his holy voice.

Baal repeated the is[sue of (?)] his [li(?)]ps

His ho[ly (?)] voice covered (?) the earth,

[At his] voice … the mountains trembled.

The ancient [mountains?] leapt [up?],

95 T. H. Gaster, Thespis: Ritual, Myth, and Dreams in the Ancient Near East (New York: Schuman, 1950) 140-51. Another sky-god vs. a serpent(-god) myth involves the Egyptian god Re (Ra) vs. the serpent Apophis (Cotterell, World Mythology, 43-44). Also, the Canaanite warrior-goddess Anat claims victory over the serpent associated with Yam (N. Wyatt, “Religion in Ancient Ugarit,” in A Handbook of Ancient Religion (ed. J. R. Hinnells; New York: Cambridge University Press, 2007: 105-60) 116.

96 KTU 1.4 V.6-9 (translation: M. Smith and W. T. Pitard, The Ugaritic Baal Cycle, Vol. II [VTSup 114; Leiden/Boston: Brill, 2009] 81). 31

The high places of the ear[th] tottered.

The enemies of Baal took to the woods, …97

n the first passage, Ba‘al is portrayed as controlling the rain/downpours and lightning, with his voice in the clouds, presumably thunder (cf. Ps 18:14). In the second passage, Baal’s voice causes the mountains to tremble (cf. Exod 19:18; Ps 18:8) and his enemies flee (cf. Ps

68:13). A frequent title for Ba‘al is the “Cloud-Rider.”98

4.4. Smiting Enemies

In several texts, a storm-/warrior-god is depicted as smiting (smashing, shattering, etc.) an enemy, including the human enemies of their worshippers. It was mentioned above that the Hittite Storm-god “smites” the enemy of Muršiliš with lightning.99 n the “Tukulti-

Ninurta Epic,” Ninurta is mentioned as “shattering” the weapons of the Babylonians.100 This imagery has parallels in OT passages such as Exod 15:6, 14-16; Deut 32:23, 41-43; 1 Sam

2:10; Pss 18:15; 68:22; and Isa 30:31.

4.5. Storm- and/or Warrior-gods and Mountains

Several ANE storm-/warrior-gods were thought to dwell in, or otherwise be closely connected with mountains; Schwemer notes that the connection of storm-gods with mountains is very frequent in geographic regions where cloud-topped mountains are

97 KTU 1.4 VII.28-35 (translation: Smith and Pitard, Ugaritic Baal Cycle, Vol. II, 84).

98 For example: KTU 1.2 IV.8; 1.3 IV.4; cf. Deut 33:26; Pss 18:11; 68:34.

99 Annals of Muršiliš II 17.16-19 (Niehaus, God at Sinai, 129).

100 Cf. Exod 15:6; 19:6; 1 Sam 2:10; Ps 68:22; Isa 30:31. 32 visible.101 The sanctuary of Enlil, Sumerian god of earth (but with power over the skies), was located at Nippur in northern Sumer and called Ekur (“mountain-house”).102 The Canaanite god Ba‘al was closely connected with Mt. Saphon.103

5. Conclusion

As this Introduction has indicated, there is a lot of diversity of scholarly opinion with regard to the form, development, original Sitz im Leben, and even definition of “theophany.”

In the present study, the primary interest is with theophanic descriptions in which God is portrayed using storm-god and/or warrior-god motifs in particular. These specific theophanic motifs are found throughout the OT and were widely used throughout the ANE; the latter solidly indicates mythological (e.g., Marduk vs. Tiamat in the Enuma Elish creation myth) and historical uses of the storm-/warrior-god motif (e.g., Muršiliš crediting the Hittite storm- god for striking an enemy with a lightning bolt, thus leading to victory over the enemy). The theories and insights of authors (e.g., Jeremias) that are directly applicable to the storm-

/warrior-god theophany accounts will potentially be more valuable for my exegesis of the theophanies in Mic 7:7-20; Hab 3:1-19; and Zech 9:9-16 and in the cross-analysis of these passages in the final chapter than those who do not directly address this type of theophany.

Chapter Two will discuss the history of research on the books of Micah, Habakkuk, and Zechariah, as well as theories about composition and redaction of the Twelve (Minor)

Prophets. Then I shall present exegetical analyses of Mic 7:7-20 (Chapter Three); Hab 3:1-19

101 Schwemer, “Storm-gods, Part 1,” 130.

102 Foster, “Mesopotamia,” 175; see also Green, Storm-god, 35.

103 Wyatt, “Religion in Ancient Ugarit,” 118. 33

(Chapter Four); and Zech 9:9-16 (Chapter Five), in terms of the historical-critical and text- critical issues they pose and evaluating their theophanic characteristics based on the observations made in this introduction. The study of these passages will focus on the Hebrew text; however, I shall also pay attention to the Greek, Syriac, and Latin translations as early witnesses to the text of these passages. Chapter Six will synthesize the data from the previous chapters as part of a cross-analysis of the three texts with emphasis on their theophanic motifs. Intertextual connections and possible implications of this study with regard to redaction criticism of the three books individually and collectively within the Twelve

Prophets will be addressed as well.

The purpose of this study is to investigate what insights may emerge from a cross- analysis of these three theophanic texts in the Twelve Prophets whose attributed authors span three different centuries. I chose these three passages as the result of an analysis of similar vocabulary directly with one another and indirectly through some of the Psalms. This study may provide insights into the use or incorporation of theophanic imagery in the Twelve

Prophets and the possible implications for redactional studies of these texts individually and within the larger context of the Twelve Prophets. For example, if a text of uncertain dating can be shown to have connections with other texts which are more reliably dated to the exilic or postexilic period (e.g., Micah 7 and Zechariah 9) according to the overall scholarly consensus, this study could have an impact on the dating of a text whose dating remains controversial (e.g., Habakkuk 3). Chapter II

History of Research

This chapter will provide an overview of the history of research with regard to four subjects relevant to this study: (1) theories regarding the redaction/compilation of the Twelve

Prophets; (2) previous research regarding Micah, especially 7:7-20; (3) previous research regarding Habakkuk 3; and (4) previous research regarding Zechariah, especially 9:9-16. The history of research regarding Micah, Habakkuk, and Zechariah focuses largely on delimiting pericopes, structure of the passage, and dating. I have not included individual analyses of the various scholars’ proposals summarized in this chapter because a more detailed discussion and critique regarding delimitation, structure, and dating for each passage are provided in the corresponding chapters (Chapters III – V) instead.

1. Redaction/Compilation of the Twelve Prophets

Many theories have been proposed regarding the composition and redaction history of the Twelve Prophets. This section will summarize some of the theories proposed thus far.1 A brief analysis of the various theories is provided in the conclusion of this section; for practical purposes, a more detailed analysis is not included because the focus of this study is

1 The focus of this section will be on theories that provide a comprehensive view of proposed stages for the compilation/redaction of the Twelve Prophets. This is not to downplay the value of synchronic treatments of the Twelve (e.g., P. R. House, The Unity of the Twelve [JSOTSup 97; Bible and Literature Series 27; Sheffield: Sheffield Academic Press, 1990]), intertextual comparisons (e.g., E. W. Conrad, “Forming the Twelve and Forming Canon,” in Thematic Threads in the Book of the Twelve [ed. P. L. Redditt and A. Schart; BZAW 325; Berlin/ New York: de Gruyter, 2003] 90-103; R. L. Schulz, “The Ties that Bind: Intertextuality, the Identification of Verbal Parallels, and Reading Strategies in the Book of the Twelve,” in Thematic Threads in the Book of the Twelve [ed. P. L. Redditt and A. Schart; BZAW 325; Berlin/ New York: de Gruyter, 2003] 27-45), or thematic studies (e.g., P.-G. Schwesig, Die Rolle der Tag-JHWHs-Dichtungen im Dodekapropheton [BZAW 366; Berlin/ New York: de Gruyter, 2006]), each of which can also provide useful insights regarding the organization of the Twelve Prophets and whether the Twelve Prophets should be read individually or as a collective whole – or both. 34 35 not to create a new theory for the compilation or redaction of the Twelve but to investigate the use of the storm-/warrior-god motif within the Twelve, specifically in the three passages of interest (Mic 7:7-20; Habakkuk 3, and Zech 9:9-16). However, a general familiarity with the various redaction/compilation theories may assist in relating the passages to one another or, at least, provide a means of comparison for the findings of this study when trying to provide a date of composition for each passage relative to the other two.

1.1. David Noel Freedman (1991)2

There are couple of things that are particularly notable about Freedman’s work, The

Unity of the Twelve. One notable aspect involves what he calls the Primary History (Genesis

– Kings, primarily consisting of the Priestly Work [P-work] and the Deuteronomist’s work

[D-work]) and the Chronicler’s work (C-work) compared to the Latter Prophets, which forms a bridge between the Primary History and Writings. The other notable aspect is the connections he makes between each book of the “minor” prophets and a book of the “major” prophets.

Although Freedman thinks the present form of the C-work is postexilic in date and that Ezra might have been the ultimate editor of the previous C-work, Freedman suggests that perhaps there was a preexilic version of the work that ended with the reign of the

Chronicler’s hero, King Hezekiah.3 He connects the C-work with Isaiah; meanwhile, he connects First Isaiah with the eighth-century prophets Hosea, Amos, and Micah, and Second

2 D. N. Freedman, The Unity of the Hebrew Bible (Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press, 1991). Below is a summary of his lecture on the Latter Prophets (pp. 41-73) as it pertains to the composition and redaction of the Twelve.

3 Ibid., 48-49, 72. 36

Isaiah with the postexilic prophets Haggai, Zechariah, and Malachi.4 Thus, he views the two groups of minor prophetic books as forming an envelope around the Twelve Prophets, just as

First Isaiah and Second Isaiah chronologically form an envelope around Jeremiah.5

Freedman dates the major editorial activity responsible for the Primary History, the P-

6 work and the D-work, to the seventh century B.C.E. He thinks that the Deuteronomist Group was based in Egypt during the Exile, thus explaining its connections with Jeremiah.7

However, he also does not think that while Jeremiah had anything to do with the D-work itself, but that perhaps his scribe, Baruch, was part of a small group of Deuteronomists who were responsible for its promulgation.8 In any event, the parallel content between 2 Kings 25 and Jeremiah 52 indicates that a redactor wanted to link the books; Freedman dates this redaction to ca. 562/1 B.C.E. In addition, Freedman connects Jeremiah to the seventh-century minor prophets Nahum, Zephaniah, and Habakkuk.9

Freedman thinks that the Priestly Group was based in Babylon during the Exile, thus explaining its connections with Ezekiel.10 However, he does not think that Ezekiel himself was part of the Priestly Group; rather, that the latter co-opted Ezekiel and his work for their

4 Ibid., 49-52. Note: Freedman’s grouping of Hosea, Amos, and Micah as forming the first part of the “envelope” around the minor prophets disregards the placement of Joel, Obadiah, and Jonah, all of which precede Micah in the MT’s order. However, it fits perfectly well with the LXX’s order.

5 Ibid., 51.

6 Ibid., 46.

7 Ibid., 48.

8 Ibid., 47.

9 Ibid., 51.

10 Ibid., 48. 37 objectives, despite some differences between Ezekiel and the P-work.11 The Minor Prophets that Freedman connects with Ezekiel are Obadiah, Joel, and Jonah; however, this is primarily via a process of elimination based on the connections already established among the other books mentioned above.12 Of the three, the closest connection to Ezekiel is with Obadiah, but

Freedman admits that Obadiah is more closely connected with Jeremiah than Ezekiel.13 He mentions that Jonah is commonly dated to the late exilic or postexilic period, though the prophet’s lifetime in the book would be dated to the eighth century (see 2 Kgs 14:25). The dating of Joel is left indeterminate as Freedman considers any attempt to date it as problematical.14

With regard to the formation of the Latter Prophets complex, Freedman suggests three chronological phases focusing around the Fall of Jerusalem and the Babylonian Exile.15

Phase One consists of the antecedent events of the eighth century and includes First Isaiah,

Amos, Hosea, and Micah. Phase Two is the Fall of Jerusalem and the Exile (late seventh – early sixth centuries); the associated prophetic books include Jeremiah, Ezekiel, Nahum,

Zephaniah, Habakkuk, Obadiah, and possibly Joel and Jonah. Phase Three, which overlaps with the end of Phase Two and dates to ca. 550 B.C.E. but possibly into the fifth century, relates to the return from Exile and the rebuilding of the city and temple in Jerusalem; the

11 Ibid., 71. However, Freedman elsewhere claims that Ezekiel was a “dominant voice in the preparation and production of … the Primary History and the exilic Prophetic Corpus” (ibid., 47).

12 Ibid., 52. In contrast, a connection between Ezekiel and the “Haggai-Zechariah corpus” (Haggai, Zechariah 1–8) is made by S. S. Tuell (“Haggai-Zechariah: Prophecy after the Manner of Ezekiel,” in Thematic Threads in the Book of the Twelve [ed. P. L. Redditt and A. Schart; BZAW 325; Berlin/New York: de Gruyter, 2003] 273-91).

13 Freedman, Unity of the Hebrew Bible, 52.

14 Ibid.

15 Ibid., 63-64. 38 associated works are Second (and possibly Third) Isaiah, Haggai, Zechariah, and Malachi.

Freedman thinks that the original collection of the Twelve ended with Zechariah 7–8 and had been compiled by the late sixth century; Zechariah 9–14 and Malachi, which Freedman views as a collection of three anonymous prophecies ranging from the eighth century to the end of the sixth century or later, were added sometime later.16

1. 2. James Nogalski (1993)17

Focusing largely on “catchwords” functioning as seams between prophetic books,

Nogalski has written two books devoted to exploring the transmission/redaction of the

Twelve Prophets into a single compilation: The Twelve. Nogalski suggests that there were two multi-volume prophetic corpora in circulation independently before they were later compiled into a single prophetic corpus. He calls one of these multi-volume precursors of the

Twelve the “Deuteronomistic Corpus,” containing Hosea, Amos, Micah, and Zephaniah; as the name suggests, Nogalski thinks that these books bear the marks of Deuteronomistic theology which indicates (along with other observations) their common literary transmission.18 Nogalski thinks that the contents of the “Deuteronomistic Corpus” presume a time after 587 B.C.E. and that the use of Northern and Southern traditions is intended to

16 Ibid., 50-51.

17 J. Nogalski, Literary Precursors to the Book of the Twelve (BZAW 217; Berlin/New York: de Gruyter, 1993) and Redactional Processes in the Book of the Twelve (BZAW 218; Berlin/New York: de Gruyter, 1993). For a critique of the methodology used by Nogalski, see E. Ben Zvi, “Twelve Prophetic Books or ‘The Twelve’: A Few Preliminary Considerations,” in Forming Prophetic Literature: Essays on Isaiah and the Twelve in Honor of John D.W. Watts (ed. J. W. Watts and P. R. House; JSOTSup 235; Sheffield: Sheffield Academic Press, 1996) 125-56.

18 Nogalski, Literary Precursors, 18, 278. Regarding the theory of a four-volume precursor of the Twelve consisting of Amos, Hosea, Micah, and Zephaniah (or parts thereof), see also R. Albertz, “Exile as Purification: Reconstructing the ‘Book of the Four,’” in Thematic Threads in the Book of the Twelve (ed. P. L. Redditt and A. Schart; BZAW 325; Berlin/New York: de Gruyter, 2003) 232-51 (cf. R. Bornand, “Un ‘livre des quatre’ précurseur des douze petits prophètes?” ETR 82 [2007] 549-66). 39 address the concerns of exilic and postexilic Judah.19 The other multi-volume precursor is called the “Haggai-Zechariah Corpus,” containing Haggai and Zechariah 1–8 and documenting “the prophetic impetus which led to the reconstruction of the temple.”20

Later, in connection with the “Joel-related Layer,” the two multi-volume corpora were combined while also merging and adapting Joel, Obadiah, Nahum, Habakkuk, and

Malachi into their present locations.21 Nogalski thinks that the formative compilation of the larger corpus presupposes Joel as a literary corpus and he agrees with those who date Joel to the first half of the fourth century B.C.E.; thus, the suggestion is that the compilation took place sometime after Joel was already in existence.22 He dates the final additions of Jonah

23 and Zechariah 9–14 to sometime after 332 B.C.E. One of the adaptations that Nogalski attributes to the editors who added Jonah to the corpus is the incorporation of the hymn in chap. 2 with an addendum in 2:9-10 that anticipates Micah.24 Nogalski agrees with the assessment that Zechariah 9–14 reflects more than one layer of material and exhibits

“canonical awareness as a major element” in its formation; he suggests two editorial movements to account for these chapters in their current context: (1) Zechariah 9–13 was added as a transition from the hopeful message in Zechariah 7–8 to the negative tone

19 Nogalski, Redactional Processes, 279; idem, Literary Precursors, 278.

20 Nogalski, Literary Precursors, 278; quote from Redactional Processes, 274.

21 Nogalski, Redactional Processes, 275-76.

22 Ibid., 279. For another perspective on the role of Joel in the Twelve, see M. A. Sweeney, “The Place and Function of Joel in the Book of the Twelve,” in Thematic Threads in the Book of the Twelve (ed. P. L. Redditt and A. Schart; BZAW 325; Berlin/ New York: de Gruyter, 2003) 133-54.

23 Nogalski, Redactional Processes, 280.

24 Ibid., 278. 40 evidenced by Malachi and was possibly added to the prophetic corpus at the same time as

Jonah; (2) Zechariah 14 was added as a redactional continuation of Zechariah 9–13.25

1. 3. Barry Alan Jones (1995)26

Jones proposes at least five stages of the formation of the Book of the Twelve based on the manuscript evidence available and, more specifically, the order of books attested in

4QXIIa, the LXX, and the MT. The first two proposed stages are purely theoretical. Citing previous scholarship on a possible “Book of the Nine” consisting of “three highly integrated literary compilations,” Jones suggests that the earliest traceable stage in the formation of the

Twelve consists of the three chronological sub-groupings of Hosea-Amos-Micah, Nahum-

Habakkuk-Zephaniah, and Haggai-Zechariah-Malachi combined together into a prophetic corpus.27 Later, in stage two, Joel and Obadiah were added between Micah and Nahum, creating a “Book of the Eleven” (still without Jonah); Jones notes a high degree of literary affinity between Joel, Obadiah, and Nahum that may reflect a possible unifying redactional activity in these books.28

The third stage proposed by Jones is the addition of the unique book of Jonah to the prophetic corpus, initially as the final book after Malachi as attested in 4QXIIa.29 Although

Jones notes that the order in 4QXIIa could be anomalous or erroneous, he cites two factors that support the position of Jonah in 4QXIIa as a scribal tradition: (1) the multiplicity of

25 Ibid., 278-79.

26 B. A. Jones, The Formation of the Book of the Twelve (SBLDS 149; Atlanta: Scholars Press, 1995).

27 Ibid., 55.

28 Ibid., 200, 227.

29 Ibid., 130. 41 ancient textual forms attested in Qumran; and (2) Jonah’s placement as last of the Twelve in

4QXIIa as being consistent with scholarship’s recognition regarding the uniqueness of Jonah within the prophetic corpus, Jonah’s probable late date, and difference in primary themes of

Jonah compared to the other Minor Prophets.30 Jones notes that Jonah is the only book in the

Twelve to occupy three different positions within the manuscript witnesses and suggests that

4QXIIa represents the earliest of these three attested placements.31

Stage four is represented by the LXX order, in which Jonah is placed between

Obadiah and Nahum. Jones thinks that the LXX’s order is a deliberate alteration of the arrangement found in the proposed third stage above.32 He also suggests that the placement before Nahum could be viewed as an appropriate twist, indicating that Nineveh’s repentance

(as described in Jonah) was short-lived, given the fate of Nineveh described in Nahum.33

Jones further suggests that the order found in the MT reflects a final, fifth stage. Here,

Joel was moved to the second place, between Hosea and Amos. Obadiah was moved to fourth place, after Amos, followed by Jonah and then finally Micah. Jones suggests that the placement of Jonah within the series of eighth-century prophets in the MT order seems to be a further development in the interpretive history of Jonah with its eighth-century main character prophet.34 With regard to Obadiah and Joel, Jones thinks that they were

30 Ibid., 130-31. For a summary concerning the Qumran MSS pertaining to the Twelve, see R. Fuller, “The Text of the Twelve Minor Prophets,” Currents in Research: Biblical Studies 7 (1999) 81-95.

31 Jones, Formation, 129, 132.

32 Ibid., 170-71. Cf. Nogalski (Literary Precursors, 2), who thinks that the alternate LXX order is derived from the MT’s order.

33 Jones, Formation, 214. On the relationship between Jonah and Nahum, see also B. Ego, “The Repentance of Nineveh in the Story of Jonah and Nahum’s Prophecy of the City’s Destruction – A Coherent Reading of the Book of the Twelve as Reflected in the Aggada,” in Thematic Threads in the Book of the Twelve (ed. P. L. Redditt and A. Schart; BZAW 325; Berlin/New York: de Gruyter, 2003) 155-64.

34 Jones, Formation, 238. 42 intentionally composed in a style imitative of the eighth-century prophets with whom they were subsequently grouped as a way of adding authority to the texts.35 This observation is true for the LXX’s order, in which Joel, Obadiah, and Jonah appear consecutively between the eighth-century prophets (Hosea, Amos, Micah) and the seventh-century prophets

(Nahum, Habakkuk, Zephaniah). However, Jones also suggests that the insertion of the

(purportedly) later books of Joel, Obadiah, and Jonah into positions that mix them among the eighth-century prophets in the MT’s order could not only be viewed as intended to make them equal to the eighth-century prophets but perhaps even to give the impression of their being the predecessors of the eight-century prophets (particularly in the case of Micah, which is placed at the end of the first half of the Twelve).36

1. 4. Aaron Schart (1998, 2008)37

Schart proposes a six-step process in the compilation/redaction history of the

Twelve.38 First, an early form of Hosea and Amos were brought together into a Book of the

Two. Second, an early form of Micah and Zephaniah were added while Hosea and Amos themselves were expanded as part of this “D-Corpus.” Third, the Nahum – Habakkuk

Corpus, believed by Schart to have already been compiled previously into a single work, was added along with further expansions of Hosea, Amos, Micah, and Zephaniah. Fourth, the

Haggai – Zechariah Corpus (at least including Zechariah 1–8), also believed to have been

35 Ibid., 241.

36 Ibid.

37 A. Schart, Die Entstehung des Zwölfprophetenbuchs: Neubearbeitungen von Amos im Rahmen schriftenübergreifender Redaktionsprozesse (BZAW 260; Berlin/New York: de Gruyter, 1998); idem, “Das Zwölfprophetenbuch als redaktionelle Großeinheit,” TLZ 133 (2008) 227-46.

38 Schart, Entstehung, 315-17. 43 compiled into a single work prior to its incorporation into the larger corpus, were added along with further additions to Hosea, Amos, Micah, and Nahum. Fifth, Joel and Obadiah were added, increasing the number of component books to ten; also included in this layer are additions to Hosea, Amos, Nahum, Habakkuk, Zephaniah, and Zechariah. Sixth, Jonah and

Malachi were added, possibly with an addition to Zephaniah, thus creating the extant collection of the Twelve Prophets.

1.5. Erhard S. Gersternberger (2003)39

Gersternberger merits a brief note regarding his alternative perspective regarding the placement of psalm-like elements in the Twelve Prophets, which are of direct interest to this study given the liturgical notations in Habakkuk 3 and possible psalm-like elements in Micah

7 and Zechariah 9. As noted by Gerstenberger, the common perspective of biblical scholars is to treat these elements (especially those that have a clear cultic origin) as having been added by later redactors to the prophetic discourses in which they appear. In contrast, Gerstenberger proposes that perhaps it was the psalms (and similar elements) that comprised the original foundation for the Twelve to which prophetic sayings and speeches were later added, possibly as “retro-projected compositions of the late community, rather than the ‘classical’ prophetic authors mentioned in the superscriptions.”40 Gerstenberger does not develop this idea in great detail; however, it may be useful to keep his theory in mind when analyzing the three texts of interest in this study (Micah 7, Habakkuk 3, Zechariah 9), given the psalm-like

39 E. S. Gerstenberger, “Psalms in the Book of the Twelve: How Misplaced Are They?” in Thematic Threads in the Book of the Twelve (ed. P. L. Redditt and A. Schart; BZAW 325; Berlin/ New York: de Gruyter, 2003) 72-89.

40 Ibid., 73, 85 (quoted text), 88. 44 elements in these passages, particularly in Habakkuk 3. One benefit of this approach is that, if the psalms (and similar elements) were original to the texts of which they are currently a part, it would help explain why the passages with hymns (or elements thereof) often suffer from a higher degree of textual corruption than other texts (e.g., longer transmission process, allowing more opportunities for scribal errors).

1. 6. Jakob Wöhrle (2006, 2008)41

Wöhrle proposes his own theory of the compilation and redaction of the Twelve in his dissertation and Habilitationsschrift. The dissertation covers the early compilations and redactions of the Twelve, particularly as they involve Hosea, Joel, Amos, Micah, Zephaniah,

Haggai, and Zechariah (at least chaps. 1–8).42 Wöhrle accepts the theory of an exilic Book of the Four that included components of Hosea, Amos, Micah, and Zephaniah, to which was added a DtrG (Deuteronomist) layer. In the first half of the fifth century, Joel (and its related redactional corpus) was added to the Book of Four with Joel placed before Amos and taking the place of Hosea; as a result, Wöhrle thinks that Hosea was separated from the group, circulated independently, and only later was reintegrated into the collection. Also circulating in the first half of the fifth century was a Book of Two, the Haggai – Zechariah corpus that was eventually added to the modified Book of the Four (i.e., with Joel replacing Hosea).

41 J. Wöhrle, Die frühen Sammlungen des Zwölfprophetenbuches: Entstehung und Komposition (BZAW 360; Berlin/New York: de Gruyter, 2006); idem, Der Abschluss des Zwölfprophetenbuches: Buchübergreifende Redaktionsprozesse in den späten Sammlungen (BZAW 389; Berlin/New York: de Gruyter, 2008). For a response to Wohrle’s proposal, see K. Spronk, “Jonah, Nahum, and the Book of the Twelve: A Response to Jakob Wöhrle,” Journal of Hebrew Scriptures 9 (2009) Article 8 [online: accessed Dec. 28, 2010].

42 Wöhrle, Frühen Sammlungen, 462-67. 45

Wöhrle’s Habilitationsschrift extends his earlier theory, discussing the later development of the Twelve.43 Around the turn of the fifth – fourth centuries, Nahum and

Deutero-Zechariah (chaps. 9–14) were added to the Joel-Corpus and the Haggai-Zechariah-

Corpus. Wörhle calls the resultant complex the Fremdvölker-Korpus I, beginning with Joel and continuing with Amos, Micah, Nahum, Zephaniah, Haggai, Zechariah, and Deutero-

Zechariah. Verses concerning a coming David and restoration of the monarchy were added to

Amos 9; Micah 4 and 5; and Zechariah 9 in the fourth century. Between the fourth – third centuries, another redactional layer (Fremdvölker-Korpus II) was added; this included the addition of Obadiah (composed at this time) and Malachi (part of which previously existed) to the prophetic corpus. Wöhrle thinks that Habakkuk originated and circulated independently and was only incorporated into the collection around the same time as the

Fremdvölker-Korpus II.

In the first half of the third century, the Heil-für-die-Völker-Korpus redactional layer was added in Joel 3–4; Obadiah 17; Micah 4; 5; 7; Zephaniah 3; Zechariah 2; 8; 14. Then, in the middle – second half of the third century, a Gnaden-Korpus based on Exod 34:6 was inserted in Joel 2; Micah 7; Nahum 1; and Malachi 1. Jonah was also incorporated at this time with the addition of the Gnaden-Korpus to the prophetic texts. Finally, Hosea was reincorporated into the prophetic corpus as the last stage of the compilation and redaction of the Twelve.

43 Wöhrle, Abschluss, 439-46. 46

1. 7. Conclusion

As one can see from the survey of the various compilation and redaction theories regarding the Twelve Prophets, many scholars think that the bulk of Micah, Habakkuk, and

(Deutero-) Zechariah were incorporated at different stages in the compilation process.

However, there may be connections among verses in these different books that were added during the same redactional phase (e.g., see Wöhrle). One scholar who has seen potential connections among elements in Micah 7, Habakkuk 3, and Zechariah 9 (along with other psalm-like passages) is Gerstenberger. However, Gerstenberger does not develop his idea beyond the basic notion that the psalm-like elements were original to the books of which they are a part and the other parts were added later.

As one would expect, each of the theories summarized above has both strengths and weaknesses. The theories proposed by Freedman and Jones are concerned with an overall incorporation of the Twelve Prophets into a single compilation; although they do not deny the presence of later additions resulting from redactional activity, they do not focus in detail on which parts of which books were later additions and if any of those later additions share a common redactor. In contrast, Schart and Wöhrle each painstakingly attempt to trace the different redactional layers among the books and, in doing so, each scholar proposes a very complex redactional history for the Twelve. The benefit of this more detailed type of approach, as with Nogalski’s use of “catchwords,” is that it recognizes specific linguistic connections among the books and seek explanations for those connections. However, the weakness of this approach is that there are possible explanations for many of the linguistic similarities other than a common redactor as proposed by Schart, Wöhrle, and Nogalski – e.g., perhaps separate authors were independently drawing from a common tradition or 47 source, or a later author could have intentionally borrowed material from (or been influenced by) an earlier work. In other words, it is difficult to determine the source of intertextual connections and, thus, conclusions based upon linguistic similarities attributed to a common redactor are often tenuous, especially when taken to such a degree that a single verse is broken down into multiple redactional layers. Also, a potential weakness of Nogalski’s use of

“catchwords” is that many of the “catchwords” identified by Nogalski are very common words in the MT (e.g., “mountain,” “earth,” “hand”) and the clustering of certain words (e.g.,

“grain,” “vine,” “wine”) within a pericope could be the result of different authors borrowing from a similar (e.g., agrarian) motif.44 As mentioned above, the primary weakness of

Gerstenburger’s theory that the psalm-like elements were original to the books of which they are a part is that he does not try to develop the theory much beyond this basic suggestion.

Nevertheless, each of these scholars has made significant contributions to the study of the

Twelve Prophets and their works should be taken into consideration whenever the composition or redaction of the Twelve is a possible factor in one’s study of the Twelve.

2. Micah

This section will provide a select survey of the history of research pertaining to Mic

7:7(8)-20. Of particular interest is scholarship on the incorporation of this pericope into the book of Micah. Priority is given to scholars not already discussed in the section regarding compilation/redaction theories of the Twelve Prophets.

44 For examples, see Nogalski, Literary Precursors, 20-57. 48

2.1. Hermann Gunkel (1924)45

Gunkel’s form-critical analysis of Mic 7:7(8)-20 as consisting of four parts has become a standard in studies on this passage, even though the precise analysis and interpretation may differ among subsequent scholars. The first part consists of vv. 7-10, which form a dirge/lament (Klagelied) of the people/Zion. A response to Zion’s dirge follows in vv. 11-13, which Gunkel characterizes as a prophetic oracle promising a positive future. A communal dirge/lament (Volksklagelied) appears in vv. 14-17, albeit expanded beyond Zion to all of Israel. The passage ends with an eschatological hymn in praise of Yhwh’s forgiveness and assurance of future salvation (vv. 18-20). Gunkel treats the passage as a unified liturgy dating from the time of Trito-Isaiah and believes that a dating to the

Maccabean period as proposed by some of his predecessors is unfounded.46

2.2. Artur Weiser (1967)47

In looking at the book of Micah synchronically, Weiser sees a two-fold pattern of movement between “threat” (chaps. 1–3; 6:1-7:6) and “promise” (chaps. 4–5; 7:8-20).

Diachronically, Weiser considers 7:8-20 as an early postexilic prophetic liturgy which presupposes the destruction of Jerusalem and whose contents are related to Isaiah 33 and 56–

66, and thus does not stem from the hand of the prophet Micah himself. Weiser divides the passage into four parts. First, in vv. 8-10, God’s community responds to an enemy who

45 H. Gunkel, “Der Micha-Schluß: Zur Einführung in die literaturgeschichtliche Arbeit am Alten Testament,” Zeitschrift für Semitistik und verwandte Gebiete 2 (1924) 145-78.

46 Ibid., 175-76.

47 A. Weiser, Das Buch der Zwölf Kleinen Propheten I: Die Propheten Hosea, Joel, Amos, Obadja, Jona, Micha (ATD 24/1; Göttingen: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, 1967) 228-32, 287-90. 49 scoffs at the fallen community, saying that although the community must suffer God’s wrath,

God will again show favor and the community will rise from its shame and her enemy will be trampled. Second, vv. 11-13 contain an oracle-style prophetic promise that God will understand, encouraging the people in their hope. Third, vv. 14-17 in the form of a lamentation, is the community’s appeal to God for help as in days past. Fourth, the prophetic liturgy is concluded with a hymn in vv. 18-20 regarding the greatness of forgiveness of sin based on the mercy of God.

2.3. Theodor Lescow (1972; 1995)48

Lescow’s analysis of Micah focuses heavily upon liturgical considerations. With regard to Micah 7, Lescow traces an original tripartite early exilic liturgy that included: (1)

Zion’s complaint (vv. 1-2, 5, 6); (2) Zion’s trust (vv. 7-10a), and (3) Zion’s hope (vv. 18, 20).

When read with Mic 6:9-12, which Lescow labels a “penitential call,” Micah 7 is seen to represent an early exilic prophetic penitential liturgy. A “wall-building oracle” (7:11-12) was later added during the postexilic period, perhaps around the time of Nehemiah and the rebuilding of the walls of Jerusalem, although an early postexilic date is also a possibility.

Another section, 7:14-17, was also added, consisting of two stanzas with an original Sitz im

Leben in a penitential liturgy. Lescow suggests that the aggressive tone of the second stanza

(vv. 16-17) may reflect a longer history of disappointed expectations and, hence, may indicate a date around the fourth century B.C.E. He also suggests that Mic 6:1-7:20 was added to chaps. 1–5 around the time of the Samaritan schism (ca. 330 B.C.E.).

48 T. Lescow, “Redaktiongeschichtliche Analyse von Micha 6–7,” ZAW 82 (1972) 182-212; idem, “Zur Komposition des Buches Micha,” SJOT 9 (1995) 200-222. 50

2.4. Bernard Renaud (1977)49

Renaud proposes four stages in the composition of Micah, with the first being the passages that are traced back to Micah himself: chaps. 1–3 (minus some redactional layers) and 6:9-15. During the exilic second stage, some Deuteronomistic additions were added to

Micah 1–3, and 6:2-8 and 7:1-6 were placed around 6:9-15; at some point, 7:7 was added as the end of this Deuteronomistic redaction.50 Some restructuring occurred during the postexilic period (third stage), with 1:1-2 added to chaps. 1–3 while Mic 7:4b, 11-13, 15, and

17b were added to 6:1-7:7. Renaud thinks that Mic 7:8-10, 14-20 circulated independently in

Palestine as a song of confidence by the end of the exile and was appended by a major redactor to the rest of Micah, along with chaps. 4–5. Renaud divides Mic 7:8-10, 14-20 into four parts, which together form an easily recognizable psalmic pattern: evocation of enemies

(vv. 8-10 and vv. 16-17), prayer/supplication (vv. 14-15), and a hymn (vv. 18-20). As indicated above, when the unit 7:8-10, 14-20 was added to Micah, vv. 11-13 and v. 17b were incorporated into the structure and there was a revision of the wording of v. 15. Some final editing (stage four) of Micah occurred sometime after 312 B.C.E.

49 B. Renaud, Formation du livre de Michée: Tradition et actualisation (EBib; Paris: J. Gabalda, 1977) 364-423.

50 For other perspectives regarding a Deuteronomistic redaction of Micah, see E. Ben Zvi, “A Deuteronomistic Redaction in/among ‘The Twelve’? A Contribution from the Standpoint of the Books of Micah, Zephaniah, and Obadiah,” in Those Elusive Deuteronomists (eds. L. S. Schearing and S. L. McKenzie; JSOTSup 238; Sheffield: Sheffield Academic Press, 1999) 232-61; S. L. Cook, “Micah’s Deuteronomistic Redaction and the Deuteronomists’ Identity,” in Those Elusive Deuteronomists (eds. L. S. Schearing and S. L. McKenzie; JSOTSup 238; Sheffield: Sheffield Academic Press, 1999) 216-31. In contrast, J. Wöhrle (“‘No Future for the Proud Exultant Ones’: The Exilic Book of the Four Prophets [Hos., Am., Mic., Zeph.] as a Concept Opposed to the Deuteronomistic History,” VT 58 [2008] 609-27, esp. 626) suggests that the redactors of the Book of the Four (Hosea, Amos, Micah, Zephaniah) present a different interpretation of the history told in Kings whereby the poor of the land who remained during the exile constitute the remnant, not the return of the upper-class exiles who were responsible for the cultic and social offenses that led to the Exile. 51

2.5. Hans W. Wolff (1982)51

Wolff traces parts of Micah 1–3 back to Micah himself; however, all other passages are assigned by him to early exilic – postexilic stages, in which chaps. 4–5 were first added to chaps. 1–3, followed by 6:1–7:7, and finally 7:8-20 (excluding vv. 11-13). He considers

Mic 7:8-20 to be a late addition to the text in order to make the book of Micah suitable for liturgical use by the community. His exegesis of the segment distinguishes three different psalms that have been combined into a single liturgical work whose speakers alternate between a prophetic voice and the community. The first psalm is a song of confidence/trust

(vv. 8-10) conceptually similar to chaps. 1–3 and 4:9-13 from the early exilic period. The second psalm is a prayer (vv. 14-17), which Wolff thinks is closer to chaps. 4–5 than to chaps. 1–3 and thus to be dated to the exilic – postexilic period. The final psalm is a hymn

(vv. 18-20). Wolff considers 7:11-13 to be a commentary gloss that was added in the last stage of the book’s redaction, along with 5:4b-5 and 7:4b, no earlier than the fifth century

B.C.E.

2.6. Burkard M. Zapff (1997)52

In his Habilitationsschrift, Zapff provides a detailed analysis of the redaction history of Micah as an entire work and as part of the Twelve Prophets, especially in relation to its canonical location between Jonah and Nahum. Zapff suggests a core text of Micah that included the bulk of chaps. 1–3 as well as chap. 6, to which chaps. 4–5 were subsequently

51 H. W. Wolff, Dodekapropheton 4: Micha (BKAT 14/4; Neukirchen-Vluyn: Neukirchener Verlag, 1982) xxvii - xxxvii.

52 B. M. Zapff, Redaktionsgeschichtliche Studien zum Michabuch im Kontext des Dodekapropheton (BZAW 256; Berlin/ New York: de Gruyter, 1997) 206-7, 221-40, 280-93, 296-97. 52 added during the late preexilic – exilic periods. He considers Mic 7:7-20 as part of a mid- third century B.C.E. expansion (Fortschreibung) layer added to the exilic form of Micah, along with 1:2; 2:12-13; 3:11ab; 4:1-4, 6-7; 5:6-9a, 14; and 7:4b. Zapff departs from the usual division of 7:8-20 into four parts, although the primary difference is that he breaks up vv. 14-17, which most scholars keep together. Thus, Zapff divides the passage into the following basic six parts:53

(1) A confession of faith (Vertrauensbekenntnis) in Yhwh by Zion (vv. 8-

10)54

(2) A promise of salvation (Heilsverheißung) by an unknown speaker to Zion

(vv. 11-13)

(3) A request/petition for Yhwh to embrace his flocks (v. 14), spoken by a

different speaker than in vv. 11-13

(4) A promise of salvation (Heilsverheißung), this time by Yhwh, that the

people will see the wonderful deeds such as occurred during the Exodus

from Egypt (v. 15)

(5) A description of the future reaction of the people to Yhwh’s salvific acts

(Heilstaten) (vv. 16-17)

(6) A song of praise (Loblied) about Yhwh’s forgiveness (vv. 18-20).

Zapff also notes an interesting connection between vv. 8-10 and vv. 14-17 when one leaves aside vv. 11-13, finding a direct parallel between vv. 9c/10a and vv. 15/16a and an overall repetition in the AB-C-A′-B′-C′-D′ pattern.55

53 Ibid., 206-7.

54 Verse 7 is not included with vv. 8-10 by Zapff because of a perceived shift in speaker (ibid., 206).

53

2.7. Jörg Jeremias (2007)56

Jeremias divides Micah into four parts (chaps. 1–3; chaps. 4–5; 6:1–7:7; and 7:8-20), of which chaps. 1–3 form the core text with the rest of the material added during the exilic –

Hellenistic periods. He also divides 7:8-20 into four parts: (1) vv. 8-10 mention the “shame”

(Schmach) of the female enemy (presumably Edom); (2) vv. 11-13 describe the return of the

Diaspora; (3) vv. 14-17 focus on the image of the shepherd (God) and flock; and (4) vv. 18-

20 offer praise of the forgiving God. Jeremias considers vv. 8-10 and vv. 11-12 to be older than vv. 14-17, but suggests that the latter verses are intended to be read with the former verses as part of a reinterpretation. The inclusion of a final hymn (vv. 18-20) is not unusual as a conclusion to prophetic books; Jeremias particularly notes the theophanic hymn in Hab

3:3-15 as an “incomparable” (unvergleichbar) example.57 Verse 13 was added during the final redaction of the book, along with several other verses earlier in Micah (1:2; 5:8, 14;

6:1).

2.8. Bruce K. Waltke (2007)58

Waltke is among a few scholars who reject dating 7:7(8)-20 as postexilic. On the contrary, he sees no reason to rule out the possibility that the passage is from the eighth century itself, noting that the language of Micah as a whole is characteristically preexilic, rather than postexilic, and that the “allegedly later religious ideas in Micah are found in

55 Ibid., 227.

56 J. Jeremias, Die Propheten: Joel, Obadja, Jona, Micha (ATD 24/3; Göttingen: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, 2007) 114-21, 219-32.

57 Ibid., 229.

58 B. K. Waltke, A Commentary on Micah (Grand Rapids: Eerdmans, 2007) 8-19, 429-66. 54 preexilic Jeremiah.59 Waltke’s analysis of Micah is similar to that of Weiser above, except that Waltke analyzes the book into three cycles of “doom” and “hope” rather than two.

According to his analysis, Mic 7:7(8)-20 is part of the third doom-hope cycle, which starts with some diverse doom oracles (beginning with a legal lawsuit [6:1-8] and ending with a song of lament [7:1-7]). The final pericope (7:8-20) provides the element of hope in the cycle in the form of a song of victory with the motif of confidence in 7:7 as a transition between doom and hope.

Waltke further breaks down the song of victory into four stanzas, consisting of three salvation oracles and a climatic hymn of praise. The first salvation oracle is in vv. 8-10, which contains Lady Zion’s two-fold confession of faith in Yhwh. The second salvation oracle (vv. 10-13), which Waltke calls “Micah’s Prophecy,” discusses both the restoration of

Zion and the destruction of the rest of the earth, thus providing a two-fold response to Zion’s two-fold confession of faith in the previous oracle. The third salvation oracle features an interplay between Yhwh and Micah, with Micah’s voice emerging in vv. 14 and 16-17, and

Yhwh’s in v. 15. The climatic hymn of praise (vv. 18-20) begins with a question (“Who is a god like you?”) found in other ANE literature, stressing the supremacy of the deity, and emphasizing Yhwh’s forgiveness and kindness, particularly as part of the covenant with the patriarchs Abraham and Jacob.

59 Ibid., 11, 13. 55

2.9. Alain Decorzant (2010)60

Decorzant divides the book of Micah into three sections (chaps. 1–2, 3–5, 6–7), each of which comprises a sequence of disaster and salvation announcements. Throughout chaps.

6–7, the prophet functions as a mediator between God and God’s people, playing various roles. Decorzant subsequently divides the last section (chaps. 6–7) into five parts (6:1-8, 9-

14; 7:1-7, 8-13, 14-20), beginning with a summon to hear a legal dispute against Israel in 6:1.

The segment’s first three parts (6:1–7:7) contain negative statements (ending with the prophet’s declaration that he alone will wait for Yhwh), while the final two parts (7:8-20) consist of statements of promise.

The first part of the final subsection (7:8-13) begins with a declaration of confidence/trust in Yhwh, followed by Jerusalem making a confession of sin and profession of faith (7:8-9): she will receive God’s justice and salvation while God humbles her enemy

(7:8a, 10). The response to Jerusalem’s expression of hope in 7:8-10 follows in 7:11-13, describing the future rebuilding of her walls and people streaming to her (man wird zu ihr strömen).61 The final subsection opens with a prayer of the prophet (v. 14) followed by

Yhwh’s answer in vv. 15-17. The conclusion of the section, and also the book of Micah as a whole, is a song of praise for Yhwh’s mercy (vv. 18-20), comparing the forgiveness of sin with the events during the Exodus from Egypt.

Decorzant urges caution with regard to the dating of Micah 6–7. On the one hand, the repeated references to Assyria could reflect the experience of the siege of Jerusalem in 701

B.C.E. Nevertheless, he thinks that there are several observations that would point to a (late)

60 A. Decorzant, Vom Gericht zum Erbarmen: Text und Theologie von Micha 6–7 (FB 123; Würzburg: Echter Verlag, 2010).

61 Ibid., 240.

56 postexilic final redaction of chaps. 1–7, in which “Assyria” functions as a symbol of threat and violence in chaps. 6–7. Also, Decorzant finds multiple points of contact between chaps.

6–7 and chaps. 1–5 which he thinks demonstrates that the final redaction had taken place while the final redactor was considering the book of Micah as a whole. 62

2.10. Conclusion

As indicated in the survey above, the most common division of Mic 7:7(8)-20 is into the following parts: vv. (7)8-10, vv. 11-12(13), vv. 14-17, and vv. 18-20. Several scholars

(e.g., Renaud, Wolff, Zapff) propose that vv. 8-10 and vv. 14-20 originally circulated together, apart from vv. 11-13. There is a consensus that the passage functions as a message of hope following the doom oracles in 6:1–7:6. Although most assign this passage and/or its incorporation into Micah to the postexilic period, Waltke is among those who defend the possibility of its origin from Micah himself in the eighth century B.C.E.

3. Habakkuk

This section will provide a select survey of the history of research pertaining to

Habakkuk 3. Of particular interest is the history of research with regard to incorporation of this chapter into the book of Habakkuk. Priority is given to scholars not already discussed in the section regarding compilation/redaction theories of the Twelve Prophets.

62 Ibid. 57

3.1. Bernhard Stade (1884)63

Stade wrote what has been called the “most notable nineteenth-century source-critical study of the book” of Habakkuk, which has continued to be influential in subsequent source criticism of Habakkuk.64 Stade proposed that only 1:2 -2:8 can be traced back to the seventh- century prophet, Habakkuk; he thinks the remainder of the book represents later additions to this core text. He does not offer any source-critical analysis of the components of Habakkuk

3 itself but claims that the tone is entirely that of postexilic psalmic poetry/writing (ganz im

Tone nachexilischer Psalmendichtung).65 He thinks that several features of the chapter likely point to a later author: hwla for God in v. 3; Israel as God’s xyvm (“anointed”) in v. 13; and the expression ~ynv brqb in v. 2.66

3.2. Bernhard Duhm (1906)67

Duhm divides Hab 3:2-16 into twelve strophes. The first consists of v. 2, which he considers a liturgical addition. The second strophe is v. 3, which begins the description of the vision. The third is vv. 4-5, discussing the coming of Yhwh in a way that does not directly depict his person. The fourth is v. 6; Duhm notes that the shattering of the earth and splitting of the mountain are not new motifs (see, e.g., Judges 5, Micah 1) and still surface in later apocalyptic literature but without a personal appearance of Yhwh (e.g., Isa 24:18). The fifth

63 B. Stade, “Miscellen. 3. Habakuk,” ZAW 4 (1884) 154-59.

64 M. P. Graham, “Habakkuk,” in Hebrew Bible: History of Interpretation (ed. John H. Hayes; Nashville: Abingdon, 2004) 289-93, here 290.

65 Stade, “3. Habakuk,” 157.

66 Ibid., 157-58.

67 B. Duhm, Das Buch Habakuk: Text, Übersetzung, und Erklärung (Tübingen: Mohr, 1906). 58 is vv. 7-8a, which paints a wider picture of the theophanic scene using half-mythological features. The sixth is vv. 8b-9a, which begins the description of the action of Yhwh. The seventh is vv. 9b-10 (as far as ~wr), which, Duhm observes, is slightly reminiscent of the theophanies in the Song of Deborah (Judges 5) and Micah 1. The eighth contains the rest of v. 10 (from ~wr) - v. 11, describing the effect on nature evoked by the presence of Yhwh.

The ninth is vv. 12-13a in which Duhm connects the nations to the allies of Alexander. Duhm considers the climax of the vision to be its tenth strophe, vv. 13b-14, featuring the primary objective of Yhwh’s departure (i.e., defeating the enemy). He connects the eleventh strophe

(vv. 15-16a) with Alexander’s delay in Egypt (ca. 332 B.C.E.). The final/twelfth strophe is v.

16b-c, which describe further aftereffects of the poet’s visionary experiences. Another liturgical addition (vv. 17-19) ends the chapter (cf. v. 2).

Duhm concludes that Habakkuk 3, including vv. 2-16 and not just the later text in vv.

17-19, must come from the postexilic period, to which he also dates the entire book of

Habakkuk. More specifically, he thinks that Habakkuk reflects the aggression of Alexander the Great in the fourth century and that it is a younger text than the poem in Isa 14:29-32, which he thinks originated just before Alexander’s appearance in Philistia.

3.3. Paul Humbert (1944)68

Humbert divides Habakkuk into seven sections: Heading/Title (1:1), First Complaint

(1:2-4), First Oracle (1:5-10), Second Complaint (1:11-17), Second Oracle (2:1-5), Five

Imprecations / Curses (2:5-20), and a Psalm of Supplication (3:1-19). With regard to

Habakkuk 3, he divides the psalm itself (minus the heading/title in 3:1 and the musical

68 P. Humbert, (Neuch tel: Secrétariat de l’Université, 1 ). 59 notation in v.19c) into an introduction (v. 2), the body of the psalm (vv. 3-15), and a conclusion (vv. 16-19). He further divides the body of the psalm into three parts: theophany

(vv. 3-7), panic of nature (vv. 8-11), and Yhwh’s combat against his enemies (vv. 12-15).

Much of Humbert’s work focuses upon the vocabulary present in Habakkuk, relating it not only to other parts of Habakkuk, but to other sections of the TANAKH as well. He notes that Habakkuk 3 conforms to sacred poetry (e.g., Psalms) while also presenting points of contact with prophetic vocabulary in general and especially the prophets of the end of the

69 seventh century B.C.E., leading up to the exile.

3.4. William F. Albright (1950)70

Albright divides Hab 3:2-19 into four parts (excluding the superscription/title in v. 1).

The first part consists of v. 2, which he suggests came from a very ancient prayer for the prolongation of a king’s life (see, e.g., hymn to Ishtar praying for the life of Ammiditana, ca.

1600 B.C.E.) but with a distinctive Yahwistic flavor in its last colon, which he thinks may be due to the author of Habakkuk. Albright thinks that the second part (vv. 3-7) was “probably taken with little alteration from a very early Israelite poem on the theophany of Yahweh as exhibited in the south-east storm” with close affinities to some poems that date from the eleventh – tenth centuries (i.e., Song of Deborah in Judges 5, Song of Moses in Deuteronomy

33, and Psalm 68).71 He suggests that part three (vv. 8-15) was “adapted from an early poem

69 Ibid., 244-45.

70 W. F. Albright, “The Psalm of Habakkuk,” in Studies in Old Testament Prophecy: Presented To Professor Theodore H. Robinson By The Society For Old Testament Study On His Sixty-Fifth Birthday, August 9th, 1946 (ed. H. H. Rowley; Edinburgh: T & T Clark, 1950) 1-18.

71 Ibid., 8. 60 or poems of Canaanite origin, celebrating the triumph of Baal over Judge River, Prince Sea and Death … variant names of a single primordial dragon of chaos.”72 In contrast to the chapter’s other parts, Albright considers part four (vv. 16-19) as “poetically inferior” without any archaic material, with v.16a coming from a prototype that differs from the putative source of vv.16b-17, and being reminiscent of the eighth-seventh century prophets.73

Albright considers the book of Habakkuk “substantially” the work of a single author who possessed literary appreciation in a “strongly archaizing period.”74 Additionally, he accepts the tradition that the author was a prophet and musician during the last years of the

First Temple, suppositions which he thinks are consistent with the literary evidence presented.

3.5. Sigmund Mowinckel (1953)75

Mowinckel divides Habakkuk 3 into five basic parts. The first is the superscription in v. 1, which he thinks serves to identify the passage as a psalm of lament, based on its use of twnygv (cf. !ygv in Ps 7:1) and the Akkadian cognate šegû. The second part is a short hymn in v. 2; the first two cola (v. 2a-b) describe the earlier works of Yhwh and, according to

Mowinckel, correspond to the invocation found at the beginning of psalms of lament, while v. 2c-d contain a prayer for Yhwh’s intervention which closes the first hymn. Mowinckel broadly describes the third part (vv. 3-15) as a motif of trust and honor/glory (Vertrauens-

72 Ibid., 8-9.

73 Ibid., 9.

74 Ibid.

75 S. Mowinckel, “Zum Psalm des Habakuk,” TZ 9 (1953) 1-23. 61 und Ehrmotiv),76 which he divides into at least two strophes (vv. 3-7, 8-15). Verses 16-17 form a transitional fourth part of the psalm, with v. 16 connected to v. 14 and v. 17 to v. 18.

A proclamation of certainty of a favorable hearing from God (Gewißheit der Erhörung) in vv. 18-19 ends the psalm.77

Mowinckel dates the book of Habakkuk to the seventh century, the traditional date given for the prophet Habakkuk, who Mowinckel thinks was a temple prophet; however,

Mowinckel dates it earlier (i.e., 629/8 – 622 B.C.E.) than Albright’s suggestion of 605–589

78 B.C.E. Mowinckel thinks that chap. 3 comes from the same author as the rest of the book and that it was used as part of a liturgy for the autumnal New Year festival celebrating the feast of the coming and epiphany of Yhwh.

3.6. John H. Eaton (1964)79

Eaton divides Habakkuk into three primary sections: (1) “Intercessions and Answers”

(1:2-2: ); (2) “Execration of the Oppressor” (2:5-20); and (3) “Prayer for the Life-giving

Victory of God” (chap. 3). He further divides Hab 3:2-19 into four parts, starting with a prelude in v. 2. This is followed by a “Vision of God’s Advance” (vv. 3-7) and a “Vision of

God’s Battle” (vv. 8-15). The psalm concludes with “Confidence in the Face of Death” (vv.

16-19).80

76 Ibid., 7.

77 Ibid.

78 Ibid., 2; cf. Albright, “The Psalm of Habakkuk,” 2.

79 J. H. Eaton, Obadiah, Nahum, Habakkuk, and Zephaniah: Introduction and Commentary (London: SCM Press, 1961); idem, “Origin and Meaning of Habakkuk 3,” ZAW 76 (1964) 144-71.

80 Idem, Obadiah, 81-118. 62

Eaton’s work on Habakkuk 3 is noteworthy because he takes Mowinckel’s suggestion a step further by forcefully asserting that, not only is it plausible that the psalm was used during the autumnal/New Year festival, but it is also exegetically necessary to understand it within the Sitz im Leben of the Autumnal Festival in order to be able to make sense of the psalm as a coherent whole. It is within this cultic context, for example, that one can understand the references to the warm winds from the deserts in the east and south in vv. 3-7, followed by references to westerly rainstorms in vv. 8-15: Eaton notes that in October there is a sudden shift between the warm desert air from the east and south to the cool, fresh winds from the Mediterranean Sea in the west from which may be followed by thunder and rain. In connection with the saving work of God featured in Habakkuk 3, Eaton suggests that the desert winds imply “his advent from the Sinai deserts with escort of Plague and Fever, while the torrential Mediterranean storms display the climax of his battle with the primeval foe.”81

Thus, Eaton concludes that Habakkuk 3 was intended as a liturgical text specifically for the celebration of the Autumnal Festival. He also roughly dates Habakkuk to the third quarter of the seventh century and sees no reason to doubt the attribution of chap. 3 to the prophet

Habakkuk himself.82

81 Idem, “Habakkuk 3,” 163.

82 Idem, Obadiah, 82-83, 108.

63

3.7. Theodore Hiebert (1986)83

Hiebert divides Habakkuk 3 (excluding the superscription/title in v.1, which he takes as secondary and as indicating a later use of material in a context different than its original composition) into four strophes (or “stanzas” to use his term). The first (v. 2) and the fourth

(vv. 16-19) strophes provide a literary framework that encompasses the theophany in vv. 3-

15. He divides the theophany into two strophes: vv. 3-7 (the “March from the Southeast”) and vv. 8-15 (“Battle with the Dragon”), which are distinguished from each other by form and content while still forming a coherent unity.

Hiebert classifies Habakkuk 3 as an example of the literary genre of a “hymn of victory,” as opposed to the lament or vision genres suggested by other scholars. He finds literary coherency within Habakkuk 3 itself, as indicated by the use of inclusion as the primary structuring device throughout the passage as well as other literary features that also contribute to the unity of the poem (e.g., alternating use of prefix and suffix conjugations and key words). Although Hiebert argues for the literary unity of Hab 3:2-19, he concludes that the differences (e.g., content, style, vocabulary, etc.) between Habakkuk 1–2 and Habakkuk 3 are too significant to allow one to posit single authorship for the book as a whole. Rather, he thinks that Habakkuk 3 is genuinely archaic, constituting a composition “much older than the seventh century prophet Habakkuk.”84

83 T. Hiebert, God of My Victory: The Ancient Hymn in Habakkuk 3 (HSM 38; Atlanta: Scholars Press, 1986); idem, “The Use of Inclusion in Habakkuk 3,” in Directions in Biblical Hebrew Poetry (JSOTSup 40; ed. E. R. Follis; Sheffield: JSOT Press, 1987) 119-40.

84 Hiebert, God of My Victory, 82. 64

3.8. Henrik Pfeiffer (2005)85

Pfeiffer divides Habakkuk 3 into three basic parts (excluding v. 1), with a subdivision of the middle part. The first part consists of v. 2 and forms the front frame, which corresponds to the back frame in vv. 16-19a, thus encompassing the main corpus of the passage (vv. 3-15) that stands between the two (cf. Hiebert above). Pfeiffer also notes that vv. 3-15 can be subdivided into two parts. The first subdivision involves vv. 3-7, which describe the theophany from the south and form an inclusio with the use of the place names in v. 3 and v. 7. The second division also shows evidence of a vocabulary-based inclusio in v.

7 and v. 15; however, he also notes another frame featuring the anger motif in v. 8 and v. 12.

He suggests that there is a break from preexisting tradition after v. 12, leaving vv. 13-15 as part of the linking elements in the book of Habakkuk. Throughout his translation (pp. 128-

30), Pfeiffer indicates by font size and style to which literary stratum he assigns a given word/colon as part of: the preexisting tradition (vorgegebene Überlieferung); a linking

(Einbindung) element within the book of Habakkuk; a younger hinge/joint (Scharnier) encompassing Nahum, Habakkuk, and Zephaniah; a later addition; an element of an individual psalm; the psalmic framework; or minor additions.

Pfeiffer considers Habakkuk 3 to be of recent origin, i.e., the early-Hellenistic Period

(last third of the fourth century B.C.E.). He thinks that the author combined elements of the eschatological judgment of the nations (using mythological primordial imagery) with the presentation of a judgment-theophany from the south, which is itself rooted in the tradition regarding the judgment of Edom.86

85 H. Pfeiffer, Jahwes Kommen von Süden: Jdc 5; Hab 3; Dtn 33 und Ps 68 in ihrem literatur- und theologiegeschichtlichen Umfeld (FRLANT 211; Göttingen: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, 2005).

86 Ibid., 176-77. 65

3.9. John E. Anderson (2011)87

Anderson proposes three stages of development for the composition and reshaping of

Habakkuk 3. First, he identifies a core theophany (vv. 3-15) that is actually comprised of two traditions that have been combined to create a unified literary text: a theophany based on the coming of Yhwh from the south (vv. 3-7) and a portrayal of Yhwh as divine warrior with likely ties to the Chaoskampf motif in the ANE (vv. 8-15). Anderson dates the core theophany to the preexilic period and suggests that perhaps it either drew upon traditions that predate the monarchy or, given its similarities with premonarchic Hebrew poetry (e.g.,

Exodus 15; Deuteronomy 33; and Judges 5), itself has a terminus ad quem predating the monarchy, a supposition which, if correct, would make it “one of the most ancient texts in the Hebrew Bible.”88 The second stage is a psalmic redaction which Anderson dates to the early Persian period with a terminus ad quem no later than the late fifth or early fourth century B.C.E. The psalmic elements added in this stage consist of the superscription identifying the text as “prayer” that is “according to Shigionoth” (v. 1), a frame (vv. 16a, 18-

19) which transforms the theophanic core into the genre of a psalm of complaint, and the insertion of hls which is otherwise only found in the Psalter. The final stage, according to

Anderson, was the incorporation of Habakkuk 3 into Habakkuk 1–2 as well as the Book of the Twelve. The final additions made at this stage include the name “Habakkuk” in 3:1, connections with Joel 1–2 (v. 17), and a reinterpretive key in Hab 3:16b focusing on the

“future” Babylonian onslaught. With Nogalski, Anderson dates this final stage to “‘a time

87 J. E. Anderson, “Awaiting an Answered Prayer: The Development and Reinterpretation of Habakkuk 3 in its Context,” ZAW 123 (2011) 57-71.

88 Ibid., 62. 66 well into the Persian period,’” as the postexilic community reflects upon the significance of the Babylonian Exile in its history.89

3.10. Conclusion

As indicated in the survey above, most scholars agree upon the basic divisions of the psalm in Habakkuk 3: v. 2, vv. 3-15 (subdivided into vv. 3-7 and vv. 8-15), and vv. 16-19.

Some scholars break these down even further (e.g., Duhm, Mowinckel). Opinions regarding authorship, dating, and authenticity are more diverse. Several scholars accept the attribution of Habakkuk 3 to the traditional seventh-century prophet (e.g., Humbert, Albright,

Mowinckel, Eaton), even while recognizing its archaizing tendencies (see Albright). Others suggest that at least the core theophanic material (vv. 3-15) may not only be preexilic, but perhaps even premonarchic (e.g., Hiebert, Anderson), even if there was also a later redaction

(see Anderson). Others argue for postexilic dates (e.g., Stade), from the Persian (e.g.,

Anderson [final redaction]) or the Hellenistic (e.g., Duhm, Pfeiffer) periods.

4. Zechariah

This section will provide a select survey of the history of research pertaining to Zech

9:9-16. Of particular interest is the history of research with regard to incorporation of this pericope into the book of Zechariah. Priority is given to scholars not already discussed in the section regarding compilation/redaction theories of the Twelve Prophets.

89 Ibid., 70; quoting Nogalski, Redactional Processes, 181. 67

4.1. Bernhard Stade (1881-1882)90

In a three-part article, published in the first two volumes of Zeitschrift für die alttestamentliche Wissenschaft, Stade offers a critical study of “Deutero-Zechariah”

(Zechariah 9–14). His work builds upon that of earlier scholars, particularly J. G. Eichhorn

(1787). Stade’s study became representative of the dominant scholarly position for the better part of the late nineteenth and well into the twentieth century regarding the authenticity and dating of the last six chapters of Zechariah. However, the precise dating of Deutero-

Zechariah has continued to be a subject of debate among his successors.

Stade questions the simple division of Zechariah 9–14 into two parts based on the superscriptions in 9:1 (introducing chaps. 9–11) and 12:1 (introducing chaps. 12–14); instead, he concludes that only the superscription in 9:1 was original to the entire collection of chaps. 9–14 and that the superscription in 12:1 was copied from 9:1.91 He delimits three prophecies that have a conclusion (chaps. 9–10; 12:1–13:6; chap. 14), while noting that chap.

11 lacks a conclusion (and, hence, suggests the attachment of 13:7-9 as its conclusion).92

Specifically with regard to chaps. 9–10, Stade breaks up the passage into the following units:

9:1-8; 9:9–10:2 (subdivided as: 9:9-10; 9:11-12; 9:13-16; 9:17–10:2); 10:3-12 (subdivided into vv. 3-7, 8-12).93 Noteworthy are the divisions he makes between 9:8 and 9:9, as well as

9:16 and 9:17, the latter of which he connects with 10:1-2.

90 B. Stade, “Deuterosacharja: Eine kritische Studie,” ZAW 1 (1881) 1- 6; idem, “Deuterosacharja: Eine kritische Studie,” ZAW 2 (1882) 151-72, 275-309.

91 Stade, “Deuterosacharja” (1881), 1 .

92 Ibid., 29-32.

93 Ibid., 14-25, 52. 68

Stade points to the reference to the “sons of Yavan [Greece]” in :13 as providing solid ground for dating Zechariah 9–14 within the Hellenistic period.94 He believes that it was composed after the time of Alexander the Great (ca. 333 B.C.E.), more specifically

95 around the time of the struggle for power among the Diadochi (306-278 B.C.E.). He also sees the references to Assyria and Egypt (e.g., Zech 10:11) as symbolic of the Seleucids and

Ptolemies (respectively) rather than to the powerful preexilic empires denoted by those names.96

4.2. Hinckley G. Mitchell (1912)97

As most other scholars by his time, Mitchell considers Zechariah 9–14 to be of different authorship than the first eight chapters of Zechariah.98 One of the major differences between them adduced by him is that Zechariah 9–14 contains elements typical of apocalyptic literature (e.g., pessimism about the present), which are absent in Zechariah 1–

8.99 Mitchell divides the last six chapters of Zechariah into two parts: (1) chaps. 9–11 and

13:7-9; and (2) 12:1–13:6 and chap. 14.100 He then subdivides the first part into four sections:

(1) 9:1-10; (2) 9:11-17; (3) 10:1–11:3; and (4) 11:4-17, 13:7-9. However, while he thinks that

94 Stade, “Deuterosacharja” (1882), 290.

95 Ibid., 305.

96 Ibid., 290-306.

97 H. G. Mitchell, “A Critical and Exegetical Commentary on Haggai and Zechariah,” in A Critical and Exegetical Commentary on Haggai, Zechariah, Malachi, and Jonah (ICC; New York: Charles Scribner’s Sons, 1912) 218-362.

98 For a list of reasons for positing separate authorship of Zechariah 9–14, see Mitchell, “Haggai and Zechariah,” 236.

99 Mitchell, “Haggai and Zechariah,” 239-41.

100 Ibid., 219. 69 the division between 9:10 and 9:11 is clear, he admits that determining the end of the second section (i.e., whether the end should be at 9:17 or 10:2) is difficult.101

After considering the various arguments proposed by other scholars for a preexilic dating, Mitchell concludes that Zechariah 9–14 cannot have been written prior to or during the Babylonian Exile. He also holds 9:1-10 is the oldest passage in Zechariah 9–14 and that its author borrowed material and ideas from both Ezekiel and Second Isaiah, creating a prophecy that is distinct in form and content vis-à-vis what follows, starting with 9:11.102

Citing M. Kuiper (1894), Mitchell concludes that the original form of Zech 9:1-10 probably

103 was written in 333 B.C.E. following the battle of Issus. Part of the justification for this dating is that the reference to Tyre in Zech 9:3 seems to indicate a time prior to Alexander the Great’s successful conquest of that city in 332 B.C.E., the first time in history that the city had been conquered. Mitchell then argues that Zech 9:11–11:3 is from a different author than either 9:1-10 or 11:4-17 + 13:7-9. He dates 9:11–11:3 during the time of Ptolemy III (247–

104 222 B.C.E.), seeing it as an expansion of 9:1-10. Finally, a third author wrote and added

105 11:4-17 and 13:7-9 shortly after the battle of Raphia in 217 B.C.E.

101 Ibid., 219-20. However, in his exegesis section, Mitchell does separate 9:1-8 from vv. 9-10 (p. 260) and treats vv. 9-17 as a unit (p. 277).

102 Ibid., 249-51.

103 Ibid., 252-53.

104 Ibid., 258.

105 Ibid., 258-59. 70

4.3. Paul Lamarche (1961)106

Lamarche focuses on Deutero-Zechariah (i.e., Zechariah 9–14) in which he discerns an overall chiastic structure indicating unity among the chapters.107 In his discussion of the chapters, he follows other scholars in proposing a division into two parts of three chapters each (i.e., chaps. 9–11 and 12–14). He divides the first part into six smaller units: 9:1-8; 9:9-

10; 9:11–10:1; 10:2-3a; 10:3b–11:3; and 11:4-17.108 Unlike some scholars, Lamarche sees a strong break between 9:8 and 9:9.109 Within 9:11–10:1, he discerns four strophes, with the first (9:11-12) and last (9:17b–10:1) strophes corresponding to each other and encompassing the second (9:13-14) and third (9:15-17a) strophes.110

Because Lamarche views all six chapters of Deutero-Zechariah as being unified via their chiastic structure, he also proposes a single author for all of the chapters.111 He thinks it is certain that Deutero-Zechariah was written after the Exile.112 Although he acknowledges that a date around the time of Alexander the Great (late fourth century B.C.E.) is the one favored by contemporary scholars because of the mention of “Greece” in :13, he prefers instead an interpretation that connects the chapters’ King-Shepherd imagery to Zerubabbel

106 P. Lamarche, Zacharie IX–XIV: Structure littéraire et Messianisme (Ebib; Paris: Librairie Lecoffre/J. Gabalda, 1961).

107 For an outline of the chiastic structure, see p. 11 and pp. 112-13 (ibid.).

108 Ibid., 34-71.

109 Ibid., 25; of these two verses, he writes: “le sens nous demande de voir une coupure” (ibid.). In contrast, see the summary of Mitchell’s position above.

110 Ibid., 49-50; for a more detailed discussion of the strophes in 9:13-17a, see pp. 50-52 (ibid.).

111 Ibid., 153.

112 Ibid., 148. 71 and, thus, proposes that Deutero-Zechariah was written sometime 500–480 B.C.E., possibly during the lifetime of Zechariah himself.

4.4. Benedikt Otzen (1964)113

Otzen divides Deutero-Zechariah into fifteen pericopes, which he discusses thematically throughout his work. Of particular interest is his delimitation of Zechariah 9–10, which comprises the segment’s first eight pericopes: 9:1-8; 9:9-10; 9:11-12; 9:13-15; 9:16–

10:3a; 10:3b-5; 10:6-10; and 10:10-11. Of these, the division between 9:8 and 9:9 is noteworthy, as is the proposed pericope consisting of 9:16–10:3a. He delimits the rest of

Deutero-Zechariah as follows: 11:1-3; 11:4-17; 12:2-7; 12:8–13:1; 13:2-6; 13:7-9; chap. 14.

Contrary to many scholars since Stade, Otzen questions the postexilic dating of the entirety of Deutero-Zechariah.114 However, like many scholars, he does propose several authors for Deutero-Zechariah. He considers Zechariah 9–10 to be the earliest part of the segment, which he dates during the time of King Josiah (seventh century B.C.E.). Rather than seeing the apparent reference to the Greeks (!wy) in 9:13 is a later interpolation or gloss as some scholars propose, he gets around the problem it poses for a preexilic dating by suggesting that it refers to the presence of Greek mercenaries in Egypt during preexilic times, of whom the Israelites could have been aware.115 He thinks that the segment’s next two large

113 B. Otzen, Studien über Deutero-Sacharja (ATDan 6; Copenhagen: Prostant apud Munksgaard, 1964).

114 An overview of his dating is provided in the Forward to the book (ibid.).

115 Otzen provides a detailed discussion about “Die »Söhne Joniens«” on pp. 5-58 (ibid.), esp. pp. 55- 58. 72 parts (chap. 11 and chaps. 12–13) come from the preexilic – exilic period. Finally, he dates chap. 14 to the late postexilic period.

4.5. Henning Graf Reventlow (1993)116

Reventlow thinks that Zechariah 9–14 is a later work than the first eight chapters of

Zechariah. However, he questions the validity of presupposing separate authorship for

Zechariah 9–11 and 12–14 based on the superscription in 12:1 (although he admits this could indicate a separate work).117 He divides Deutero-Zechariah into the following pericopes: 9:1-

8; 9:9-10; 9:11-17; 10:1-2; 10:3-12; 11:1-3; 11:4-17; 12:1–13:1; 13:2-6; 13:7-9; and 14:1-21.

118 Reventlow dates Deutero-Zechariah to the first decades of the fifth century B.C.E.

With regard to the apparent reference to Greece (Yavan) in 9:13, he considers the colon as an

“obvious” (offensichtlich) gloss because he thinks that it disrupts the meter.119 Thus, he avoids having to explain the problem posed by the mention of “Greece” for his fifth-century dating of the text, given that the scholars who propose a Hellenistic dating often point to

“sons of Yavan [Greece]” in 9:13 as proof of that dating (cf. Stade above).

116 H. G. Reventlow, Die Propheten Haggai, Sacharja, und Maleachi (ATD 25/2; Göttingen: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, 1993).

117 Ibid., 86-87.

118 Ibid., 88.

119 Ibid., 98. 73

4.6. Paul L. Redditt (1995)120

Redditt accepts the majority opinion among scholars that distinguishes Zechariah 1–8 from 9–14. He divides the latter into four primary collections: (1) 9:1-17; (2) 10:3b-12; (3)

12:1-4a, 5, 8-9; and (4) 14:1-13, 14b-21.121 He further subdivides the first collection into the following parts: 9:1-8, 9-13, and 14-17. However, he also notes that 10:1-3a appears to be a redactional creation designed to introduce 10:3b-12 and connecting it with 9:1-17.122

Redditt concludes that the first three collections above fit well in the early Persian period, while the fourth is from a later period, but all prior to Nehemiah. Later, after the time of Nehemiah (but before the time of Alexander the Great), a redactor combined the four collections and added 12:6-7, 12:10–13:6, the shepherd materials (10:1-3a; 11:4-17; and

13:7-9), and possibly also 11:1-3. Thus, he concludes that Zechariah 9–14 was written by more than one author and that the chapters were later additions to the book named

Zechariah.123

4.7. Byron G. Curtis (2006)124

Curtis analyzes Zechariah 9–14 as two large units, the beginning of each of which is indicated by the use of afm in 9:1 and 12:1, and consisting of six major units and “five brief

120 P. L. Redditt, Haggai, Zechariah, Malachi (NCB; Grand Rapids: Eerdmans, 1995).

121 Ibid., 102-3.

122 Ibid., 118. In contrast, while D. Rudman (“The Warhorse of the Lord,” Jewish Bible Quarterly 28 [2000] 163-68) admits a possible redactional function of Zech 10:1-2/3a, he also raises the question regarding whether “the author/anthologist of Second Zechariah should not also be identified as its redactor” (p. 168).

123 Redditt, Haggai, 37-38, 94-99.

124 B. G. Curtis, Up the Steep and Stony Road: The Book of Zechariah in Social Location and Social Location Trajectory Analysis (Society of Biblical Literature Academia Biblica 25; Leiden: Brill, 2006). 74 thematic connecting poems.”125 The six major units are: 9:1-8; 9:11-17; 10:3-12; 11:4-16;

12:1–13:6; and 14:1-21. The five brief connecting poems are: 9:9-10; 10:1-2; 11:1-3; 11:17; and 13:7-9. Specifically with regard to chap. 9, Curtis considers 9:1-8 as an introduction both to the first afm and the “compound poetical unit of : -10 + 9:11-17.”126

Curtis challenges the general consensus that more than one author was involved in writing Zechariah 1–14 and that chaps. 9–14 are substantially different than chaps. 1–8; he provides a substantial critique of previous arguments used to differentiate between Zechariah

1–8 and 9–14, especially those adduced by Mitchell which have often been taken as definitive proof for separate authorship.127 Using lexical and stylistic evidence, including linguistic statistical analysis to calculate Density per Thousand (DPT), as well as building upon R. Mason’s “continuing lines” in Zechariah, Curtis makes a good case for single authorship of Zechariah as a whole.128 Thus, he concludes that Zechariah 9–14 should be dated to the early Persian period (ca. 515–475 B.C.E.), although he also notes the possibility that Zechariah 9 could be an early Persian adaptation/expansion of an exilic or even preexilic text.129 He explains the apparent reference to Greece in 9:13 as reflective of Persian-Greek conflicts in the Eastern Mediterranean world (particularly following the campaign of Cyrus against King Croesis of Lydia in the mid-sixth century B.C.E. which led to confrontations with Greek forces continuing for a century until the Peace of Callias apparently ended the hostilities ca. 449 B.C.E.), thus opening the possibility of composition prior to Alexander the

125 Ibid., 163.

126 Ibid., 162.

127 Ibid., 232-40.

128 Ibid., 241-65.

129 Ibid., 182, 277. 75

Great and the Hellenistic period -- contrary to those scholars who use 9:13 as evidence of the text’s Hellenistic origin.130

4.8. Ina Willi-Plein (2007)131

Willi-Plein addresses Zechariah 9–14 separately from Zechariah 1–8 in her 2007 commentary, thus accepting different authorship for the two parts of Zechariah. She divides

Deutero-Zechariah into the following units: 9:1-8 (vv. 1-4, 5-8); 9:9-10; 9:11-17 (vv. 11-13,

14-15, 16-17); 10:1-12 (vv. 1-2, 3-12); 11:1-3; 11:4-17 (vv. 4-16, 17); 12:1-14 (vv. 1, 2-3, 4-

5, 6-7, 8, 9-10, 11-14); 13:1-6; 13:7-9; 14:1-21 (vv. 1-9, 10-19, 20-21). Noteworthy is her division between 9:8 and 9:9, as well as between 9:17 and 10:1. Throughout her translation and exegesis, she indicates which phrases or cola she believes to be later glosses.

Willi-Plein thinks that Deutero-Zechariah developed at the earliest in the second half

132 of the fourth century B.C.E. and was written entirely during the Hellenistic period. She thinks these later prophecies originated in Jerusalem or at least in the land of Judah.

4.9. Anthony R. Petterson (2009)133

In his thematic study focusing on king- and shepherd-related passages with respect to

Davidic hope, Petterson identifies the following pericopes within their corresponding themes in Zechariah’s last six chapters: The Coming King (9:1-8, 9-10, 11-17); The Shepherd (10:1–

130 See pp. 174-81 (ibid.) for a detailed discussion.

131 I. Willi-Plein, Haggai, Sacharja, Maleachi (ZBAT 24/4; Zurich: TVZ, 2007).

132 Ibid., 152.

133 A. R. Petterson, Behold Your King: The Hope for the House of David in the Book of Zechariah (Library of Hebrew Bible/Old Testament Studies [formerly JSOTSup] 513; New York: T & T Clark, 2009). 76

11:3; 13:7-9); and The Pierced One (12:1–13:1; chap. 14). With regard to his division of chap. 9 specifically, he calls attention to the following structural markers that indicate divisions in the text: weak paragraph marker (s) in the MT’s 9:8; the imperatives in 9:9; ta-~g in 9:11; and the imperative in 10:1, the last of which he thinks signals a new unit.134

However, he also notes structural links between the sections within Zechariah 9 (e.g., continuity in speakers versus shifts in person from first person to third) and, thus, argues that chap. 9 functions as a coherent unit.

Petterson takes the approach of reading Zechariah in its entirety (without creating distinctions between “Proto-Zechariah” and “Deutero-Zechariah”), as apparently it was read by the final redactor(s) who viewed all of the chapters as belonging to “Zechariah.” He finds continuity in the motif of Davidic hope present throughout the book; for example, he suggests that the “Shoot” in chap. 6 is developed further in the imagery about the future king and shepherd in chaps. 9–14 even though the term “shoot” is not used in the later chapters.135

Thus, he views the entirety of Zechariah as an example of “later messianic hope in the postexilic period.”136

4.10. Conclusion

There are a variety of opinions regarding the structure of the pericopes within

Zechariah 9–10. Most of the scholars surveyed above do see a break between 9:8 and 9:9

134 Ibid., 129-30.

135 Ibid., 248.

136 Ibid., 252. He addresses the presence of “Greece” in :13 by appealing to ANE records indicating that Greece was considered a hostile power at least by the early Persian period (ibid., 144), contrary to those who date the passage closer to the time of Alexander the Great (or later). 77

(Mitchell being the one exception). Many also place a break between 9:10 and 9:11

(exceptions are Stade’s larger units and Redditt). However, much more controversial is where to end the pericope (starting with v. 11) somewhere between 9:16–10:2. The most popular placement is to break the pericope between 9:17 and 10:1 (e.g., Curtis, Mitchell,

Petterson, Redditt, Reventlow, Willi-Plein); however, other scholars suggest starting the new pericope at 9:16 (Otzen), 9:17 (Stade), or 10:2 (Lamarche).

Although there is a general consensus regarding the existence of a “Deutero-

Zechariah” (Zechariah –14) that is of different origin than Zechariah 1–8, particularly since the work of Stade, there are some scholars who challenge that view and instead try to make an argument for the unity of Zechariah as a whole (e.g., Curtis, and Petterson). The dating of

Zechariah 9, in particular, has ranged from the preexilic (e.g., Otzen) to the Persian period

(e.g., Curtis, Lamarche, Redditt, Reventlow) to as late as the Hellenistic period (e.g., Stade,

Mitchell, Willi-Plein). One potential clue is the reference to “sons of Yavan [Greece]” in

9:13, which would seem to point to the time during or after Alexander the Great’s conquest of the region; however, Petterson does make a plausible case that the reference need not be derived from the Hellenistic period and, instead, could refer to Greco-Persian tensions during the Persian period. Thus, any dating of the text will have to remain tentative.

5. Summary

Among the redaction/compilation theories discussed in section one above, there was a general consensus that Micah 7, Habakkuk 3, and Zechariah 9 were added to the Twelve

Prophets during different stages of the redaction/compilation process. The only scholar who explicitly mentioned a potential link among all three passages of interest is Gersternberger. 78

However, Gersternberger merely suggests the idea that the poetic hymn-like elements in the

Twelve Prophets may predate the rest of those books without developing the theory in detail.

With regard to the authorship and dating, each passage has at least one supporter for its authenticity as a product of a single author for the entire book, although some admit that the prophet/author could have incorporated older material in the process of writing the book to be called by his name. Among those surveyed above, Waltke is the sole supporter for an eighth-century date for Micah 7:7-20; the rest believe the passage to be a later addition to the book of Micah. Most of the scholars date the passage to the exilic – early postexilic period

(Lescow, Renaud, Gunkel, Jeremias, Weiser, Wolff), with some proposing a final redaction as late as the Hellenistic period (Jeremias, Lescow, Renaud). Decorzant dates it to the late postexilic period, while Zapff suggests the latest date for Mic 7:7-20 of those surveyed, i.e., the mid-third century.

Habakkuk 3 has the most supporters for its traditional seventh-century dating

(Humbert, Albright, Mowinckel, Eaton), though a few scholars consider that parts of this may date well before the time of the prophet (Hiebert, Anderson). Only three of the scholars surveyed date Habakkuk 3 as a whole to the postexilic (Stade) or early Hellenistic period

(Duhm, Pfeiffer), though Anderson did suggest a final redaction during the Persian period.

Zechariah’s traditional date is the sixth century and there is support for an early postexilic/Persian dating for Zech 9:9-16, particularly among those who propose a single authorship for the book of Zechariah as a whole (Curtis, Petterson). The earliest dating of

Zechariah 9 in particular is by Otzen, who argues for a seventh-century date. Reventlow dates the chapter to the early decades of the fifth century, while Redditt places it solidly within the Persian period. Of the three passages featured in this study, Zech 9:9-16 has the 79 most supporters for a Hellenistic dating, ranging from early Hellenistic (Mitchell, Stade,

Willi-Plein), to final redaction as late as 217 B.C.E. (Mitchell).

Thus, a tentative relative date of composition for the three passages based on the scholars surveyed in sections two – four above would place Habakkuk 3 as the earliest text, followed by Micah 7, then Zechariah 9. Schart’s detailed analysis tentatively supports the

Habakkuk 3  Mic 7:7-20  Zechariah 9 sequence as part of his redaction/compilation theory of the Twelve.137 In contrast, a general canonical order (Micah  Habakkuk 

Zechariah) for their dates is favored by Freedman and Nogalski.138 Wöhrle suggests the order of the materials’ incorporation was Micah  Deutero-Zechariah  Habakkuk. However,

Wöhrle also thinks that Habakkuk circulated independently prior to being added to the prophetic corpus in the fourth–third centuries; thus, the incorporation of Habakkuk would be later than the time of its composition.

The next step of this study will be to analyze more closely the three passages of interest, starting with Mic 7:7-20 in Chapter III, followed by Habakkuk 3 in Chapter IV, and

Zech 9:9-16 in Chapter V. I will conclude this study with my own comparative analysis of the three passages and summary of findings in Chapter VI.

137 Schart, Entstehung, 317.

138 See also P. L. Redditt, “Zechariah -1 , Malachi, and the Redaction of the Book of the Twelve,” in Forming Prophetic Literature: Essays on Isaiah and the Twelve in Honor of John D.W. Watts (ed. J. W. Watts and P. R. House; JSOTSup 235; Sheffield: Sheffield Academic Press, 1996) 245-68, here 261. Chapter III

Micah 7:7-20

The delimitation of the units making up Micah 7 has been a point of controversy among many scholars. Chapter 7 begins with negative comments regarding the lack of righteous and faithful people, resulting in the breakdown of even the family unit (vv. 1-6[7]).

The remaining verses (vv. [7]8-20) shift to a more positive outlook of hope, looking forward to a time when Yhwh will restore Israel to favor and grant them justice.

The primary issue debated is whether v. 7 should be associated with vv. 1-6 or vv. 8-

20.1 The most obvious reason to connect v. 7 with the preceding verses is the adversative w

1 Scholars who connect v. 7 with the preceding verses (vv. 1-6) include A. Decorzant (Vom Gericht zum Erbarmen: Text und Theologie von Micha 6–7 [FB 123; Würzburg: Echter Verlag, 2010] 122-41); A. Deissler (Zwölf Propheten II: Obadja, Jona, Micha, Nahum, Habakkuk [NEchB 8/2; Würzburg: Echter Verlag, 1984] 168, 196-97); D. R. Hillers (Micah [Hermeneia; Philadelphia: Fortress, 1984] 83); P. P. Jenson (Obadiah, Jonah, Micah: A Theological Commentary [Library of Hebrew Bible/Old Testament Studies 496; London/New York: Clark, 2008] 182); J. Jeremias (Die Propheten: Joel, Obadja, Jona, Micha [ATD 24/3; Göttingen: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, 2007] 219); T. Robinson (Die Zwölf Kleinen Propheten: Hosea bis Micha [HAT 1, Reihe 14; Tübingen: Mohr, 1954] 148); W. Rudolph (Micha – Nahum – Habakuk – Zephanja [KAT 13/3; Gütersloh: Gerd Mohn, 1975] 24); E. Sellin (Das Zwölfprophetenbuch: Übersetzt und erklärt [KAT 12; Leipzig: A. Deichert, 1922] 299-301); C. S. Shaw (The Speeches of Micah: A Rhetorical-Historical Analysis [JSOTSup 145; Sheffield: Sheffield Academic Press, 1993] 161-65); D. J. Simundson (Hosea, Joel, Amos, Obadiah, Jonah, Micah [Abingdon Old Testament Commentaries; Nashville: Abingdon, 2005] 342); A. Weiser (Das Buch der Zwölf Kleinen Propheten I: Die Propheten Hosea, Joel, Amos, Obadja, Jona, Micha [ATD 24/1; Göttingen: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, 1967] 228-32, 287-90, here 287); H. W. Wolff (Dodekapropheton 4: Micha [BKAT 14/4; Neukirchen-Vluyn: Neukirchener Verlag, 1982] 174-85). Scholars who connect v. 7 with the following verses (vv. 8-20) include: F. Andersen and D. N. Freedman (Micah [AB 24E; New York: Doubleday, 2000] 574-75); T. K. Cheyne (Micah [CBSC; Cambridge: University Press, 1921] 57); H. Gunkel (“Der Micha-Schluß: Zur Einführung in die literaturegeschichtliche Arbeit am Alten Testament,” Zeitschrift für Semitistik und verwandte Gebiete 2 [1924] 145-78, here 147); K. Marti (Dodekapropheton [Kurzer Hand-kommentar zum Alten Testament 13; Tu bingen: Mohr, 1904] 298); D. E. Miller (Micah and Its Literary Environment: Rhetorical Critical Case Studies [Ann Arbor: UMI, 1992] 169); W. Nowack (Die kleinen Propheten [HKAT 3/4; 2nd ed.; Göttingen: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, 1903] 239); B. Renaud (Formation du livre de Michée: Tradition et actualisation [EBib; Paris: J. Gabalda, 1977] 364-423, here 357); J. M. P. Smith (“A Critical and Exegetical Commentary on the Books of Micah, Zephaniah, and Nahum,” in A Critical and Exegetical Commentary on Micah, Zephaniah, Nahum, Habakkuk, Obadiah, and Joel [ICC; New York: Charles Scribner’s Sons, 1911] 144); R. L. Smith (Micah-Malachi [WBC 32; Waco: Word, 1984] 55-57); M. A. Sweeney (The Twelve Prophets, vol. 2: Micah, Nahum, Habakkuk, Zephaniah, Haggai, Zechariah, Malachi [Berit Olam; Collegeville: Liturgical Press, 2000] 408); J. Wellhausen (Die Kleinen Propheten: Übersetzt und erklärt [Berlin: Reimer, 1898] 26-27, 149). 80 81 that begins its opening colon (ynaw), thus presupposing that there is something in the previous context that is being contrasted with the statement that begins with this adversative w.2

Although the tone of v. 7 better matches that of vv. 8-20 than of vv. 1-6, it is not unusual to find a shift in tone from lament or complaint to an affirmation of faith in God, especially at the end of lament psalms (see, e.g., Pss 13:6; 17:13-15; 26:11; 40:17-18; cf. Hab 3:18). On the other hand, vv. 7-20 function together in providing an overall message of hope and restoration, not just with respect to the immediate context but also for the book of Micah as a whole. Thus, perhaps the best solution is the one offered by E. Ben Zvi and B. Waltke, who, independently, suggest that v. 7 rhetorically functions as a janus (double-duty) device and, hence, is meant to be read with what precedes and follows.3 It is with this function in mind that I include v. 7 in my delimitation of Mic 7:7-20.

2 For a list of additional reasons for reading v. 7 in relation to the preceding verses, see E. Ben Zvi, Micah (FOTL 21B; Grand Rapids: Eerdmans, 2000) 166.

3 Ben Zvi, Micah, 166, 173; B. K. Waltke, A Commentary on Micah (Grand Rapids: Eerdmans, 2007) 430. See also D. G. Hagstrom, The Coherence of the Book of Micah: A Literary Analysis (SBLDS 89; Atlanta: Scholars, 1988) 97-98. 82

1. Text, Syntax, and Translation4

The Hebrew (Heb) text presented here primarily follows the Masoretic Text (MT) as found in BHS. However, the LXX, the Syriac Peshitta, and the Latin Vulgate have also been taken into consideration and minor emendations to the MT are proposed in v. 12. Any emendations have been included in the Heb text and the translation is based on the text here given; in these cases, the MT is provided in the corresponding footnote. Words in my Heb text that differ from the MT, including places where I am reading a different vowel pointing of the same consonantal text, are indicated by an asterisk (*).

Introduction/Bridge

SPV VP y[vy yhlal hlyxwa hpca hwhyb ynaw 7 VS `yhla yn[mvy

4 Unless otherwise noted, all Hebrew (Heb) texts are taken from BHS and all English translations are my own. The critical edition of the Greek (Gk) text used for Micah is J. Ziegler, Duodecim Prophetae (Septuaginta 13; Göttingen: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, 1967). The Latin (La) text is from R. Weber, Biblia sacra iuxta vulgatam versionem (Stüttgart: Deutsche Bibelgesellschaft, 1994). The Syriac (Syr) text is from A. Gelston, “Dodekapropheton,” in Dodekapropheton – Daniel - Bel – Draco (Peshitta Institute; The Old Testament in Syriac 3/4; Leiden: Brill, 1980). The text of the Syro-Hexapla is from A. M. Ceriani, Codex Syro- hexaplaris Ambrosianus: Photolithographic editus. Monumenta Sacra et Profana ex Codicibus praesertim Bibliotheca Ambrosianus VII (Milan: Impensis Bibliothecae Ambrosianae; Turin and Florence: Hermannum Loescher; London: Williams et Norgate, 1874). The syntactical analysis used here is based upon the system developed by M. P. O’Connor (Hebrew Verse Structure [Winona Lake, IN: Eisenbrauns, 1997]; see also W. L. Holladay, “Hebrew Verse Structure Revisited (I): Which Words ‘Count’?” JBL 118 [1999] 19-32; idem, “Hebrew Verse Structure Revisited (II): Conjoint Cola, and Further Suggestions,” JBL 118 [1999] 401-16). However, I use the term “colon” in place of O’Connor’s term “line.” Also, I have divided the passage into “strophes,” rather than O’Connor’s designations of “batches” and “staves.” For a list of abbreviations used for the syntactical analysis, see the Abbreviations page. 83

Translation and Notes

ay[vy yhlala hlyxwa hpca hwhyb ynaw 7

7But as for me, I shall watch for Yhwh, I shall wait for the aGod of my salvation; a `yhla yn[mvy

My God will hear me.

Strophe I

VVocP VV ytmq ytlpn yk yl ytbya yxmft-la 8 VP SPredP s `yl rwa hwhy $vxb bva-yk OV VP wl ytajx yk afa hwhy @[z 9 VO VO yjpvm hf[w ybyr byry rva d[ VP VP `wtqdcb hara rwal ynaycwy VS VSO yla hrmah hvwb hsktw ytbya artw 10 IntO SVP hb hnyart yny[ $yhla hwhy wya VP P `twcwx jyjk smrml hyht ht[

a-a The Gk, La, and Syr all have “God, my savior” (tw/| qew/| tw/| swth/ri, mou; Deum salvatorem meum; yQwrP )hL)), perhaps as a result of pointing yhla as “my God” in apposition with y[vy, and treating the y in yhla as the 1st sg. possessive suffix (cf. the next colon) instead of the construct form as pointed in the MT. Although the Gk, La, and Syr are consistent in replacing “salvation” ([vy) with “savior,” the concept of “savior” in Heb is generally rendered with a hiphil participle of the verb [vy (e.g., Judg 3:9), albeit never with a possessive suffix. The phrase y[vy yhla is used four times in the TANAKH, twice without a preposition (Pss 25:5; 27:9) and twice with a preposition (here with l, in Hab 3:18 with b). It is also found once with the plene spelling (yhwla) in Ps 18:47. In all of these verses, the meaning is “God of my salvation.” Thus, the MT has been retained here and my translation is intended to reflect the syntax of the construct chain, though “my saving God” could also be a valid rendering. 84 Translation and Notes ytmq ytlpn yk yl ytbya yxmft-la 8 8 Do not rejoice over me, my enemy, Though I have fallen, I shall rise; s `yl rwa hwhy $vxb bva-yk

Though I sit in darkness, Yhwh is my light.

wl ytajx yk afa hwhy @[z 9 9 I shall bear the rage of Yhwh Because I sinned against him, yjpvm hf[w ybyr byry rva d[ Until the time he pleads my case, And executes justice for me. `wtqdcb hara rwal ynaycwy

He will bring me out to the light; I shall look upon his righteousness.

byla hrmah hvwb hsktw b ytbya artw 10 10 When my enemy sees (this), bShame will cover her who said to me: b hb hnyart yny[ $yhla hwhy cwya “Wherec is Yhwh, your God?” My eyes shall gloat over her,

b-b Heb and Syr both use an active verb in this clause (Heb = piel impf. 3rd fem. sg.; Syr = pe’al impf. 3rd fem. sg.), thus logically treating “shame” as the subject and the relative clause as in apposition to the 3rd-fem. sg. object suffix on the verb. The Gk uses a middle verb form (peribalei/tai) while the La uses a passive (operietur), thus switching the subject and direct object (i.e., “she will be covered/clothed in shame, the one (f.) who said to me …”) as compared with the Heb and Syr. Given the use of the 3rd-fem. sg. object suffix attached to the verb in both Heb and Syr, which only makes sense as a reference to the enemy being described (“… her who said to me”), I retain the MT.

c BHS suggests reading hya in place of MT way without any MS evidence. The same form wya appears in Exod 2:20; 2 Kgs 19:13; Job 14:10; 20:7; and Jer 37:19. BHS notes that Isa 37:13 and two MSS in 2 Kgs 19:13 use hya instead. The Masoretes give hyaw as the qerê for wyaw in Jer 37:19, BHS also suggests removing the 3rd-masc. sg. object suffix or changing it to a pl. (yyaw), given that the subject is pl., not sg. No emendation or alternate readings are listed for Exod 2:20; Job 14:10; and 20:7, in each of which way has to be what was intended because it is the only word that forms the question (“Where is he?”). 85 `twcwx jyjk smrml hyht ht[

Now she will be trampled, Like the mud of the streets.

Strophe II

SP SVO `qx-qxry awhh ~wy $yrdg twnbl ~wy 11 SPred PV awby $yd[w awh ~wy 12 P P rhn-d[w *rwc ynmlw rwcm yr[ *(d[)w rwva ynml P P `rhh rhw ~ym ~yw VSP PP `~hyll[m yrpm hybvy-l[ hmmvl #rah htyhw 13

86

Translation and Notes

f`qx-qxry f eawhh ~wye $yrdg twnbl ~wyd 11

11 dA day to build your (f.) walls; eOn that daye the fboundary will be far.f

d-d The Gk includes an additional colon between the two Heb cola in v. 11, thus prompting the Göttingen LXX to shift the placement of h` h`me,ra evkei,nh in v. 11 to the middle colon, as well as h` h`me,ra evkei,nh from MT v. 12aa as part of the third Gk colon in v. 11: h`me,raj avloifh/j pli,nqou / evxa,leiyi,j sou h` h`me,ra evkei,nh / kai. avpotri,yetai no,mima, h` h`me,ra evkei,nh (“a day of laying of bricks” / “that day is your destruction” / “and that day the laws will be abolished [rubbed out]”).

e-e The syntax is unusual here. When the demonstrative pronoun is being used adjectively (“this day”), one would expect that it agree with the noun in definiteness (or lack thereof); see T. O. Lambdin, Introduction to Biblical Hebrew (New York: Charles Scribner’s Sons, 1971) §40. In contrast, if the pronoun is used predicatively (“this is the day”), the primary noun will have the definite article while the pronoun will not (ibid.). Here, however, the pronoun has the definite article (awhh) while the noun (~wy) does not (cf. v. 12 where both lack the article). GKC (§126 x) includes this verse among several about which it writes “either the text is corrupt, or the expression incorrect” (p. 409). P. Joüon (A Grammar of Biblical Hebrew: Part Three: Syntax: Paradigms and Indices [trans. T. Muraoka; Subsidia Biblica 14/2; Rome: Pontifical Biblical Institute, 2003] §143 j) considers awhh a “quasi-demonstrative” or “weak demonstrative” that is an adjective of identity (“the same [day],” which with a “weakened” meaning yields “(on) that [day]”); however, the definite article is used (or can be viewed as being present, when following the pointing of the Masoretes for prefixed prepositions + definite article) with the noun in his examples.

f-f The Heb noun qx carries a variety of meanings, including “statute,” “limit,” and “boundary.” The Heb verb qxr means “be far / distant.” Both the Gk and La interpret qx as “law” (no,mima; lex). However, the Gk uses the verb avpotri,bw (“rub off”) to translate qxr, thus indicating that the laws will be abolished (avpotri,yetai no,mima), i.e., the law will be so far away that, in effect, it is removed. In contrast, the La renders the phrase more literally (maintaining the original ambiguity of the verb): longe fiet lex (“the law will be far/long”). If “law/statute” is intended (as understood in La), the concept of its being removed/abolished would make better sense than its literally or figuratively being “far.” However, interpreting qx as “boundary” is to be preferred given that it is conceptually parallel to “your walls” ($yrdg) in the previous colon. If qx is meant as a geographic or political “boundary,” then “far” in the sense of “extended” could make sense, as could the notion of a “boundary” being “removed.” HALOT (p. 1221) notes that the verb could be repointed to an impf. niphal (3rd masc. sg.), meaning “be removed,” though the niph. of this verb is not attested in the MT. The Syr offers a completely different alternative with oYLQt$t (“you will be exalted”). 87 awby $yd[wh dgawh ~wyg 12

12 gThat/it is the daygd hAnd he [God’s people?] will come to you

[hrwcm yr[ *(d[)w rwva ynml]

[From Assyria and (to) cities of Egypth]

g-g Unlike the case of awhh ~wy in v. 11ab, the definite article is lacking in v. 12aa, which provides a more regular syntactical construction. However, without a definite article attached to ~wy, one might initially take awh as adjectival (“that day”); this, however, poses problems with regard to the placement of the phrase among the cola. The preceding colon (v. 11ab) in Heb already has awhh ~wy and ~wy begins v. 11aa. Thus, it would not make sense to add awh ~wy to the previous colon (except in Gk, due to a third colon in v. 11 of the Gk text; see n. d-d above); however, cf. Hillers, Micah, 88 nn. e, g. The w-conjunction on the following word ($yd[w) results in another unnatural connection. Thus, awh ~wy must be understood as a verbless clause (supposing the MT not to be corrupt). The fact that the two preceding cola also begin with ~wy supports the conclusion that the colon in v. 12aa should also begin with ~wy, though it is interesting that none of the three cola exactly match (~wy stands by itself in v. 11aa, is used with awhh in v. 11ab, and with awh in v.12aa).

h-h The Gk provides an alternate reading for these two cola: kai. ai` po,leij sou h[xousin eivj o`malismo.n kai. eivj diamerismo.n @VAssuri,wn# / kai. ai` po,leij sou ai` ovcurai. eivj diamerismo,n (“And your cities will be for leveling and into the division [of Assyria]” / “and your fortified cities into division”). In place of $yd[w (“and unto/toward you”), the Gk is apparently reading $yr[w (“your cities”; ai` po,leij sou) as the subject in v. 12ab, doing so as a result of d/r confusion vis-à-vis the MT (cf. next colon). The BHS editors wish to repoint the 2nd- masc. sg. suffix on $yd[ to a 2nd-fem. sg. suffix (cf. MT’s pointing of $yrdg in v. 11ab); so also Gunkel, “Micha-Schluß,”158; Hagstrom, Coherence, 100 n. c; Hillers, Micah, 88 n. h); T. Lescow, “Redaktiongeschichtliche Analyse von Micah 6–7,” ZAW 82 (1972) 182-212, here 198; D. E. Miller, Micah and Its Literary Environment, 175 n. 238; J. M. P. Smith, “Critical and Exegetical Commentary,” 149. The Gk also presupposes a pl. verb in place of the sg. awby of MT, perhaps either as a result of metathesis of the a and w (awby [MT] ↔ waby [Gk]) or a missing w at the end of the word (wawby), either of which possibilities would yield the 3rd masc. pl. of awb (the latter using the plene spelling). The pl. is tempting (even without accepting “your cities” as the subject) given that it would make for a smoother reading (“and they will come to you [from …]”), and several English translations favor this (e.g., RSV, NABRE, JPS) as do BHS and various scholars (e.g., Gunkel, “Micha-Schluß,” 158; Hagstrom, Coherence, 100 n. d; Hillers, Micah, 88 n. h; Lescow, “Redaktiongeschichtliche,” 198; Renaud, Formation, 360; Robinson, Zwölf Kleinen Propheten, 150; Sellin, Zwölfprophetenbuch, 301-2; J. M. P. Smith, “Critical and Exegetical Commentary,” 149; R. L. Smith, Micah- Malachi, 56-57; Wellhausen, Kleinen Propheten, 27, 150). However, the La and Syr both support a sg. verb, albeit with different subjects (!); the La has et usque ad te veniet Assur (“and Assyria will come all the way to you”), while the Syr has )t)N yKNBz (“your time will come”). As several scholars have pointed out, emendation to the pl. is unnecessary if one interprets the sg. verb in the MT as a collective or an indefinite impersonal form (see Ben Zvi, Micah, 176; Shaw, Speeches of Micah, 194 n. 4; Waltke, Commentary on Micah, 438; Zapff, Redaktionsgeschichtliche, 153). The Gk phrase eivj diamerismo,n is presumably translating ynml in Heb (which can indicate division of a whole into parts [HALOT, 509]); a Heb source for eivj o`malismo,n in Gk is unclear. 88 [rhn-d[w *rwc ynmlw] hirwcm yr[ *(d[)wi rwva ynml

From Assyria and i(to) cities of Egyptih [And from Tyre and to the River]

i-i The MT has the phrase rwcm yr[w, which can be understood in two ways as pointed in the MT: (1) fortified cities (cf. 2 Chr 8:5; Ps 60:11); or (2) cities of Egypt. If one presupposes a d/r confusion, yr[ becomes yd[ or d[ (“until,” “to”) if one drops the y; in this case, the probable reading would be “and until/to Egypt.” The latter option is appealing for several reasons. First, it is consistent with the use of d[ in the preceding (v. 12ab) and following colon (v. 12bb). Second, reading yr[ as d[ or yd[ would make v. 12ba syntactically parallel to v. 12bb. Third, the use of usque ad in La could reflect a Hebrew d[. However, the Gk, Syr, and even La all support the MT reading of “fortified cities” (rwcm yr[ // ai` po,leij sou ai` ovcurai, // )tNY*$( )tN*YdM // civitates munitas) in v. 12ba. Since the La supports both [y]d[ and yr[, it is possible that d[ initially stood before yr[ but was accidentally omitted due to haplography. Given the implications of the La witness and the structural context that supports the inclusion of d[, I have put d[ in parentheses between w and yr[. Most scholars emend yr[ to either d[ (R. L. Smith, Micah-Malachi, 56-57 [however, Smith also includes “cities” in his English translation on p. 56]) or yd[ (Deissler, Zwölf Propheten II, 199; Gunkel,“Micha-Schluß,”158; Hagstrom, Coherence, 100 n. e; Hillers, Micah, 88 n. i; Jeremias, Die Propheten, 220; Lescow, “Redaktiongeschichtliche,” 198; Marti, Dodekapropheton, 300; Nowack, Die Kleinen Propheten, 241; Robinson, Zwölf Kleinen Propheten, 150; Rudolph, Micha, 129; Sellin, Zwölfprophetenbuch, 301-2; J. M. P. Smith, “Critical and Exegetical Commentary,” 149; Waltke, Commentary on Micah, 438; Wellhausen, Kleinen Propheten, 150); the latter of these two proposed readings is found in one of Kennicott’s MSS but is vocalized by the scribe as “cities” (D. Barthelémy, Critique Textuelle de l’Ancien Testament, tome 3: Ézéchiel, Daniel et les 12 Prophètes [OBO 50/3; Freiburg: Universitätsverlag; Göttingen: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, 1992] 778). Supporters of the MT’s yr[ include D. E. Miller, Micah and Its Literary Environment, 175; Shaw, Speeches of Micah, 194 n. 5; Sweeney, Twelve Prophets, vol. 2, 411. 89 krhn-d[w j*rwc ynmlw [rwcm yr[ (d[)w rwva ynml]

[From Assyria and (to) cities of Egypt] And from Tyrej and to the River;k

j The MT has rAcm', meaning “fortified”/”siege”/”rampart,” “afflicted,” or perhaps reflecting rather a reference to Egypt (against the latter option, see P. J. Calderone, “The Rivers of ‘Masor’,” Bib 42 [1961] 423- 32; however, against Calderone, see D. A. Robertson, Linguistic Evidence in Dating Early Hebrew Poetry [SBLDS 3; Missoula: University of Montana, 1972] 105-6). This word is also found in the preceding colon of the MT (12ba) rwcm yr[ (“fortified cities” or “cities of Egypt”; see n. i-i); however, yr[ (“cities”) is not repeated in v. 12bb. The La supports the understanding of “fortified cities” in v. 12bb (civitates munitas), and supplies the missing word “cities.” However, both the Syr and Gk translate rwcm as “from Tyre” (rwcY oM; avpo. Tu,rou), as does the Syro-Hexapla. It is possible to understand the m as the proclitic form of the preposition !m and, thus, point rwcm as rwOCmi (“from Tyre”; cf. Jer 18:14). The potential problem with this suggestion is that the proclitic form of !m is redundant since !m is already a part of the previous word ynml (!m+l), which can also be understood as meaning “from.” Confusion between h and m is unlikely because the definite article is never attested with rwc when it refers to Tyre in the MT (Josh 19:29; 2 Sam 5:11; 24:7; 1 Kgs 5:1; 7:13; 9:11- 12; 1 Chr 14:1; 2 Chr 2:2; Pss 45:13; 83:8; 87:4; Isa 23:1, 5, 8, 15, 17; Jer 25:22; 27:3; 47:4; Ezek 26:2-4, 7, 15; 27:2-3, 8, 32; 28:2, 12, 18; Hos 9:13 (unclear); Joel 4:4; Amos 1:9, 10; Zech 9:2-3). Thus, either: (1) the Syr and Gk ignored the redundancy in taking the m in rwcm as the proclitic preposition (although the Gk translator may have missed the redundancy since the Gk translates ynml as eivj diamerismo,n [“toward division”]); or (2) the Heb Vorlage (at least that of the Syr) only had rwc without a m. With regard to the second possibility, it is possible that a scribe accidentally copied rwcm from v. 12ba in place of rwc. Calderone (“Rivers of ‘Masor’,” 431) suggests placing the m in both instances of rwcm with the previous word as an enclitic m; thus, he suggests reading rwOc (“rock”) and rWc (“Tyre”) respectively in v. 12ba-b. Other scholars who support the reading of rwc in v. 12bb include: Gunkel, “Micha-Schluß,” 159; Lescow, “Redaktiongeschichtliche,” 198; Renaud, Formation, 358, 361; Robinson, Zwölf Kleinen Propheten , 150-51; Rudolph, Micha, 127, 129, 133; Sellin, Zwölfprophetenbuch, 301-2; Shaw, Speeches of Micah, 194, 205. See exegesis and commentary section for further discussion regarding the case for “Tyre” in this colon.

k “The River” referring to the Euphrates River, which can be designated by name (trp[-rhn]; e.g., Gen 2:14; 15:18; Deut 1:7; 11:24; Josh 1:4; 2 Kgs 23:29; Jer 13:4-7), as the “Great River” (lwdgh/ldgh rhnh; Gen 15:18; Deut 1:7; Josh 1:4), and/or just “the River” (rhnh; Exod 23:31; Deut 11:24; 1 Kgs 5:1 // 2 Chr 9:26). One exception is in Dan 10:4, where the author refers to the Tigris River (lqdx) as the “Great River” (lwdgh rhnh); elsewhere in the MT, the Tigris is mentioned only in Gen 2:14 in which it is listed as one of the four rivers of Eden (as is the Euphrates). Elsewhere whenever rhn follows d[, it always refers to the Euphrates (Gen 15:18; Exod 23:31; Deut 1:7; Josh 1:4). However, Calderone (“Rivers of ‘Masor’,” 431) suggests that rhn in Mic 7:12 may refer to the Nile instead; Decorzant (Vom Gericht zum Erbarmen, 29) includes the Nile (citing Isa 19:5 for comparison) and the Tigris (citing Dan 4:10) as other possibilities in addition to the Euphrates (citing Gen 15:18). 90 lm`rhh rhwm ~ym ~ywl lAnd [to?] sea from sea, mAnd [to?] mountain [from] mountain;ml `~hyll[m yrpm hybvy-l[ hmmvl #rah htyhw 13

13And the earth will be desolate On account of its inhabitants, from the

fruit of their deeds.

Strophe III

VOP O $tlxn !ac $jbvb $m[ h[r 14

l-l In place of this bicolon in the MT, the Gk has h`me,ra u[datoj kai. qoru,bou (“a day of water and turmoil”). “Day of water” is obviously based on a different pointing of the MT Heb consonants (~yIm; ~[wO]y rather than ~Y"mi ~y"). Presumably, a similar mistake was made with regard to qoru,bou, though its Heb equivalent is unclear. Whenever two seas are used in the OT as part of a directional or boundary formula, the Mediterranean Sea is always the western boundary/sea, while another sea (often the Dead Sea) forms the eastern direction/boundary (e.g., Exod 23:31; Joel 2:20; Zech 14:18); for suggestions regarding which seas are meant in Mic 7:12, see Cheyne, Micah, 58; Deissler, Zwölf Propheten II, 199; Jenson, Obadiah, Jonah, Micah, 185; J. M. P. Smith, “Critical and Exegetical Commentary,” 149.

m-m The syntax of the MT is odd here, lit. “and mountain (of?) the mountain.” A few scholars suggest that it should be understood as a superlative genitive, “the loftiest mountain,” and/or possibly a reference to Mount Zion; see Renaud, Formation, 361; Shaw, Speeches of Micah, 194; Zapff, Redaktionsgeschichtliche, 155. See n. l-l above regarding the Gk. The Syr reads )rw+ rwhL )Md(w (“and as far as Mount Hor”). The Syr is correct in that everywhere else that rhh rh appears in the MT, Mount Hor is intended (Num 20:22, 23, 25, 27; 21:4; 33:37, 38, 39, 41; 34:7, 8; Deut 32:50). However, the context does not support this interpretation here, given the similar double use of ~y in the preceding colon; it is likely that the preposition in v.12ca should be viewed as “gapped” to v.12bb, or perhaps a m should be read in place of the definite article on rhh (cf. ~ym in the previous colon; see Deissler, Zwölf Propheten II, 199; Gunkel, “Micha-Schluß,” 159; Jeremias, Die Propheten, 220; Marti, Dodekapropheton, 300; J. M. P. Smith, “Critical and Exegetical Commentary,” 149; R. L. Smith, Micah – Malachi, 57; Wellhausen, Kleinen Propheten, 150). The La translates the bicolon of v.12c as et ad mare de mari / et ad montem de monte (“and to sea from sea / and to mountain from mountain”), thus treating both cola as having a parallel structure and supplying some prepositions not found in the MT. The Syro-Hexapla contains the more traditional “from … to” construction in both cola: )MYL )Md(w )MY oMw )rw+ )Md(w )rw+ oMw / (“from sea and as far as [the] sea” / “and from mountain as far as [the] mountain”). Some scholars and BHS want to read rh d[ rhmw ~y d[ ~ym (cf. Syro-Hexapla) or a similar variation for v.12c (e.g., Hagstrom, Coherence, 100; Hillers, Micah, 88 n. k; Marti, Dodekapropheton, 300; Robinson, Zwölf Kleinen Propheten, 150), thus supplying prepositions on the basis of the traditional d[…!m directional formula used earlier in v.12bb (and possibly v.12ba). Decorzant (Vom Gericht zum Erbarmen, 29) suggests a combination of “[to] ... from” in v. 12ca and “[from] ... [ to]” in v. 12cb. However, such extensive emendation is not necessary when one observes with Andersen and Freedman (Micah, 586) that the prepositions are used chiastically between v. 12b and v. 12c, with some prepositions missing but logically implied (cf. La). For suggestions about what mountains may be intended, see Cheyne, Micah, 58; Deissler, Zwölf Propheten II, 199; Jenson, Obadiah, Jonah, Micah, 185. 91 VP SP lmrk $wtb r[y ddbl ynkv VOO P `~lw[ ymyk d[lgw !vb w[ry PP VO `twalpn wnara ~yrcm #ram $tac ymyk 15 VS VP ~trwbg lkm wvbyw ~ywg wary 16 VOP SV `hnvrxt ~hynza hp-l[ dy wmyfy VOP P #ra ylxzk vxnk rp[ wkxly 17 VP PV wdxpy wnyhla hwhy-la ~hytrgsmm wzgry VP `$mm waryw

Translation and Notes $tlxn !ac $jbvb $m[ h[r 14

14Shepherd your people with your staff, The flock of your inheritance,

olmrk $wtb r[y ddbl nynkv

Who dwellsn alone, A forest in the midst of Carmel.o `~lw[ ymyk d[lgw !vb w[ry

May they graze upon Bashan and Gilead, As in the days of old.

n Both the Gk and La use a pl. ptc. instead of the MT’s sg. (kataskhnou/ntaj; habitantes), while the Syr rd uses a pe’al impf. 3 masc. pl. (nwr$N). Accordingly, BHS wishes emend the MT to a plural (see also Gunkel, “Micha-Schluß,” 163; Lescow, “Redaktiongeschichtliche,” 198; Robinson, Zwölf Kleinen Propheten, 150; Sellin, Zwölfprophetenbuch, 301-2). However, such emendation is not necessary since the antecedent !ac (“flock”) in the previous colon (or possibly $m[ in v. 14aa) is singular (although it also can be understood in a collective sense).

o Scholars are divided as to whether lmrk should be interpreted here as the proper name, “Carmel,” or according to its common meaning, “garden.” The proper name interpretation is supported by the Gk, Syr, and La, but this interpretation is far from certain. Scholars who support the common meaning of the word include Gunkel, “Micha-Schluß,” 163; Hillers, Micah, 87; Jeremias, Die Propheten, 220; Renaud, Formation, 362; Rudolph, Micha, 127; Sellin, Zwölfprophetenbuch, 301; Shaw, Speeches of Micah, 206; R. L. Smith, Micah - Malachi, 56; Waltke, Commentary on Micah, 432, 441; Weiser, Zwölf Kleinen Propheten, 288; Wolff, Micha, 187; Zapff, Redaktionsgeschichtliche,140, 157. 92 `twalpn pwnara ~yrcm #ram $tac ymyk 15

15As in the days when you went out from

the land of Egypt, I will show himp wonders.

~trwbg lkm wvbyw ~ywg wary 16

16 The nations will see And they will be ashamed from all

their strength / might. `hnvrxt ~hynza hp-l[ dy wmyfy

They will place (their) hand upon (their) mouth; Their ears will be deaf.

#ra ylxzk vxnk rp[ wkxly 17

17 They will lick dust as a snake, Like crawling things of the earth.

p The La agrees with the MT here (ostendam ei mirabilia). The Syr almost agrees with the MT, except rd rd that it changes the object pronoun from 3 sg. to 3 pl. ()tD8Mdt nwN) )wX)); however, the Syr also uses a rd nd nd 3 pl. verb in v. 15aa (wQPN; “they went out”), whereas the Heb, Gk, and La all use a 2 sg. The Gk uses a 2 sg. verb in v. 15ab and lacks the pronominal object: o;yesqe qaumasta, (“you will see wonders”), thus avoiding the rough transition from 2nd sg. to 3rd sg. in the Heb and La. BHS and several scholars emend wnara to wnarh (“show us”); thus: Deissler, Zwölf Propheten II, 200; Gunkel, “Micha-Schluß,” 163; Hillers, Micah, 87-88; Jeremias, Die Propheten, 220; Lescow, “Redaktiongeschichtliche,” 198; Renaud, Formation, 362; Rudolph, Micha, 130; Sellin, Zwölfprophetenbuch, 301-302; R. L. Smith, Micah - Malachi, 56, 58; Weiser, Zwölf Kleinen Propheten, 288; Wellhausen, Kleinen Propheten, 150; Wolff, Micha, 187, 189. For more details and other suggested emendations, see Barthelémy, Critique Textuelle, tome 3, 779-81. 93 rwdxpy wnyhla hwhy-lar q~hytrgsmm wzgry q qThey will quake from their strongholds;q rThey will turn in dread to Yhwh,

our God,r

`s$mm waryw

And they will be afraid of you.s

Strophe IV

SP $wmk la-ym 18 VO VPP wtlxn tyravl [vp-l[ rb[w !w[ afn VO VOS `awh dsx #px-yk wpa d[l qyzxh-al VV VO wnytnw[ vbky wnmxry bwvy 19 VP O `wntwajx-lk ~y twlcmb $ylvtw

q-q HALOT (p. 604) suggests “prisons” as the meaning of trgsm in this passage, whereas BDB (p. 689) offers “fastnesses.” The context would seem to indicate a type of enclosure within which the people have barricaded themselves for protection (so also 2 Sam 22:46 // Ps 18:46, even though HALOT cites both verses in support of “prisons”). The Gk comes closest the Heb with sugcuqh,sontai evn sugkleismw/| auvtw/n (“they will be stirred up in their confinements/encirclements”). The La has proturbabuntur de aedibus suis (“they will be driven out in confusion from their households/dwellings”), which deviates slightly from the war imagery, though this may be one way to understand the Heb. The Syr is the most different with nwhYLY*B$ oM nwzGrN (“they will part in anger from their paths”).

r-r There are some slight variations among the traditions for this phrase. The Syr most closely approximates the Heb with its nw(wzN nhL) )YrM oMw (“They will tremble from the Lord our God”; the Heb root dxp can also be translated as “tremble”). The Gk uses the fut. ind. mid. 3rd pl. of the verb evxi,sthmi; hence, “they will be amazed/confused because of the Lord our God,” though evxi,sthmi can also indicate “awe” in the sense of fear. In contrast to the verbs indicating a reaction of fear, the La uses desiderabunt (“they will desire/long for”). Given the context, the idea of “tremble”/“be in dread of” is likely in view of the presence of zgr (“quake,” “shake”) in the previous colon. Noteworthy is the attestation of the 1st pl. pronoun used to modify “God” in all four versions; inconsistencies in the use of pronouns in this passage often prompt scholars to emend the MT to create a smoother reading. Robinson (Zwölf Kleinen Propheten, 150) suggests deleting wnyhla hwhy from the above text.

s Although some scholars wish to emend the MT’s 2nd-sg. object suffix here (e.g., Gunkel, “Micha- Schluß,” 163), the Gk and La both agree with the Heb (though the La lacks the preposition). The Syr only has nwLXdNw (“and they will be afraid”), with no indication of the cause of the fear. 94 VOP OP ~hrbal dsx bq[yl tma !tt 20

[VP] [P] `~dq ymym wnytbal t[bvn-rva

Translation and Notes

$wmk la-ym 18 18 Who is a god like you? twtlxn tyravl [vp-l[ rb[w !w[ afn

Pardoning iniquity and passing over the transgression of the

remnant of hist inheritance?

`awh dsx #px-yk wpa d[l qyzxh-al

He does not retain his anger forever Because he delights in steadfast love.

wnytnw[ uvbky wnmxry bwvy 19 19 He will again have compassion on us; He will treadu upon our offenses. `vwntwajx-lk ~y twlcmb $ylvtw

And you will throw into the depths of the sea All ourv sins.

t Both Gk and Syr support the MT’s use of the 3rd-masc. sg. possessive pronoun; however, the La uses the 2nd sg. (tuae).

u Or, “subdue.” HALOT (p. 460) suggests emending to the verb sbk (“to wash”); however, this emendation is unnecessary, as noted by R. P. Gordon (“Micah 7:19 and Akkadian KABĀSU,” VT 28 [1978] 355). Moreover, the Gk katadu,sei (“will make sink”) and La deponet (“will put away”) correspond more closely to vbk than sbk. The Syr uses $wNKN (“gather”).

v Only the Heb uses a 3rd-pl. possessive pronoun (~twajx; “their [sins]”); Gk, Syr, and La each uses the 1st-pl. possessive pronoun (“our”), which does make better sense in the context. On the other hand, the MT is consistently inconsistent with regard to the use of the pronouns for the different persons in this passage; thus, the other versions may be smoothing out perceived difficulties in the Heb. Some scholars who support emending to the 1st-person pronoun include Gunkel, “Micha-Schluß,” 168; Hillers, Micah, 87, 89; Jeremias, Die Propheten, 221; Sellin, Zwölfprophetenbuch, 301-2; R. L. Smith, Micah - Malachi, 56, 58; Weiser, Zwölf Kleinen Propheten, 288; Wellhausen, Kleinen Propheten, 150; Wolff, Micha, 187, 189. R. Weiss (“On Ligatures in the Hebrew Bible (wn = ~),” JBL 82 [1963] 188-94) suggests that sometimes scribal errors caused wn 95 ~hrbal dsx bq[yl tma !tt 20

20 You will give truth to Jacob, Steadfast love to Abraham

`~dq ymym wnytbal t[bvn-rva

Which you swore to our ancestors From the days of old.

2. Authenticity and Dating

Most scholars date Mic 7:7(8)-20 to the exilic or (more often) postexilic period. One of the few scholars who argues for an eighth-century B.C.E. date is B. Walke, who makes the claim (citing D. A. Robinson) that the “grammar of Micah is preexilic, displaying none of the characteristic features of postexilic Hebrew.”5 Robinson, however, only identifies one indication of early Hebrew poetry in Mic 7:11-20, which he lists as an archaism given the lack of other indicators of old poetry.6 The word cited by him is ynkv, a qal ptc. masc. sg. with a y added, in v. 14ba. Robinson does mention that a y added to a noun or participle in

Hebrew poetry could be indicative of early poetry if it is bound; however, use of this form in apposition to another word is common in standard poetic Hebrew (eighth century – late postexilic).7 In Mic 7:14ba, ynkv is used in apposition with !ac in the previous colon (v.

14ab) and, hence, is not a strong indicator of early poetry. Accordingly, the text shows no signs of being in circulation before the time of Micah (eighth century); however, the

to be confused with ~; see also Robertson, Linguistic Evidence, 88-89. Thus, although the 3rd-pl. suffix ~ is not impossible in this context, a 1st-pl. wn makes better sense.

5 Waltke, Micah, 11.

6 Robertson, Linguistic Evidence, 136.

7 Ibid., 70, 72-73, 76; see dates for standard poetic Hebrew on p. 3. 96 linguistic evidence cited by Robinson also does not help to determine whether the text is preexilic, exilic, or postexilic.

Words in Mic 7:7-20 that are found in late and poetic texts include: @[z (v. 9aa), hvwb (v. 10ab), smrm (v. 10ca), jyj (v. 10cb), and lxz (v. 17ab); all appear in either Isaiah (@[z in 30:30; smrm in 5:5; 7:25; 10:6; 28:18; jyj in 57:20) and/or later texts. However, several of these words are rare, and it is possible that some were used during the time of

Classical Biblical Hebrew (CBH) but are not found in any extant texts, given the limited corpus that is extant. Thus, the above vocabulary does not prove a Late Biblical Hebrew

(LBH) origin for Mic 7:7-20 but tentatively pushes the balance in that direction.

Thematically, the text also seems to fit best in an early postexilic context (i.e., after the Fall of Jerusalem but before the rebuilding of the wall at Jerusalem), given the many similar themes and vocabulary in Isaiah, Jeremiah, and Ezekiel, especially with regard to the future restoration of Israel.

3. Exegetical Analysis and Commentary

Although some scholars divide Mic 7:7(8)-20 differently or wish to exclude certain verses (esp. vv. 11-13) from the original liturgical text, the entirety of the passage can be understood as fitting together in a logical pattern in its canonical form, as Gunkel noted in

1924, even if some parts are later additions.8 The strophic division used in my work was determined largely based on change in speakers and/or tone, independently of Gunkel’s analysis even though my divisions correspond with the divisions that he proposed. Verse 7

8 See the section on Micah in the history of research (chap. 2, section 2) above for a summary of Gunkel’s (“Micha-Schluß”) strophic analysis, as well as some of those who exclude vv. 11-13 from the original liturgical form of Mic 7:7(8)-20 (e.g., Renaud, Formation; Wolff, Micha). 97 serves as a bridge or transition from 7:1-6 to 7:8-20. The first strophe (vv. 8-10) is a song of trust/confidence in Yhwh spoken by Zion/Jerusalem, which is followed by an oracle of promise (second strophe) in vv. 11-13 as a response to Zion/Jerusalem by either the prophet or Yhwh. The third strophe (vv. 14-17) is a petition to Yhwh from the community, which leads into the concluding song of praise (vv. 18-20; fourth strophe), affirming that Yhwh will respond to the people.

3.1. Introduction / Bridge (7:7)

7But as for me, I shall watch for Yhwh, I shall wait for the God of my salvation.

Verse 7 provides a transition from oracles of doom (6:1-7:6) to a proclamation of hope and trust in Yhwh (vv. 8-20, along with v. 7 itself). It is unclear whether v. 7 was part of the text prior to the addition of the final verses of Micah, either at the same time as 7:1-6 or by a later redactor. Although v. 7’s tone and content are different than vv. 1-6, a sudden expression of faith, often introduced with an adversative w, is not uncommon in laments and hymns.9 A similar phrase is also found near the end of the hymn in Habakkuk 3:

`y[vy yhlab hlyga hzwl[a hwhyb ynaw18

But I myself will exult in Yhwh; I will rejoice in the God of my salvation.

The function of the adversative w in such contexts is to create a contrast between either disbelievers/evil ones/enemies (e.g., Ps 5:8) and/or unfavorable circumstances, such as drought/famine (e.g., Hab 3:18), and the affirmation of faith by the psalmist or prophet that

Yhwh will hear and respond to his prayer.10 In the verses preceding Mic 7:7, the situation of

9 See, for example: Pss 5:8; 13:5; 26:11; 31:7, 15; 52:10; 59:17; 69:14; 73:28; Hab 3:18.

10 Among the Twelve (Minor) Prophets, only Mic 7:7; Hab 3:18; and Jonah 2:10 use ynaw in this manner. Elsewhere, the 1st-sg. pronoun with the w conjunction is used primarily by Yhwh (Hos 5:2, 12; 7:15; 98 the speaker is likened to barren vines following a harvest, leaving nothing to eat (v. 1) and with the community having become corrupt and untrustworthy even toward relatives and neighbors (vv. 2-6). The presence of ynaw with an adversative w used in this type of context fits well with the hymnic style, as does the phrase y[vy yhla (“God of my salvation”; found elsewhere only in Pss 18:46 (yhwla); 25:5; 27:9; and Hab 3:18).11

There are some interesting patterns in the content and structure of the cola in this verse viewed in relation to one another. Syntactically, v. 7aa and v.7ab match chiastically with gapping of the subject pronoun (SPV::VP[S]), followed by an inverted order in v. 7b

[VS] relative to the two units in v. 7aa [SV], as well as a repetition of the same two units in v. 7ab [VS], one of which includes a gapped subject from v. 7aa. Conceptually, the pattern is even more pronounced, especially when one takes into account the uses of the pronominal suffixes12:

7aa A - 1st person pronoun: ynaw B+C - Preposition + word for God (Yhwh): hwhyb D - Verb: hpca 7ab D′ - Verb: hlyxwa B′ +C′ - Preposition + word for God (Elohim): y[vy yhlal A′ - 1st person pronoun: suffix on y[vy (or yna gapped from v. 7aa)

10:11; Joel 2:27; Jonah 4:11, Hag 2:6; Zech 2:9; 8:8; 13:9; Mal 1:4), with the exception of Jonah 2:5, where Jonah uses ynaw in a simple continuative sense (“and I”).

11 wn[vy yhla (“God of our salvation”) is found in 1 Chr 16:35 (a prayer); Pss 65:6; 79:9; 85:5. $[vy yhla (“God of your salvation”) appears only in Isa 17:10; w[vy yhla (“God of his salvation”) is used only in Ps 24:5. There are no occurrences of the phrase in the MT without a pronominal suffix (i.e., [vy yhla [“God of salvation”]). There are, however, many other variations of the phrase using words like !rq (“horn”; e.g., Ps 18:3) or rwc (“rock”; e.g., Ps 95:1) in place of yhla.

12 This pattern in Mic 7:7a is also present in Hab 3:18. 99 7b D′ - Verb: yn[mvy A′ + C′ - 1st person pronoun + word for God (Elohim): suffix on yhla

Another way of looking at v. 7b is as a combination of the 1st person pronoun and a word for

God with elements of the previous two cola while omitting the prepositions (since God functions as a subject in v. 7b rather than an object of a preposition as in the previous two cola).

3.2. Strophe I: Zion/Jerusalem’s Song of Trust in Yhwh (7:8-10)

8 Do not rejoice over me, my enemy, Though I have fallen, I shall rise;

Though I sit in darkness, Yhwh is my light.

9 I shall bear the rage of Yhwh Because I sinned against him,

Until the time he pleads my case, And executes justice for me.

He will bring me out to the light; I shall look upon his righteousness.

10 When my enemy sees (this), Shame will cover her who said to me:

“Where is Yhwh, your God?” My eyes shall gloat over her,

Now she will be trampled, Like the mud of the streets.

There is a shift in speaker in vv. 8-10 in comparison to v. 7, which is one indication that v. 7 was not originally part of vv. 8-10 and, hence, should be treated separately. In v. 7, the voice of the prophet is recognizable; here, in vv. 8-10, we hear the words of

Zion/Jerusalem (or perhaps Samaria, if one accepts a northern origin). The key to this interpretation is that the term “enemy” (ytbya) and the associated verbs and pronouns are feminine, alluding to an enemy city (representing its ruler and citizens), which is left 100 unspecified. For those who accept an eighth-century date for this passage, the logical choice for the personified enemy would be Nineveh.13 Given the context, the yk in both v. 8ab and v. 8ba probably carries a concessive nuance. If so, the second verb in v. 8ab (ytmq) would be the apodosis and, although both verbs are perfects, the second verb should be interpreted as a future tense relative to that of the first verb (ytlpn) in the protasis which is also perfect; thus: “Though I have fallen (ytlpn), I will rise (ytmq).”14 Since this imagery along with the reference to sitting in darkness in the following colon most strongly evokes association with the Fall of Jerusalem to Babylon (587 B.C.E.), an exilic or early postexilic socio-historical context appears more likely.15 In that context, the personified enemy in vv. 8-10 could be

Babylon, or perhaps a neighboring nation that is conceptualized as having benefited (and, hence, rejoiced) at the destruction of Jerusalem. A popular suggestion for the personified enemy is Edom.16 It is also possible that the enemy is intended to have a collective, general meaning.

13 See Waltke, Micah, 433.

14 More literally, the Heb could be translated as “Though I fell, I rose,” which would still seem to recall the Fall of Jerusalem. The yk could also yield other translations, such as conditional (“If I fall, I will rise”) or temporal (“When I fall, I will rise”; as in Syr), either of which makes the statement hypothetical and, hence, could just as easily fit a preexilic context. Both the Gk and La interpret the yk as causative (o[ti; quia) and understand it in connection with the previous colon (“Do not rejoice over me, my enemy, because I have fallen”). Both Gk and La also use the perfect tense to translate ytlpn (pe,ptwka; cecidi) and the future tense to translate ytmq (avnasth,somai; consurgam).

15 For a comparison of verses in Mic 7:7-20 with the book of Lamentations, see Shaw, Speeches of Micah, 198.

16 For examples, see Decorzant, Vom Gericht zum Erbarmen, 158 (he also suggests Babel and Philistia); Deissler, Zwölf Propheten II, 198 (he also suggests Babel); Gunkel, “Micha-Schluß,” 157; Jeremias, Die Propheten, 224 (he also suggests Babel); Robinson, Zwölf Kleinen Propheten, 150; Shaw, Speeches of Micah, 198; Weiser, Zwölf Kleinen Propheten, 289 (he also suggests Babel), Zapff, Redaktionsgeschichtliche, 175 (he also suggests Babel).

101 The word jyj (v. 10) means “clay” or “mud” and is only found in hymns and prophetic writings.17 The exact phrase twcwx jyjk only appears elsewhere in Ps 18:43 // 2

Sam 22:43 and Zech 9:3. As with Mic 7:10, the parallel passages in Psalm 18 and 2 Samuel

22 use the phrase to describe the downfall of an enemy. In Zech 9:3, the phrase is used with reference to Tyre.18 Given the plausible use of “Tyre” in v. 12 (see below), perhaps Tyre is intended as the personified enemy in this verse (or at least one such enemy).

The movement in this strophe begins with an admonition to Zion/Jerusalem’s enemy not to rejoice over her (v. 8), followed by mention of the reason for Zion/Jerusalem’s punishment from Yhwh and an affirmation of faith that Yhwh will vindicate her (v. 9). It then continues with a renewed reference to the female enemy who will be humiliated and made like the mud of the streets (v. 10). The primary recurring themes focus around light

(rwa; v. 8bb; v. 9ca) and seeing (har; v. 9cb; v. 10aa; v. 10bb). Though Zion/Jerusalem has fallen and sits in darkness in v. 8, Yhwh will bring her into the light (v. 9) and her enemy will see her arise again and Zion/Jerusalem will gloat over her enemy (v. 10). Also to be noted is the presence of court language in v. 9b, which includes a play-on-words between the verb byr (“strive,” “contend”; “carry on / judge a legal dispute”) and the accusative cognate noun byr (“strife,” “contention”; “legal case”) in v. 9ba, as well as a proclamation of faith that Yhwh will execute jpvm (“justice”) for Zion/Jerusalem.

17 2 Sam 22:43; Job 41:22; Pss 18:43; 40:3; 69:15; Isa 41:25; 57:20; Jer 38:6; Nah 3:14; Zech 9:3; 10:5.

18 Zech 9:3 reads twcwx jyjk #wrxw rp[k @sk-rbctw hl rwcm rc !btw (“Tyre has built a rampart for herself, and heaped up silver like dust and gold like the mud of the streets”), which is followed by an announcement that “she” will be destroyed by Yhwh (Zech 9:4). 102

3.3. Strophe II: Oracle of Promise in Response to Zion/Jerusalem (7:11-13)

11A day to build your (f.) walls; On that day the boundary will be far.

12That/it is the day And he [God’s people?] will come to you

From Assyria and (to) cities of Egypt And from Tyre to the River;

And [to?] sea from sea, And [to?] mountain [from] mountain;

13And the earth will be desolate On account of its inhabitants, from the fruit of

their deeds

This strophe provides a response to the previous strophe in which Zion/Jerusalem expresses confidence that, despite her having “fallen,” Yhwh will make her triumphant over her enemy. The first person shifts from Zion/Jerusalem in the previous strophe to that of either the prophet or Yhwh who addresses Zion/Jerusalem in the second person.

The strophe opens with three cola that each begin with ~wy (“day”), albeit in three different constructions (v. 11aa ~wy; v. 11ab awhh ~wy; v. 12aa awh ~wy).19 Despite the textual difficulties and variations among the ancient versions (Heb, Gk, La, and Syr), all three formulations describe the future day when Israel (or Zion/Jerusalem) will be restored to a position of prominence among the nations.20 The “walls” will be rebuilt (v. 11aa), thus possibly referring to physical city walls or more figuratively to boundaries of the nation (the latter understanding would tie in well with the use of qx [“boundary”] in the following

19 See textual notes with translation above in section 1 of this chapter. For another alternative, see Hillers, Micah, 88 n. e.

20 However, the LXX clearly interprets vv. 11-12 in a negative light – i.e., that Jerusalem/Israel will be destroyed. This would fit better with Micah’s time; however, the placement of these verses understood in this way in their current context does not make sense following the song of confidence in Yhwh in vv. 8-10, which ends with an image of hope and restoration. A negative interpretation of vv. 11-12 might provide another reason for viewing vv. 11-12(13) as not original to the rest of vv. 7(8)-20; however, it seems unlikely that a later redactor would intentionally have inserted something that contrasts so radically with the immediate context and disrupts any sense of logical flow. On the other hand, a positive interpretation of these verses (as offered above in the commentary) does fit well with the overall movement and imagery in vv. 7-20. 103 colon).21 The boundary will be far (v. 11ab), perhaps referring to expansion/restoration of

Israel’s ideal boundaries (see, e.g., Josh 1:4).

Verse 12a grammatically and conceptually provides a link between v. 11, which mentions restoration of walls and boundaries, and vv. 12b-c, which uses boundary/directional formulas. Grammatically, v. 12aa ends a sequence of three cola beginning with ~wy, while v. 12ab initiates a sequence of three cola that use d[ (“until,” “as far as”), if one accepts that d[ should be understood in v. 12ba either via gapping from v. 12ab or as having been lost in the MT due to a scribal error (d/r confusion yielding MT’s yr[ or haplography).22 The boundary/directional formulas in vv.12b-c are used to further describe from where “he” (a collective designation for Israelites in the Diaspora, or perhaps a reference to the nations that will pay tribute/honor to Israel) will come to “you” (Israel). Before discussing the locations cited in the boundary/directional formulas, it will be useful to more fully examine the presence of “Tyre” in v. 12bb.

EXCURSUS: TYRE IN MIC 7:12

In addition to the support of the Gk and Syr witnesses, the choice of rwc (“Tyre”) in place of the MT’s rwcm in 12bb is further supported because its presence can explain two unusual phenomena in v. 12ba as part of a boundary/directional formula: (1) the use of (rwcm) yr[ (“cities [of Egypt]”) instead of (~yrcm) lwbg / lxn / rhn (“river/wadi/border [of Egypt”) or ~yrcm (“Egypt”) by itself, especially when paired with rwva; and (2) the

21 The word translated “wall” in this verse is rdg, which is not the common Heb word used for protective city walls (hmwx). HALOT (p. 181) defines rdg as a “dry-stone wall, made without mortar from loose stones from a field.” In other passages, it is often used to indicate a “wall” along a road and/or around a vineyard (e.g., Num 22:24; Ps 80:12; Isa 5:5). The author of Mic 7:11 could have a vineyard metaphor in mind. Both rdg and smrm (v. 10 above) appear together in Isa 5:5, which states that the vineyard’s rdg (“wall”) will be torn down and the vineyard will be smrml (“for trampling”).

22 See n. i above in the translation/critical notes (section 1 of this chapter). 104 choice of rwcm in place of the more common ~yrcm for “Egypt.”23 Neither of the terms (~yrcm/rwcm) yr[ or rwcm are attested elsewhere as part of a boundary or directional formula. However, neither is rwc attested in this type of context; thus, we must first establish the case for the inclusion of rwc apart from the uses of the terms yr[ and rwcm. There are two arguments that can be made for the reading rwc, apart from its potential connections with yr[ and rwcm. First, whenever four directional toponyms or generic terms are used in the OT, they are always used in the sense of four different directions: north, south, east, west (not necessarily in that order), often with north-south and east-west pairings.24 The majority of scholars agree that the MT’s rwcm is a reference to “Egypt” in both Mic 7:12ba and 7:12bb, and that rwva (“Assyria”) and rhnh (“the River,” i.e., Euphrates) are parallel between the two cola. Thus, the movement can be diagramed as:

north : south :: south : north

rwva : rwcm :: rwcm : rhnh

However, I have been unable to find any examples of this kind of chiasm as part of directional designations, especially in the context of a “from A until/to B” formula.25 Thus,

23 For uses of ~yrcm (by itself) with rwva as part of a boundary or directional formula, see Isa 19:23a. The phrase ~yrcm lwbg (“boundary of Egypt”) is used in connection with rhnh (“the River” – i.e., Euphrates) in 1 Kgs 5:1 // 2 Chr 2:9. The phrase ~yrcm rhn (“River of Egypt”) is used with trp-rhnh ldgh rhnh (“the Great River, the River Euphrates”) in Gen 15:18 and with rhnh in Isa 27:12 (again, paired with the Euphrates) . The phrase ~yrcm lxn (“Wadi of Egypt”) is used with trp-rhn (“River Euphrates”) in 2 Kgs 24:7. In many cases, no other directional terms are provided; however, this makes sense since Assyria/Euphrates can represent NE (not just N) while Egypt can represent SW (not just S), thus encompassing all the area in between the two regions (see also Decorzant, Vom Gericht zum Erbarmen, 165). For more general pairings or comparisons of Egypt and Assyria (or their rivers), see: Josh 24:14; Isa 7:18; 11:11, 15, 16; 19:24, 25; 27:13; Jer 2:18, 36; Ezek 16:26-28; 23:5-8; Hos 7:11; 9:3; 11:5, 11; 12:2; Zech 10:10, 11. Other verses in which rwcm is understood as referring to Egypt include 2 Kgs 19:24; Isa 19:6; 37:25.

24 For examples, see Gen 28:8; Exod 23:31; Deut 11:24; Josh 1:4; Ps 75:7.

25 The closest equivalent is Isa 19:23, which mentions a highway hrwva ~yrcmm (“from Egypt to Assyria”), followed by ~yrcmb rwva-ab (“Assyria[ns] will come into Egypt”) and rwvab ~yrcm (“Egypt[ians] into Assyria”), and rwva-ta ~yrcm wdb[ (“Egypt[ians] will serve Assyria”). However, the 105 when four directional-related terms are cited, one would expect the designations to correspond to north, south, east, and west directions. Some examples (order of appearance in the passage indicated by means of parentheses): Passage South North East West Gen hbgn hnpc hmdq hmy 28:14 to the Negev (4) to  (3) to the east (2) to the sea (1)

Exod rbdm rhnh @ws-~y ~ytvlp ~y 23:31 wilderness (3) the River Reed Sea (1) Sea of (Euph.) (4) Philistines (2) Deut rbdmh !wnblh trp-rhn rhnh !wrxah ~yh 11:24 wilderness (1) Lebanon (2) Euphrates (3) Western Sea (4) rbdmh hzh !wnblh lwdgh rhnh lwdgh ~yh Josh 1:4 trp-rhn wilderness (1) Lebanon (2) Euphrates (3) Great Sea (4)

In the above examples, south is consistently represented by the Negev/wilderness, while the western point is the Mediterranean Sea (albeit designated in four different ways). Depending upon the context, there is some variety with regard to northern and eastern designations; among these, the use of Lebanon to indicate “north” and the Euphrates to indicate “east” in the same context is of primary interest (Deut 11:24; Josh 1:4).

This leads to the second reason in favor of reading “Tyre” in Mic 7:12bb apart from the use of yr[ and rwcm in v. 7:12bb. Although in Deut 11:24 and Josh 1:4 Lebanon is paired with the wilderness in the south  north movement as the northern point, the

Euphrates follows Lebanon and the relationship between the Lebanon and the Euphrates is

(north)-west  (north-)east. Moreover, in Josh 1:4, Lebanon and the Euphrates are connected by use of d[ (“until,” “as far as”):

primary chiastic parallelism here involves the two nations entering each other’s land, not the designation of some broader directional boundaries. The pattern in the use of the terms for “Egypt” and “Assyria” could be diagramed as: AB (BA :: A′ B′) A′ B′, with the first and fourth cola having a matching “AB” pattern that encompasses the inner BA:A′ B′ chiasm. 106 trp-rhn lwdgh rhnh-d[w hzh !wnblhw

and this Lebanon as far as the Great River, the River Euphrates

The same pattern also occurs in Deut 1:7: 26

ldgh rhnh-d[w !wnblhw

and Lebanon as far as the Great River

Thus, we have OT examples of Lebanon and the Euphrates being used in a west  east relationship relative to each other. Tyre is located in SE Lebanon; thus, it is possible that an author could substitute “Tyre” for “Lebanon” while maintaining the geographical relationship with rhn (Euphrates). A motivation for such a substitution could be that Tyre was significant during the time of writing. If so, its presence in v. 12bb would provide assistance in a tentative dating of this text.

[END OF EXCURSUS]

Having established the plausibility for a mention of Tyre in 7:12bb, we can now reconsider the peculiarities in 7:12ba with regard to its uniqueness in the choice of words in this directional/boundary formula. First, since Tyre is a city, the use of yr[ in 7:12ba provides a chiastic parallelism with Tyre (NE region : city :: city : NE region). Second, the choice rwcm instead of the more common ~yrcm makes sense if the author wanted a word for “Egypt” that would provide closer assonance with rwc. A similar kind of play-on-words is found in Zech 9:3a27:

26 This passage was not included in the table due to the different pattern used; rather than north-south and east-west pairings of four directional toponyms, the locations occur in a clock-wise order: Amorites (E, given their association with the Transjordan)  Arabah/Negeb (S)  sea shore / Canaanites (W)  Lebanon (NW)  River Euphrates (NE).

27 Although rwcm in Zech 9:3a clearly carries the general meaning “stronghold/rampart,” E. W. Conrad (Zechariah [Readings: A New Biblical Commentary; Sheffield: Sheffield Academic Press, 1999] 157-58) perceives a possible allusion to the destruction of Egypt at the Reed Sea in Exodus 15. 107 hl rwcm rc !btw And Tyre (rc) built a stronghold/rampart (rwcm) for herself

The proposed understanding of Tyre and the River (Euphrates) forming a west-east pair corresponding with the north-south pair of Assyria and Egypt in v. 12b is further supported when one notices that v. 12c potentially exhibits the same trend despite certain textual difficulties, except that the order of the pairs is reversed, as are the prepositions given the placement of the proclitic form of !m in v. 12ca.28 Whenever two seas are used as part of a directional formula in the OT, they always appear in a west-east (or east-west) relationship between the Mediterranean Sea and another sea.29 Thus, ~ym ~yw would indicate a west-east

(or east-west) pair that includes the Mediterranean Sea as the western boundary/directional point. The most logical way to understand the textually difficult rhh rhw in v. 12cb is to view it as parallel to ~ym ~yw in the previous colon and, hence, either to treat the proclitic form of !m as gapped between the cola or perhaps emend the text to rhm rhw. Since the primary mountain ranges in ancient Israel run north-south and because Mount  is often used for “north,” it is logical that v. 12cb should be understood as reflecting a north- south (or south-north) pair, perhaps between Mount  (N) and Mount Sinai (S).30 Since v. 12ca involves a reversal of the usual d[ … !m formula found in v. 12bb (and probably

28 For a discussion of implied prepositions used chiastically in v. 12, see Andersen and Freedman, Micah, 586.

29 The Dead Sea (Joel 2:20; Zech 14:18) and Reed Sea (Exod 23:32) are been paired with the Mediterranean Sea in directional formulas; though not used together in a direction formula, the Dead/Salt Sea is described as forming the eastern boundary of the Promised Land while the Mediterranean Sea forms its western boundary (Num 34:3-6). See also M. Saebø, “Vom Grossreich zum Weltreich: Erwägungen zu Pss. 72:8; 89:26; Sach. 9:10b,” VT 28 (1978) 83-91.

30 For some examples of (Mount) phon being used to designate the north, see Gen 13:14; 28:14; Exod 36:25; Lev 1:1; Num 34:9; Deut 3:27; 1 Kgs 7:25; Ps 89:13; Isa 43:6; Jer 1:13; Ezek 48:17; Dan 8:4; Amos 8:12; Zeph 2:13; Zech 6:6. 108 implied in, if not original to, v. 12ba), it is possible that the directional points in v. 12c are also reversed in a chiastic manner, though this cannot be proven.31 The resulting structure of v.12b-c would then be:

AB – v. 12ba: from Assyria (N) [to] Egypt (S) [d[] … !m CD – v. 12bb: from Tyre (W) to the River (E) d[ … !m D′ C′ – v. 12ca: [to] sea (E) from sea (W) !m …[d[] B′ A′ – v. 12cb: [to] mountain (S) [from] mountain (N) [!m] …[d[]

The significance of the pattern is that it probably intends to convey directional extremities, thus indicating that the “he” who will come to “you” in v. 12a is coming from the far reaches of the region. If the subject of awby is intended to refer to God’s people (cf. “your flock” in v. 14), then the imagery could very well indicate an exilic or early postexilic context referring to the return of God’s people from the Diaspora.

The only possible logical connection between v. 13 and vv. 11-12 is that the mention of #rah (“the land”) in v. 13 could refer back to the nations/lands listed in v. 12. Verse 13 predicts that the earth (location unspecified) will be desolate because of the deeds of its inhabitants. If one assumes a negative interpretation of vv. 11-12 (as occurs in the LXX; see n. 24), the land could refer to Israel and its punishment for sinning against Yhwh (also mentioned in v. 9) and v. 13 would fit in quite well. However, as already mentioned, the

31 Given the reversal of the (often implied) prepositions, treating the locations as also chiastic would actually yield the same directional patterns (which would not be chiastic; note the direction of the arrow): NS, WE, E  W, S  N. Thus, in both N/S pairings, the movement is always from N toward S; likewise, in both E/W pairings, the movement is always from W to E. In contrast, if the directional locations follow an AB : CD :: C′ D′ : A′ B′ repetitive pattern, the chiasm would be found in the directional movements themselves: N  S, W  E, W  E, N  S (conceptually = N to S, W to E, E to W, S to N, once one adjusts for the chiastic use of the prepositions between v. 12b and v. 12c). Either option seems equally valid. The primary issue is that one has two N/S pairings and two E/W pairings, contrary to those who wish to read v. 12b as a N:S::S:N pattern (e.g., Barthelémy, Critique Textuelle, tome 3, 779). 109 overall movement in vv. 7-20 does not logically support a negative interpretation of vv. 11-

12 within this larger context. Accordingly, v. 13 is probably intended to refer to the other nations. In doing so, v. 13 functions in the second strophe similarly to how v. 10 functions in the first strophe; both strophes end (in v. 10 and v. 13, respectively) with a reference to the destruction/downfall of Israel’s enemies.

3.4. Strophe III: Petition to Yhwh (7:14-17)

14Shepherd your people with your staff, The flock of your inheritance,

Who dwells alone, A forest in the midst of Carmel.

May they graze upon Bashan and Gilead, As in the days of old.

15As in the days when you went out from the land of Egypt, I will show him wonders.

16 The nations will see And they will be ashamed from all

their strength / might.

They will place (their) hand upon (their) mouth; Their ears will be deaf.

17 They will lick dust as a snake, Like crawling things of the earth.

They will quake from their strongholds; They will turn in dread to Yhwh, our God,

And they will be afraid of you.

The perspective shifts again in v. 14, where Yhwh is addressed by the speaker, probably the prophet representing the community, given that the latter is referred to in the 3rd person using pastoral imagery. Yhwh is asked to shepherd his people, the flock of his inheritance (v. 14a). This imagery of God as shepherd and the people as sheep is common throughout the OT (e.g., Gen 48:15; Isa 40:11; Ezek 34:13-16) and a similar petition also 110 occurs in Ps 28:9 (~lw[h-d[ ~afnw ~[rw; “shepherd them [your people] and sustain/carry them forever”). The “flock” is further described in v. 14b as dwelling alone

(ddbl), a forest in the midst of Carmel (or a garden/fertile land). The word ddb

(“solitude,” “isolation”) can be used positively (as in Num 23:9, where Balaam observes that

Israel is a people “alone” [ddbl] – i.e., set apart from the other nations) or negatively (as in

Isa 27:10, which speaks of a city being deserted and forsaken). It is possible to interpret Mic

7:14b either way, though the mention of the people as God’s “inheritance” (hlxn) makes it plausible that description of the people being “alone” in Micah is intended in a manner similar to its use in Num 23:9, i.e., distinguishing the people from the other nations (just as being God’s “inheritance” constitutes their unique position among the nations).

The choice of the place names in Mic 7:14 has prompted some scholars to suggest a northern origin or focus for this strophe (and sometimes for the entire litany in vv. 8-20).32

Bashan and Gilead are located across the Jordan River, with Bashan further north and Gilead extending to the south through western Ammon. Both are known for their fertile lands.

Likewise, Carmel (if lmrk is to be taken as the proper noun; see n. o) is also located near a fertile region north of Israelite territory, near the Mediterranean Sea and Mount Carmel.

Bashan and Carmel (as a proper noun) are often paired together in the OT, including texts that post-date the Fall of Samaria in 722 B.C.E. (see, e.g., Isa 33:9; Jer 50:19; Nah 1:4). All three place names (Bashan, Carmel, and Gilead) occur together elsewhere only in Jer 50:19.

Bashan and Gilead are otherwise never mentioned together in poetry or prophetic texts in the

MT. Given that these place names occur in prophetic texts that were written after the Fall of

32 See S. Vargon, “The Prayer for the Restoration of the Israelite Kingdom in the Book of Micah – Literary Analysis and Historical Background,” in Homeland and Exile: Biblical and Ancient Near Eastern Studies in Honour of Bustenay Oded (ed. G. Galil, M. Geller, and A. Millard; VTSup 130; Leiden: Brill, 2009) 597-618. Vargon suggests that Micah is praying for the restoration of the Northern Kingdom in response to its annexation by Tiglath-Pileser III and before the revolt by Hoshea, son of Elah, against Pekah (ibid., 615). 111

Samaria, it is not necessary to posit an eighth-century date for Mic 7:(7)8-20 on the basis of these names alone -- as some scholars attempt to do (see n. 32).

Verse 15 has received a lot of attention due to another probable shift in speakers, though some have tried to argue that the “you” in v. 15a is Yhwh – i.e., when Yhwh went up from the land of Egypt – rather than the Israelites.33 However, this understanding only works if one emends the verb wnara in v. 15 to wnarh (“show us”) or something similar.34

Otherwise, the 1st-person verb (as pointed in the MT and supported by the La and Syr) in v.

15b must have Yhwh as its subject, thus making it likely that Yhwh is speaking to Israel in the 2nd person in v. 15a. This understanding does create a small problem in v. 15b in that there Israel is referred to in the 3rd person (“I will show him wonders”) rather than the 2nd person, which is why many scholars wish to emend the text. However, if Yhwh is retained as the speaker in v. 15, it can serve as a response to v. 14. It also provides an interesting development vis-à-vis v. 9c, where it is stated that “He [Yhwh] will bring me out [hiphil of acy] to the light / I will look [qal of har] upon his righteousness.”35 Compare this to v. 15, which states, “As in the days of your [sg.; Israel] going out [qal of acy] of the land of Egypt / I [YHWH] will show[hiph. of har] him [Israel] wonders.” The two verbs are used in the same order in each bicolon but with the speakers and binyanim (stems) reversed. By itself, v.

9c has loose connections with the Exodus motif (the hiph. of acy is frequently used of Yhwh bringing Israel out of Egypt; see, e.g., Exod 7:5; Deut 8:14; Josh 24:6; Jer 7:22; Ezek 20:10).

However, the presence of the motif there is strengthened given the verbal connection with v.

33 For example, Hillers, Micah, 91.

34 Wellhausen, Kleinen Propheten, 150. For a list of other scholars who support emendation of the text here, see n. p above in the translation and textual notes for this chapter.

35 See also Zapff, Redaktionsgeschichtliche, 193. 112

15, which itself is obviously referring to the Exodus (“going out of the land of Egypt” combined with showing “him” wonders “as in the days of old”).

The final verses of this strophe (vv. 16-17) seem to shift back to the words of the prophet/community, given the mention of Yhwh in the 3rd person in v. 17bb and in the 2nd person in v. 17c. The nations will “see” (qal of har) and “be ashamed” (vwb) “from all their strength” (v. 16aa-b); it is unclear whether “their” here refers to Israel’s strength (i.e., they will be ashamed because of Israel’s strength) or their own strength (i.e., they will be ashamed of or despite their own strength). The statement that the nations will be ashamed (vwb) in v.

16a could be viewed as an expansion of the sentiment in v. 10a which speaks of the shame

(hvwb) that will cover the feminine enemy. The statement that they (the nations) will lick ($xl) dust (rp[) like a snake (v.

17aa) is similar to two passages in Isaiah, i.e., 49:23 and 65:25:

hwhy yna-yk t[dyw wkxly $ylgr rp[w $l wwxtvy #ra ~ypa 49:23b-c

ywq wvby-al rva

49:23b-c With their (kings and queens’) faces on the ground, they will bow to you and

lick ($xl) the dust (rp[) of your feet. And you will know that I am Yhwh, those who wait for me will never be ashamed (vwb).

hwhy rma yvdq rh-lkb wtyxvy-alw w[ry-al wmxl rp[ vxnw 65:25c-d

65:25c-d “… and dust will be the snake’s food. And they will not hurt or destroy on all

of my holy mountain,” says Yhwh.

Both passages in Isaiah refer to a time when Israel will be restored and there will be peace, even among animals (as in Isa 65:25). Isaiah 49:23 specifically indicates that other nations’ kings and queens will lick dust at Israel’s feet, while 65:25 makes a 113 connection with snakes (literally) licking dust. The imagery in Mic 7:17a contains a combination of both motifs present in the two Isaiah passages.

Verse 17b contains language typical of storm-/warrior-god imagery; this will be discussed in more detail in the section below regarding this motif. The nations will react in fear, as is also stated in v. 17c (which switches to the 2nd person for Yhwh): $mm waryw (“and they will be afraid of you [Yhwh]”). It is possible that the first word (verb ary; “be afraid”) in this final colon of v. 17 may be intended as a play-on-words with the first word of the opening colon in v. 16 (verb har; “to see”), given the similar spelling for both and the mention of “nations” as the subject of both verbs (albeit implied in v. 17).

As in Strophe I (vv. 8-10), the theme of “seeing” (har) is also quite prevalent in this strophe, while absent in the intervening strophe (vv. 11-13). It is quite possible, given the connections noted above, that vv. 14-17 may have originally followed vv. 8-10 in an earlier version of the text prior to its incorporation into Micah, as suggested by some scholars.36

3.5. Strophe IV: Song of Praise (7:18-20)

18 Who is a god like you?

Pardoning iniquity and passing over the transgression of the

remnant of his inheritance?

He does not retain his anger forever Because he delights in steadfast love.

19 He will again have compassion on us; He will tread upon our offenses.

And you will throw into the depths of the sea All our sins.

20 You will give truth to Jacob, Steadfast love to Abraham

36 See the introductory comments in this chapter as well as the history of research on Micah 7 in Chapter II. 114

Which you swore to our ancestors From the days of old.

This strophe switches between addressing God in the 2nd person (v. 18a) to using the

3rd person (vv. 18ba – 19ab), and back to the 2nd person (vv. 19ba-20bb). The speaker throughout most of the passage is the community (as indicated by the 1st-person plural pronominal suffixes in vv. 19aa-b and v. 20ba). One exception is v. 19bb, where suddenly the

3rd-person plural pronominal suffix is used for the community (“their sins”); as noted above in the textual notes, the Gk, La, Syr, and many scholars prefer to read the 1st-person pronoun here, which does make better sense and, hence, I have emended the text accordingly on the basis of a probable wn / ~ confusion. However, given the liturgical nature of this passage, it is possible that a liturgical leader (perhaps representing the prophet) would have recited v. 19bb as part of a dialogue with the community, which would make the use of the 3rd-person suffix plausible.

Verse 18 begins with a question in a rhetorical style that is not infrequent in psalms and hymns: $wmk la-ym (“Who is a god like you?”), this often accompanied by mention of traits or deeds of the deity (see v. 18b). Similar rhetorical questions regarding God are found in Exod 15:11; 2 Sam 22:32 // Ps 18:32; Ps 113:5.37 There is also a variation in Deut 33:23, in which Israel is the subject of the question hwhyb [vwn ~[ $wmk ym (“Who is like you, a people saved by Yhwh?”). The incomparable traits ascribed to Yhwh here (v. 18b) are of one who pardons guilt and passes over the transgression of wtlxn (“his inheritance”). The mention of wtlxn recalls the petition in v. 14ab that Yhwh remember $tlxn (“your inheritance”).

37 For a more detailed discussion, see Waltke, Micah, 462-63; Zapff, Redaktionsgeschichtliche, 199- 200. 115

The following bicolon in v. 18c is reminiscent of v. 9 above. In v. 9, Zion/Jerusalem mentions bearing the fury/wrath of Yhwh until he executes justice and brings her into the light. Now, in v. 18c, we find an affirmation that Yhwh will not be angry forever because he delights in steadfast (covenantal) love (dsx). The focus on God’s compassion and steadfast love (dsx) continues throughout the remainder of the strophe. In v. 19ba, Yhwh is depicted as throwing all their/our(?) sins ~y twlcmb (“into the depths of the sea”). Again, we find a connection with Exodus 15, specifically with 15:5 which states that the Egyptians “went down into the depths (twlcmb) like a stone.” The word twlcm can be used literally to refer to the deepest part of a body of water (e.g., the Nile River in Zech 10:11) or figuratively for death or despair (e.g., Ps 69:3, 16) or both (e.g., Exod 15:5).38 In Mic 7:19, the imagery is such that Israel’s sins will be cast into the deepest part of the sea and, hence, will figuratively die (i.e., be forgotten/forgiven).

Covenant-related language appears again in the final verse (v. 20). Here one finds mention of God’s “faithfulness/truth” (tma) and “steadfastness” (dsx) to two of the patriarchs (Jacob and Abraham, v. 20aa-b). This is followed by a recollection of “that which you [Yhwh] swore [niphal of [bv] to our ancestors, from the days of old” (v. 20ba-b). The niphal of [bv is frequently used to refer to the covenant made with the patriarchs; the exact form found in Mic 7:20 (t[bvn) also occurs in Exod 32:13 where all three patriarchs are listed (Abraham, Isaac, and Israel [Jacob]).39 The final colon (v. 20bb) is similar to an

38 twlcm is only found in poetic and prophetic writings: Exod 15:5; Neh 9:11; Job 41:23; Pss 68:23; 69:3, 16; 88:7; 107:24; Jonah 2:4; Mic 7:19; Zech 1:8; 10:1. A more common Heb word for the deep/abyss is ~wht, sometimes found in conjunction with twlcm (see, e.g., Exod 15:5; Jonah 2:6) or by itself (Hab 3:10); ~wht is also found primarily in poetic and prophetic writings.

39 See also similar uses of this exact form of [bv in Num 11:12; Deut 26:15; Ps 89:50; Jer 32:22.

116 expression used in v. 14cb, but with slightly different phrasing (~dq ymy in v. 20 vs. ~lw[ ymy in v. 14).

4. Storm-/Warrior-god Theophanic Motifs and Vocabulary

Several common motifs in OT storm-/warrior-god theophanies are absent in Mic 7:7-

20. There is no description of divine weapons or of Yhwh’s descent from his holy mountain or temple, no mythic battle, and no effects upon nature are ascribed specifically to the coming/appearance of Yhwh. This is in stark contrast to the theophany in Mic 1:2-4, where

Yhwh is described as descending from his holy temple (vv. 2-3) to tread upon the earth (v.

3), with direct effects upon the mountains and valleys (v. 4). Although no body parts are explicitly mentioned, the description of Yhwh in Micah 1 implies some kind of physical presence of the deity (e.g., feet would be needed to tread upon the earth in v. 3). This is not the case in Micah 7; the closest the passage comes to implying a physical body for Yhwh is in v. 19 where it says that Yhwh will subdue/tread upon (vbk) Israel’s iniquities and throw ($lv) their sins into the depths of the sea; however, since “iniquity” (!w[) and “sin” (tajx) are hypothetical constructs without corporeal forms (and are not clearly personified as having such a form in this passage), the imagery is merely analogical, though it has clearly been borrowed from theophanic motifs.40

Micah 7:7-20 does contain other language and motifs common in theophanic passages, which I categorize thematically below.

40 Cf. Mic 1:3 where Yhwh is described as treading upon ($rd) the earth. Also, everywhere else in the OT where something is described as being cast down/going down into the deep (twlcm)/depths of the sea, it is a person or group of persons (Exod 15:5; Neh 9:11; Pss 69:3, 16; 88:7; Jonah 2:4). 117

4.1. Effects upon Nature

There is one effect on nature in the passage that is similar to what one finds in other theophanic accounts, except that here no direct connection is made between the effect and the coming or presence of Yhwh. Verse 13 says that the land will be for “desolation” (hmmv), a concept common in theophanic passages but also found in general pronouncements directed against a nation (see, e.g., Lev 26:33).41 The use of hmmv in the context of Mic 7:7-20 is similar to the pronouncement against Mount Seir (Edom) in Ezek 35:14-15 which states

Mount Seir will be “desolate” (hmmv) because it rejoiced at the “desolation” (hmmv) of

Israel. A similar scenario occurs in Mic 7:8, where Zion/Jerusalem tells her enemy not to rejoice even though she has fallen, and Mic 7:13 where the target of the announced devastation is now the rest of the earth (corresponding to the description of the enemy city’s downfall in v. 10). Although hmmv is found in a few earlier texts (unless these occurrences are themselves from a later redactor), most uses of hmmv in the MT date during and following the time of Isaiah, with its peak usage in Ezekiel.42

4.2. Effects upon Humans

Most of the theophanic vocabulary in Mic 7:7-20 focuses on the theophany’s effects upon humans; however, as noted above, any implication of God having a physical form is absent (unlike more traditional theophanies). Verses 10 and 16 both mention humiliation (the noun hvwb in v. 10 with regard to the female enemy; the verb vwb in v. 16 in reference to

41 hmmv is found in/near theophanic accounts in Joel 2:3; Mic 1:7; Zeph 2:13; however, other theophanies also record similar effects upon the land (e.g., Hab 3:17) .

42 In the OT, Ezekiel uses hmmv the most, with 22 uses out of 53 occurrences in the MT. Ezekiel is followed by Jeremiah (15 uses), Isaiah (6 uses), Joel and Zephaniah (4 uses each), and Micah (twice). The term is used once in each of the following: Exodus, Leviticus, Joshua, and Malachi. 118 the nations); though not exclusive to theophanic passages, this imagery fits in well with the image of a storm-/warrior-god who fights against enemies of his faithful ones (see, e.g., Pss

35:4; 83:18; 89:46). The reaction of the nations in their fear of Yhwh is described using three different verbs in v. 17: ary (“be afraid”), dxp (“dread”), and zgr (“tremble,” “quake”). Although zgr and dxp do appear in a few prose passages (see, e.g., zgr in 1 Sam 14:15), both are primarily concentrated in poetry and prophetic writings and are frequent in theophanic texts, sometimes being paired together as they are in Mic 7:17 (and Exod 15:14-

15). The other term, ary, is the common Heb verb meaning “to fear,” found abundantly in both prose and poetry. The last effect upon a human (albeit a city/nation personified as a female enemy) occurs in v. 10, which states that the enemy will be a “trampled place”

(smrm).43

4.3. God’s Anger/Wrath

One cause of trampling enemies and reaction in fear is God’s anger/wrath, which can be expressed in several ways. The word chosen in Mic 7:9 for such anger/wrath is the noun

@[z, where it is mentioned as part of the reason for Zion/Jerusalem’s punishment (because she has sinned against Yhwh, eliciting his wrath). When used for God’s rage, @[z connotes a kind of storming rage that is explicitly connected with theophanic imagery in Isa 30:30. It is also used of stormy waters in Jonah 1:15. According to BDB (p. 277), @[z is found only in poetic and late texts.44

43 Cf. Isa 28:3; 63:3.

44 @[z (in the sense of rage) appears in 2 Chr 16:10; 28:9; Prov 19:12; Isa 30:30; Jonah 1:15; Mic 7:9. 119

4.4. God as Savior, Rock, etc.

There is one occurrence in Mic 7:7-20 where Yhwh is called y[vy yhla (“God of my salvation”; Mic 7:7). This construct chain is used exclusively in prophetic writings and poetry (Pss 18:47 [yhwla]; 25:5; 27:9; Hab 3:18). The concept of God as bringer of salvation, of course, is not exclusive to theophanic texts; however, it is a frequent component of theophanies, especially where warrior-god motifs occur.45

4.5. Place Names

Several places are named in Mic 7:7-20: Assyria, Bashan, Carmel (?), Egypt, Gilead, the River Euphrates, and Tyre (?). Of these, Bashan, Carmel, and Gilead are of particular interest. All three appear in Jer 50:19, where Yhwh promises that Israel will feed in these locations; also as in Mic 7:14, the imagery is pastoral with Israel likened to Yhwh’s flock.

Both Bashan and Carmel are said to be withered by Yahweh in the theophany in Nahum 1

(specifically, v. 4). Also noteworthy (given the possible reference to Tyre in Mic 7:12) is how often Lebanon appears with one or more of the above three places in prophetic writings

(Isa 2:13; 33:9; Jer 22:6, 20; Nah 1:4; Zech 10:10).

5. Summary

Although dating Mic 7:7-20 on linguistic grounds is tenuous, an early postexilic context seems the most likely given the passage’s content and connections with other texts of the late preexilic to early postexilic period. It is possible to read the entire passage as a

45 See, e.g., Deut 33:29; 2 Sam 22:3, 47; Pss 7:11; 18:3; 62:8; 76:10; 106:8, 10, 21; Hos 13:4; Hab 3:13; Zeph 3:17; Zech 9:9.

120 liturgical text with v. 7 as a bridge to the preceding pericope. However, there are some textual indicators that a version lacking vv. 11-13 may have been in circulation, perhaps independently, at some point prior to the finalization of the canonical form of Micah.46

Theophanic vocabulary and motifs appear periodically throughout Mic 7:7-20 and at least once in every strophe (vv. 7, 10, 13, 16-17, and 19), often at the end of the given strophe (vv. 10, 13, and 16-17). However, there is also a tendency in the text to take traditional theophanic language and apply it figuratively to abstract concepts (e.g., iniquity and sin in v. 19). Although the description of the nations reacting in fear to Yhwh uses some of the language found in other passages that describe the effect of the coming of Yhwh on nature or people, there is no description of the coming of Yhwh in this passage. This contrasts significantly with the more traditional theophanic motifs found in Mic 1:2-4, thus indicating that in the time between the composition of these two texts, there may have been a movement away from imagery that implied a physical form of Yhwh even as some of the typical theophanic vocabulary was retained. This perhaps corresponded with the movement in Israelite religion toward true monotheism and/or an increased interest in distinguishing

Yhwh from other ANE deities, especially those associated with the traditional theophanic storm-/warrior-god imagery.

46 See the section on Micah in Chapter II for theories about a version of Mic 7:7-20 that may have circulated independently prior to its incorporation into the book of Micah. Chapter IV

Habakkuk 3:1-19

The delimitation of Habakkuk 3 from the rest of the book is clearly indicated by the superscription/heading that begins the chapter in v. 1 and the liturgical subscription that closes the passage (and also the book) at the end of v. 19. Classification of the hymn is a matter of scholarly debate. There is a possible clue in the superscription itself given the use of the term !wygv, which appears in only one other verse in the MT (Ps 7:1); in both superscriptions, it apparently describes some kind of song but is of uncertain meaning and etymology.1 Many scholars suggest that it is a psalm of lament, sometimes appealing to an

Akkadian cognate.2 T. Hiebert and M. L. Barré are among the few who classify Habakkuk 3 as a hymn of victory or triumph.3 A few others, such as R. L. Smith, try to avoid the “hymn of victory vs. lament” debate by classifying Habakkuk 3 as a “liturgy,” given the technical psalmodic notations that are included throughout the chapter, which suggest it was used with musical accompaniment.4

1 See the discussion below in the exegesis section.

2 See F. Horst, Die zwölf kleinen Propheten: Nahum bis Maleachi (HAT 1/14; Tübingen: Mohr, 1954) 182; P. Humbert, euch tel Secr tariat de l niversit , , S. Mowinckel, “Zum Psalm des Habakuk,” TZ 9 (1953) 1-23, here 7; M. A. Sweeney, “Structure, Genre, and Intent in the Book of Habakkuk,” VT 41 (1991) 63-83, here 78.

3 T. Hiebert, God of My Victory: The Ancient Hymn in Habakkuk 3 (HSM 38; Atlanta: Scholars Press, 1986) 1; M. L. Barré, “Habakkuk 3 Translation in Context,” CBQ 50 (1988) 184-197, here 184 n. 2.

4 R. L. Smith, Micah-Malachi (WBC 32; Waco: Word Books, 1984) 114- . J. H. Eaton “Origin and Meaning of Habakkuk 3,” ZAW 76 [1964] 144-171, here 163) posits that Habakkuk 3 was a liturgical text from its very beginning. 121 122

1. Text, Syntax, and Translation5

The Hebrew (Heb) text presented here primarily follows the Masoretic Text (MT) as found in BHS. However, Mur XII, the LXX, the Barberini Greek text, the Syriac Peshitta, and the Latin Vulgate have also been taken into consideration and I make minor emendations to the MT in vv. 9, 10, 11, 13, 15, and 16. The emendations have been included in the Heb text and the translation is based on the text here given; in these cases, the MT is provided in the corresponding footnote. Words in the Heb text that differ from the MT, including places where I am reading a different vowel pointing of the same consonantal text, are indicated by an asterisk (*). Because the text is particularly problematic, especially in vv. 3-15 where the storm-/warrior-god motif is the strongest, a detailed analysis is provided in order to account

5 Unless otherwise noted, all Hebrew (Heb) texts are taken from BHS and all English translations are my own. The Latin (La) text is from R. Weber, Biblia sacra iuxta vulgatam versionem (Stuttgart: Deutsche Bibelgesellschaft, 1994). The Syriac (Syr) text is from A. Gelston, “Dodekapropheton,” in Dodekapropheton – Daniel - Bel – Draco (Peshitta Institute; The Old Testament in Syriac 3/4; Leiden: Brill, 1980). The Greek (Gk) tradition requires a special note: in addition to the Septuagint (LXX), there is a translation specifically of Habakkuk 3 known as the “Barberini” Barb version that seems independent of the LXX and all other Gk translations. The critical edition of the LXX used for Habakkuk is J. Ziegler, Duodecim Prophetae (Septuaginta 13; Göttingen: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, 1967 . The Barb text is from E. M. Good, “The Barberini Greek version of Habakkuk 3,” VT 9 (1951) 11-30; for more information and/or analyses of the Barb version, see also H. B venot, “Le Cantique d Habacuc,” RB 42 (1933) 499-525; C. Dogniez, “La version Barberini. Él ments pour une tude litt raire d un autre texte grec d Habacuc 3,” in Die Septuaginta – Entstehung, Sprache, Geschichte (ed. S. Kreuzer, M. Meiser, and M. Sigismund; WUNT 286; Tübingen: Mohr Siebeck, 2012) 295- 310; H.-J. Fabry, “‘Der Herr macht meine Schritte sicher Hab 3, Barb. Die Versio Barberini, eine liturgische Sondertradition von Hab 3?” in Die Septuaginta – Texte, Theologien, Einflüsse (ed. W. Kraus and M. Karrer; WUNT 252; Tübingen: Mohr Siebeck, 2010) 223-37; M. L. Margolis, “The Character of the Anonymous Greek Version of Habakkuk, Chapter 3,” in Old Testament and Semitic Studies, vol. 1 (ed. R. F. Harper, et al.; Chicago: University of Chicago, 1908) 133-42. Dogniez “Version Barberini,” 295-96) notes that the Barb version probably dates back to the first – second century C.E., even though the extant MSS are from the eighth – thirteenth centuries. Where both the LXX and Barb agree, I will refer to the text as the “Gk” text. Where there are differences, the LXX and Barb will be indicated separately by their corresponding abbreviations. The syntactical analysis used here is based upon the system developed by M. P. O Connor Hebrew Verse Structure [Winona Lake, IN: Eisenbrauns, 1997]; see also W. L. Holladay, “Hebrew Verse Structure Revisited I Which Words ‘Count ?” JBL 118 [1999] 19-3 idem, “Hebrew Verse Structure Revisited (II): Conjoint Cola, and Further Suggestions,” JBL 118 [1999] 401- 6 . However, I use the term “colon” in place of O Connor s term “line.” Also, I have divided the passage into “strophes,” rather than O Connor s categories of “batches” and “staves.” For a list of abbreviations used for the syntactical analysis, see the Abbreviations page. 123 for the different textual possibilities, given the importance of establishing the text for analysis of the storm-/warrior-god vocabulary.

Superscription/Heading

` atwnygv l[ aybnh qwqbxl hlpt 1

1A prayer of Habakkuk the Prophet, according to shigyonoth.a

Strophe I: Introduction

VocVO VVocO $l[p hwhy ytary $[mv yt[mv hwhy 2

a The Gk reads meta. wv|dh/j “with song” cf. LXX 3:19 where ytwnygnb is translated as evn th/| wv|dh/| auvtou [“in/by his song”] the Gk is used as a basis by some scholars who wish to emend the text in v. 1 to twnygn; see A. Condamin, “La forme chorale du ch. III d Habacuc,” RB 8 (1898) 133-140, here 137 W. A. Irwin, “The Psalm of Habakkuk,” JNES 1 (1942) 10-40, here 17 n. 17; P. Riessler, Die kleinen Propheten oder das Zwölfprophetenbuch Rottenburg Bader, W. H. Ward, “A Critical and Exegetical Commentary on Habakkuk,” in A Critical and Exegetical Commentary on Micah, Zephaniah, Nahum, Habakkuk, Obadiah, and Joel (ICC; New York Charles Scribner s Sons, ) 20; J. Wellhausen, Die kleinen Propheten: Übersetzt und erklärt (Berlin: Reimer, 1898) 35. The La has pro ignorationibus “for ignorances” related to the Gk translation evpi. avgnohma,twn “upon/concerning ignorances” in Aquila and Symmachus. This is in contrast to Theodotion which has u`pe.r tw/n evkousiasmw/n “for/concerning a free-will offering” , for which Jerome gives the La as pro voluntariis (D. Barthelémy, Critique t xt ’An n T t nt, tome 3: Ézéchiel, Daniel et les 12 Prophètes [OBO 50/3; Freiburg: Universitätsverlag; Göttingen: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, 1992] 857). The Peshitta lacks the phrase twnygv l[; however, a few Syr MSS include either )(+d L( “upon going astray” or )+Xd L( “upon sin” . I see no reason to emend the text (cf. Ps 7:1); however, due to the uncertain meaning of twnygv, I have followed the tradition of some scholars who transliterate the Heb instead of attempting a translation; see A. B. Davidson, The Books of Nahum, Habakkuk and Zephaniah (CBSC 53; Cambridge: University Press, 1920) 86; A. Deissler, Zwölf Propheten II: Obadja, Jona, Micha, Nahum, Habakkuk (NEchB 8/2; Würzburg: Echter Verlag, 1984) 230; F. Delitzsch, Der Prophet Habakuk (Exegetisches Handbuch zu den Propheten des Alten Bundes; Leipzig: K. Tauchnitz, 1843) 125; R. Haak, Habakkuk (VTSup 44; Leiden: Brill, 1992) 27; H. Pfeiffer, Jahwes kommen von Süden: Jdc 5; Hab 3; Dtn 33 und Ps 68 in ihrem literatur- und theologiegeschichtlichen Umfeld (FRLANT 211; Göttingen: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, 2005) 8 G. T. M. Prinsloo, “Reading Habakkuk 3 in its literary context A worthwhile exercise or a futile attempt?” Journal for Semitics 11 (2002) 83-111, here 88; J. J. M. Roberts, Nahum, Habakkuk, and Zephaniah: A Commentary (OTL; Louisville: John Knox, 1991) 128; O. P. Robertson, The Books of Nahum, Habakkuk, and Zephaniah (NICOT; Grand Rapids: Eerdmans, 1990) 214; R. Sinker, The Psalm of Habakkuk: A Revised Translation, with Exegetical and Critical Notes on the Hebrew and Greek Texts (Cambridge: Deighton Bell, 1890) 6; R. L. Smith, Micah-Malachi, 112; H. H. Walker and . W. Lund, “The Literary Structure of the Book of Habakkuk,” JBL 53 (1934) 355-70, here 368. See especially the discussion of twnygv in F. I. Andersen, Habakkuk (AB 25; New York: Doubleday, 2001) 268-73; Andersen also transliterates the Heb. 124 PV PV [ydwt ~ynv brqb whyyx ~ynv brqb POV `rwkzt ~xr zgrb

Translation and Notes

[b$l[p hwhy ytary] d$[mv yt[mv hwhycb 2 [cwhyyx ~ynv brqb]

2 bcYhwh, I heard your report;d [I feared, Yhwh, your works.b]

[In the midst of years sustain him/it;c]

b-b The LXX has a longer reading for this bicolon, starting with the inclusion of the verb “to fear” as part of the first colon rather than the second (contrary to Heb): ku,rie eivsakh,koa th.n avkoh,n sou kai. evfobh,qhn “Lord, I have heard your report and I was afraid” / kateno,hsa ta. e;rga sou kai. evxe,sthn “I considered your works and I was amazed” ; see also nn. c-c and e below. Barb differs only in reading euvlabh,qhn “I revered” in place of evfobh,qhn “I feared” in the first colon and including ku,rie “Lord” as the first word in the second colon.

c-c As formatted in Weber s text of the Vg and in the Leiden Peshitta, both the La and Syr include “fear” as part of the first colon (cf. Gk in n. b-b, but La and Syr have different content for the second colon due to their including material from v. 2ba in Heb) with the result that three cola in Heb appear as two in La and Syr. The La has Domine audivi auditionem tuam et timui “Lord, I have heard your report and I have feared” / Domine opus tuum in medio annorum vivifica illud “Lord, make that work of yours live in the midst of years” however, the La could be divided differently to more closely fit the Heb: Domine audivi auditionem tuam “Lord, I have heard your report” / et timui Domine opus tuum “and I have feared, Lord, your work” . The Syr has tLXdw kM$ t(M$ )YrM; “Lord, I heard your name and was afraid” / )YN*$ wGB kYdB8( )YrM )YX*d “Lord, your works in the midst of years of life” ; however, the Syr could also be divided in such a way to more closely fit the Heb: kM$ t(M$ )YrM; “Lord, I heard your name” / kYdB8( )YrM tLXdw “and I feared, Lord, your works” . The different divisions in the La and Syr and also perhaps to some degree in the first colon in the Gk could be the result of the inclusion of the conjunction “and” Gk kai, La et, Syr w) not found in the MT; it is difficult to determine whether the inclusion of the conjunction is due to an attempt to smooth out the text or whether rather the Heb Vorlage for the other versions read ytaryw with the possibility that the w was accidentally dropped in the MT due to the proximity with y, with which w was often confused. Although many scholars appeal to the LXX to support emendation of the MT in v. 2ab (see n. e below), most keep the MT s division of the bicolon in v. a.

d The Syr reads kM$ “your name” . 125 $l[p hwhy eytary [$[mv yt[mv hwhy] 2

2 [Yhwh, I heard your report;] I feared,e Yhwh, your works.

e BHS and many scholars wish to emend the MT s ytary (qal perf. 1st sg. from ary “I feared” to ytyar (qal perf. 1st sg. from har “I saw” , largely based on the presence of kateno,hsa “I considered” in the Gk (see n. b-b above for the first bicolon in the Gk), even though the Gk text is much longer than any of the other versions in v. 2. Scholars who emend the text to ytyar include W. F. Albright “The Psalm of Habakkuk,” in Studies in Old Testament Prophecy Presented To Professor Theodore H. Robinson By The Society For Old Testament Study On His Sixty-Fifth Birthday, August 9th, 1946 [ed. H. H. Rowley; Edinburgh: T & T Clark, 1950] 1-18, here 11-13), . Cassuto “Il capitolo 3 di Habaquq e i testi di Ras Shamra,” Annuario di Studi Ebraici 2 [1935-37] 7-22, here 14- , T. K. Cheyne “An Appeal for a More Complete Criticism of the Book of Habakkuk,” JQR 20 [1907] 3-30, here 23), A. Deissler (Zwölf Propheten II: Obadja, Jona, Micha, Nahum, Habakuk [NEchB 8/2; Stuttgart: Echter Verlag, 1984] 230), Delitzsch (Prophet Habakuk, xxix), B. Duhm (Das Buch Habakuk: Text, Übersetzung, und Erklärung [Tübingen: Mohr, 1906] 72), K. Elliger (Die Propheten Nahum, Habakuk, Zephanja, Haggai, Sacharja, Maleachi [ATD 25; Göttingen: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, 1982] 49), Horst (Zwölf kleinen Propheten, 182), Humbert ( , 77, 79), Irwin (“Psalm of Habakkuk,” 17), T. Lescow “Die Komposition der Bücher ahum und Habakuk,” BN 77 [1995] 59-85, here 83), B. Margulis “The Psalm of Habakkuk A Reconstruction and Interpretation,” ZAW 82 [1970] 409-41, here 433), K. Marti (Dodekapropheton [Kurzer Hand-kommentar zum Alten Testament 13; Tu bingen: Mohr, 1904] 349-50), Mowinckel “Psalm des Habakuk,” , J. Nogalski (Redactional Processes in the Book of the Twelve [BZAW 218; Berlin/New York: de Gruyter, 1993] 174 , O Connor Hebrew Verse Structure, 234), W. Rudolph (Micha – Nahum – Habakuk – Zephanja [KAT 13/3; Gütersloh: Gerd Mohn, 1975] 233), E. Sellin (Das Zwölfprophetenbuch: Übersetzt und erklärt [KAT 12; Leipzig: A. Deichert, 1922] 356-66 ,Ward “Habakkuk,” 20), J. Wöhrle (Der Abschluss des Zwölfprophetenbuches: Buchübergreifende Redaktionsprozesse in den späten Sammlungen [BZAW 389; Berlin/New York: de Gruyter, 2008] 3 . In Ward s “Habakkuk,” opinion, “fear is not appropriate till after the theophany.” Scholars who support the MT s ytary include Andersen (Habakkuk, 277-78), Condamin “Forme chorale,” 36 , Eaton “Habakkuk 3,” 144, 146-47; Eaton considers ytyar a “marginal possibility” [ibid., ]), M. H. Floyd (Minor Prophets, Part 2 [FOTL 22; Grand Rapids: Eerdmans, 2000] 150), Haak (Habakkuk, 79), Hiebert (God of My Victory, 5, 11-12), W. Nowack (Die kleinen Propheten [HKAT 3/4; 2nd ed.; Göttingen: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, 1903] 289), R. D. Patterson (Nahum Habakkuk Zephaniah: An Exegetical Commentary [Dallas(?): Biblical Studies Press, 2003] 208), L. Perlitt (Die Propheten Nahum, Habakuk, Zephanja [ATD 25/1; Göttingen: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, 2004] 84; however, Perlitt also notes that ytary could be a scribal error for ytyar [ibid.]), Pfeiffer (Jahwes kommen von Süden, 128, 130), Roberts (Nahum, 130-31), O. P. Robertson (Habakkuk, 215-16), R. L. Smith (Micah-Malachi, , Walker and Lund “Literary Structure,” 368 Wellhausen Kleinen Propheten, 35). See the exegesis section below for further discussion. 126 [f[ydwt ~ynv brqb whyyx ~ynv] hbrqbgf fgIn the midsth [of years sustain him/it; In the midst of years make (it) known.f]

[g`rwkzt ~xr zgrb]

[In rage remember to have compassion.g]

f-f The Gk reads four cola in place of these two cola in Heb: evn me,sw| du,o zw,|wn gnwsqh,sh| “in the midst of two lives, you will be known” / evn tw/| evggi,zein ta. e;th evpignwsqh,sh “when the years draw near, you will be recognized” / evn tw/| parei/nai to.n kairo.n avnadeicqh,sh| “when the time comes, you will be revealed” / evn tw/| taracqh/nai th.n yuch,n mou “when my soul is troubled” .

g-g Following the division in Weber s Vg and the punctuation in the Leiden Peshitta, both La and Syr have a single bicolon here due to their making the first colon in Heb (v. 2ba) part of the previous bicolon (cf. Humbert [ , 77] who has four cola in v. 2 rather than five). However, as indicated in n.c-c, it is possible to divide the La and Syr in a manner that corresponds to the division of the Heb in BHS.

h Some scholars propose repointing br,q,bi “in the midst” [prepositional use of noun with -b]) in the MT to broq.bi “in/when the approach/coming [of years]” [infinitive construct] cf. a′ see Albright, “Psalm of Habakkuk,” , 3; Horst, Zwölf kleinen Propheten, 182; Humbert, , 77, 79; Margulis, “The Psalm of Habakkuk,” 3 Riessler, Kleinen Propheten, 191; Roberts, Nahum, 130-31. O Connor Hebrew Verse Structure, 234) translates brqb as “in the upheaval,” thus apparently pointing br'q.bi; according to HALOT (p. 1135), br'q. means “battle” or “hostile approach” and it is primarily found in poetic and prophetic texts Sam Job 38 3 Pss 68 3 8 Qoh 8 Zech 3 . O Connor s suggestion is tempting because it would fit well as a lead into the Divine Warrior motif in Habakkuk 3. Also, br'q. in the MT is quite rare whereas the other two words (br,q, and broq.) are much more common; thus, it would be easy for a later scribe to confuse br'q. for either of the other readings (MT or a′ . I consider O Connor s suggestion plausible however, unlike the other two possibilities, it lacks any textual support among the ancient witnesses, all of which support “in the midst/middle” Gk evn me,sw| [cf. n. k]; La in medio; Syr wGB) for this colon. Also, “battle of years” using HALOT s meaning for br'q. is just as enigmatic as “midst of years,” though Barré (“Habakkuk 3 ,” could be correct in interpreting “battle of years” as referring to a battle in the distant past; cf. Irwin, “Psalm of Habakkuk,” 8. For detailed discussions of this colon, see Barr , “Habakkuk 3 ,” 8 -97; P. E. Copeland, “The Midst of Years,” in Text as Pretext: Essays in Honor of Robert Davidson (ed. Robert Carroll; JSOTSup 138; Sheffield: Sheffield Academic Press, 1992) 91-105. 127 [[ydwt] ~ynv kbrqb jwhyyx i~ynv [brqb]

[In the midst of] yearsi sustain him/it; j In the midstk of years you will make (it) known.

i The Gk has du,o, thus reading the number “two” based on a different pointing of ~ynv. In Gk as well, the number is modifying zw,|wn “lives” perhaps reading twyx in Heb, which Hiebert [God of My Victory, 13] suggests may be a corruption of tyyx [piel perf. 2nd masc. sg. “you sustained life”] due to w/y confusion). Thus, for the first part of this colon the Gk reads “in the midst of two lives.” After discussing the problem of understanding ~ynv as “years,” Andersen Habakkuk, 278-80) suggests that the numeral “two” may indicate “a second time” thus, he offers “once more” as a possible translation . Margulis “Psalm of Habakkuk,” 3 proposes emending the text to ~yyx-ynv “twin-life,” referring to a multiple birth . Cheyne “Appeal,” suggests that both occurrences of ~ynv (here and in the next colon) should be corrected to !mvy, a regional name representing “Ishmael.” Haak Habakkuk, 79-80), following Reider and Wieder, translates ~ynv as “Exalted Ones,” based on the gartic šnm. One tempting emendation, proposed by A. Pinker “‘Captive for ‘years in Habakkuk 3 ,” RB112 [2005] 20-26), is to read ~ybv “captivity/captors” in place of ~ynv here and in the next colon; cf. 2 Chr 6:37-38; Isa 14:2; Jer 30:10; 46:27.

j The MT s reading whyyx here is puzzling; the text is pointed as a piel impv. masc. sg. with a 3rd masc. sg. object suffix thus, “preserve/let live him/it” . The La supports the MT with vivifica illud “make that one live” . The pronoun in both Heb and La could refer back to the “work” Heb l[p; La opus) mentioned in the previous colon. However, both Gk and Syr have “lives”/“living ones” Gk zw,|wn; Syr )YX*), which may reflect a Heb Vorlage of twyx (see n. h above). The Gk also has gnwsqh,sh “you will be known” as its verb in this colon thus, “in the midst of two lives you will be known” . Albright “Psalm of Habakkuk,” 11, 13) deletes a “superfluous phonetic y” =whyx) but otherwise agrees with the MT. BHS suggests reading whwx “declare it” instead; similarly, Barré (“Habakkuk 3 ,” 195) and Riessler (Kleinen Propheten, 191) suggest whywx “he declared it” . Hiebert God of My Victory, 13) proposes tyyx “you sustained life” . O Connor Hebrew Verse Structure, 234) breaks whyyx into two words: why yx “[as] Yhwh lives” cf. Andersen, Habakkuk, 273; Haak, Habakkuk, 80-81. Cheyne “Appeal,” divides and emends whyyx to awh yyx, while considering yyx a corrupt form of xry (= Yerahme el, a synonym to Ishmael thus he reads the entire colon as “In the midst of Ishman. That is, Yerahme el” see also n. i .

k The Gk appears to have read the infinitive construct for brqb with its translation evn tw/| evggi,zein ta. e;th “when the years draw near” taking ta. e;th as the accusative subject of the infinitive). The La and Syr again are consistent with the pointing in the MT (La in medio; Syr wGB). See n. h for scholarly suggestions and emendations regarding the MT s brqb. 128 l[ydwt [~ynv brqb whyyx ~ynv brqb]

[In the midst of years sustain him/it; In the midst of years] you will make (it) known.l

mn`rwkzt o~xr zgrb m mIn rage remembern to have compassion.om

Strophe II: Theophany: Coming of the Deity

SPV SP hls !rap-rhm vwdq wawby !mytm hwla 3 VOS SVO `#rah halm wtlhtw wdwh ~ymv hsk

l As pointed in the MT, [ydwt is a hiph. impf. 2nd masc. sg. verb “you will make known/declare” . The hiphil is problematic because one would expect a direct object in order for this to make sense (i.e., what will be made known/declared?) as in fact occurs in the La notum facies “you will make it known” to counter this problem, Barré (“Habakkuk 3 ,” 196 n. 64) suggests that the masc. sg. object suffix in the previous colon is implied in the remaining cola of v. 2, which is certainly possible. Both Gk and Syr render the verb as a 2nd person passive (perhaps reading the niph. impf. 2nd masc. sg. [dwt instead); Gk reads evpignwsqh,sh| “you will be recognized/acknowledged” , while Syr has 9dYtt “you will be known” . Based on the Gk and Syr, BHS and several scholars read [dwt here; see Cheyne, “Appeal,” ; Duhm, Buch Habakuk, 72; Hiebert, God of My Victory, 5, 13-14; Horst, Zwölf kleinen Propheten, 182; Margulis, “Psalm of Habakkuk,” 3 Marti, Dodekapropheton, 349-50; Mowinckel, “Psalm des Habakuk,” -10; Nowack, Kleinen Propheten, 289; Riessler, Kleinen Propheten, 191; Sellin, Zwölfprophetenbuch, 357; Wellhausen, Kleinen Propheten, 171. Irwin “Psalm of Habakkuk,” proposes [wrt “you shatter / break” .

m-m Several scholars consider this colon a later addition or gloss, sometimes by appealing to the disruption of the verse s alleged meter. For examples, see Elliger, Propheten, 49; Perlitt, Propheten, 84; Sellin, Zwölfprophetenbuch, 356-60.

n Barré (“Habakkuk 3 ,” 195-96) suggests reading rykzt or possibly rkzt here, which in the hiphil means “make known,” “announce,” or “proclaim” e.g., Isa 1).

o In order to create a better parallel with ~ynv in the previous bicolon, Barré (“Habakkuk 3 ,” 192-93, 196) reads ~xr from the Heb word for “months” thus, with zgrb = “in [your] ancient fury” . Humbert ( , 77, 79) supports emending to ~xry “months” , but also emends zgrb to zgb (presumably from the verb zwg , thus “in the course of coming/impending months” au cours des mois prochains). Andersen (Habakkuk, 283) posits that ~xr is intended as a vocative epithet for God–i.e., “Compassionate One,” which would fit well with the mythological elements elsewhere in Habakkuk 3. Margulis “Psalm of Habakkuk,” 3 understands ~xr as “womb” here i.e., “when a womb throbs You remember” so also Haak Habakkuk, 81- 82) who translates ~xr zgrb as “when the womb is shaking.” Hiebert God of My Victory, 4) translates ~xr as an infinitive, noting that the common noun for “compassion” is ~ymxr ibid., . Irwin “Psalm of Habakkuk,” 18) suggests m/b confusion and thus proposes to read bxr “Rahab” [the dragon]) here. As pointed in the MT, ~xr is a piel infinitive absolute (hence, my translation); however, the other versions have a noun meaning “mercy/compassion” instead Gk evle,ouj; Syr kYMXD8; La misericordiae), as does Riessler (Kleinen Propheten, 191) who repoints the Heb as the noun ~xr “compassion” . 129

SPV SPP wl wdym ~ynrq hyht rwak hgnw 4 PredS `hz[ !wybx ~vw

Translation and Notes

shls r!rap-rhm vwdqw awby q!mytm phwla 3

3 Eloahp from Temanq comes; The Holy One from Mt. Paran.r Selah.s

p The Heb hwla here is the singular form for “god”/“God” rather than the more common MT plural form ~yhla; the singular is only used one other time in the Twelve Minor Prophets, specifically in Hab 1:11 where it is spelled defectively as hla and does not refer to the Israelite God. The versions all use the common term for “God” Gk qeo,j, Syr )hL), La Deus) in Hab 3:3. I have chosen to transliterate hwla in order to distinguish it from ~yhla and la, all of which could be translated as “God” depending upon the context.

q This word can also have a general directional meaning, i.e., “south.” The La thus translates it as ab austro “from the south” . The Syr also uses a directional translation )NMYt oM (“from the south” M. Sokoloff (A Syriac Lexicon [Winona Lake, IN: Eisenbrauns; Piscataway, NJ: Gorgias Press, 2009] 1642) does not indicate any uses of !myt as the proper noun Teman. The LXX supports the understanding of !myt as a proper noun, given that it transliterates the Heb as Qaiman; however, Barb has avpo. li,boj “from [the] south” . Also, the parallelism with Paran in the next colon lends support to the understanding of !myt as the proper noun here. The phrase “Yhwh of Teman” !myt hwhy) appears in texts from Kuntillet ‘Ajrud M. Weinfeld, “Kuntillet ‘Ajrud Inscriptions and Their Significance,” Studi epigrafici e linguistici 1 [1984] 121-30, here 125- 27).

r The La, Syr, and Barb follow the Heb by translating this word as the proper noun “[Mount] Paran” (La Pharan; Syr nrP; Barb fara,n). However, the LXX has two adjectives instead, kataski,ou dase,oj “dark/shaded, thick/hairy” , modifying “mountain.” The possible Heb Vorlage for the Gk is uncertain; for suggestions, see Roberts, Nahum, 133.

s Outside of Habakkuk 3, hls is only used in the Psalter in the MT. Its meaning is unknown but presumably represents some type of liturgical notation. It is used elsewhere in Habakkuk 3 in v. 9 and v. 13; in each case, I have transliterated the Heb due to the uncertain meaning of the word. The Gk uses dia,yalma (indicating a musical interlude or break); the LXX consistently uses the form dia,yalma in all three verses, while Barb has metabolh. dia,yalmatoj in v. 3, dia,yalma in v. 9, and lacks an equivalent in v. 13. The La uses semper “always,” “forever” . The Syr does not include a translation for hls in any of the three verses. 130 u`#rah halm wtlhtwu twdwh ~ymv hskt tHis splendor covered the heavenst uAnd His praise filled the earth;u

t-t The Syr translates the colon as )XB$Md hwYz oM )YM$ wYSKt) “the heavens were covered from his brightness which [is] eminence” , thus using the passive verb wYSKt) and treating “heavens” ()YM$) as the subject cf. next colon rather than the direct object. Likewise, Barb treats “heaven” as the subject in its rendering evka,luyen o` ouvrano.j th.n euvpre,peian th/j do,xhj auvtou/ (“heaven covered the dignity/beauty of his glory” . In contrast, the LXX and La grammatically agree with the Heb LXX evka,luyen ouvranou.j h` avreth. auvtou [“his moral excellence covers the heavens”] La operuit caelos gloria eius [“his glory has covered the heavens”] . Haak Habakkuk, 82-85) extends this colon to include wtlhtw in the following colon thus, “his majesty and his radiance covered the heavens” .

u-u Since both hlht “praise” and #ra “earth” are feminine, either could be the intended subject of the feminine verb “filled [+ direct object]” or “is filled [with object of measure]” . The parallelism with the previous colon would suggest that wtlht “his praise” should be treated as the subject. However, the other versions treat “earth” as the subject: LXX kai. aivne,sewj auvtou/ plh,rhj h` gh/ “and the earth [is] filled with his praise” Barb kai. aivne,sewj auvtou/ evplh,sqh h` oivkoume,nh “and the inhabited earth is filled with his praise” regarding the choice of oivkoume,nh in place of the more common gh/, see Fabry, “Versio Barberini,” 3 ); Syr )(r) tYLMt) htXwB$tw “and the earth is filled [with] his praise” La et laudis eius plena est terra “and the earth is filled with his praise” see also Albright, “Psalm of Habakkuk,” Andersen, Habakkuk, 294; Condamin, “Forme chorale,” 36 Nowack, Kleinen Propheten, 290; Wellhausen, Kleinen Propheten, 36. Albright (“Psalm of Habakkuk,” 13) deletes the w conjunction in wtlhtw for “metrical and stylistic reasons,” suggesting that its presence is a result of dittography from the last word of the previous colon. Roberts (Nahum, 133) suggests that the definite article h on #rah “earth” is secondary as a result of dittography of h from the previous word (halm); cf. lack of the definite article on ~ymv “heavens” in the previous colon. Haak (Habakkuk, 83-85) joins #rah halm with the following colon as part of v. thus, “the earth is full, indeed, of brightness, true light!” . 131

[wl wdym ~ynrq] whyht xrwak vhgnw 4

4And brightnessv will bew as lightx, [He has twin-horns/rays from his hand;]

v The LXX, La, and Syr add the pronoun “his” LXX fe,ggoj auvtou/ [“his radiance”] La splendor eius [“his splendor”] Syr hrhz [“his splendor”] . Accordingly, several scholars wish to emend the text to whgnw “his brightness/gleaming” see Humbert, P , 77, 79; F. T. Kelly, “The Strophic Structure of Habakkuk,” AJSL 18 (1902) 94-119, here 114; Lescow, “ ahum und Habakuk,” 83; Marti, Dodekapropheton, 351; Nowack, Kleinen Propheten, 290; Riessler, Kleinen Propheten, 192. Barb uses a dative pronoun rather than a genitive: diau,gasma fwto,j e;stai avutw|/ “splendor/brilliance will be light to/for him” Good “Barberini,” 3 speculates that its Heb Vorlage was wl rwa hgn. Albright (“Psalm of Habakkuk,” 11-14) suggests reading xgny “he gored” after proposing that hwhy should be understood as the first word of the colon that was possibly dropped due to homoioarkton thus, Albright s translation is “ attacked.”

w BHS and several scholars wish to emend the text to wytxt/wtxt “under him” see Duhm, Buch Habakuk, 78; Elliger, Propheten, 49; Horst, Zwölf kleinen Propheten, 182; Mowinckel, “Psalm des Habakuk,” 12; Sellin, Zwölfprophetenbuch, 357. T. H. Gaster (“On Habakkuk 3 ,” JBL 62 [1943] 345-46, here 345) suggests that hyht “is an infelicitous ‘correction of an original archaic !yht * of yht *, i.e., 3rd fem. du.” Albright (“Psalm of Habakkuk,” 11) moves hyht to the beginning of the following colon.

x rwa could refer to daylight/sunlight (cf. Gen 1:3; Isa 5:30) or lightning (cf. Job 36:32; 37:11, 15), the latter possibility would be made more likely by the following colon if its imagery is related to ANE iconography of two-pronged lightning projecting from the hand of a deity see also Eaton, “Habakkuk 3,” 8 Roberts, Nahum, 128, 133-34). Albright (“Psalm of Habakkuk,” 14) emends rwak to rbak “like a bull” . Margulis (“The Psalm of Habakkuk,” places rwak in the following colon and substitutes wdym for rwak in this colon. 132

wl wdym y~ynrq [hyht rwak hgnw] 4

[And brightness will be as light,] He has twin-horns/raysy from his hand;

y The MT s ~ynrq is the dual form for “horn,” not the plural twnrq). The Gk (ke,rata) and the La (cornua translate “horns” as a regular plural, without any indication of the dual form in Heb. The Syr has )tYrQB possibly “in the town/village” if fem. or “in the horn [sg]” if masc.). Most scholars understand ~ynrq as “rays [of light],” often used to depict a solar deity see Condamin, “Forme chorale,” 36 Deissler, Zwölf Propheten II, 3 Gaster, “Habakkuk 3 ,” 3 -46; Horst, Zwölf kleinen Propheten, 8 Kelly, “Strophic Structure,” Lescow, “ ahum und Habakuk,” 83 Margulis, “The Psalm of Habakkuk,” Marti, Dodekapropheton, 351; Nowack, Kleinen Propheten, 290; Patterson, Nahum, 210, 213; Rudolph, Micha, 231; Sellin, Zwölfprophetenbuch, 357; R. L. Smith, Micah-Malachi, 112; M. A. Sweeney, The Twelve Prophets, vol. 2: Micah, Nahum, Habakkuk, Zephaniah, Haggai, Zechariah, Malachi (Berit Olam; Collegeville: Liturgical Press, 2000) 484; Ward, “Habakkuk,” ; Wellhausen, Kleinen Propheten, 36. Prinsloo (“Reading Habakkuk 3,” 94) compares the imagery to depictions of the ANE deity Shamash in which rays project from both shoulders. Others suggest “lightning” given its association with an ANE storm-god (cf. n. x above), including Davidson, Nahum, 89 (however, he translates ~ynrq simply as “rays” Eaton, “Habakkuk 3,” 8 Irwin, “Psalm of Habakkuk,” 13 (who suggests a possible corruption of an original ~yqrb [ibid., 20]); Riessler, Kleinen Propheten, 192; Roberts, Nahum, 134-35. For discussion of the problems involved with one or both of these proposals, see Haak, Habakkuk, 85-89; Hiebert, God of My Victory, 17-18; N. Shupak,“The God from Teman and the Egyptian Sun God: A Reconsideration of Habakkuk 3:3- ,” JANES(CU) 28 (2001) 97-116, here 100-102 (however, Shupak later argues for “rays” as the meaning here after making a connection to the solar- related imagery used of the Egyptian god Aten). Appealing to Arabic cognates, W. R. Arnold “The Interpretation of wl wdym ~ynrq, Hab. 3 ,” AJSL 21 [1905] 167-72, here 171-72) suggests that “horns” here is a reference to locks of hair similar to those of Samson, whose hair was connected to his strength cf. next colon thus, he proposes to read this line as “he hath horns that reach below his hands” ibid. cf. Irwin s [“Psalm of Habakkuk,” , n. ] comment that Arnold s suggestion “cannot merit serious consideration”). Albright (“Psalm of Habakkuk,” 12, 14) is one of the few scholars who support reading “horns” rather than “rays.” D. T. Tsumura “Janus parallelism in Hab III ,” VT 54 [2004] 124-28, here 126) may be on the correct track with his proposal that there is a play-on-words in which both meanings “rays” and “horns” are intended “rays” is parallel to “brightness” hgn) in the first colon, while “horns” which often is used as a symbol for power is parallel to “strength” hz[) in the following colon. In support of “horns,” Haak (Habakkuk, 87) cites several Ugaritic texts (e.g., CTA 10.2.21-23; 12.1.3; 12.2.40; 17.6.22) where horns are connected with the strength of a specific deity (esp. CTA 10.2.21-23). It is also interesting to note that in the blessing of Joseph in Deut 33 , “horns” ~ynrq) are cited as a weapon against other people. 133

wl zwdym ~ynrq [hyht rwak hgnw] 4

[And brightness will be as light,] He has twin-horns/rays from his hand;z aa`hz[ !wybx ~vwaa aaAnd the hiding place of his strength is there.aa

z The LXX and La read the preposition “in” LXX evn; La in) as if from wdyb rather than wdym; however, Barb uses evk ceiro.j auvtou/ “from his hand” , thus supporting wdym. All three of the other versions use the plural “hands” LXX cersi,n; La manibus; Syr yhwdY*)) rather than the singular. The one emendation Shupak (“God from Teman,” ) suggests for this colon is that the m in wdym is the result of dittography from the previous word ~ynrq; thus, the colon would read wl (hyht) wdy ~ynrq “his hand will be rays” meaning “God s rays are his hands” cf. Delitzsch, Prophet Habakuk, xxix. Appealing to Ugaritic texts, H. Cazelles “Sur mdl à garit, en Is et Hab 3 ,” Maarav 5-6 [1990] 49-52) tries to link wdym with the root ldm, used metaphorically as a luminous phenomenon attributed to a storm-god who uses a mdl as a leash while leading his mount and straddling the clouds. O Connor Hebrew Verse Structure, 235) redivides the last few words, eliminating some vowel letters, thus yielding wldm “his lightning” which he connects as the Heb cognate to mdl “lightning bolt” in garitic. Albright (“Psalm of Habakkuk,” 11-12, 14) emends the MT to wdym, thus modifying horns “with tossing [horns]” . Other scholars understand wdy as “his side” rather than “his hand” see Davidson, Nahum, 89; Duhm, Buch Habakuk, 79; Kelly, “Strophic Structure,” 114; Lescow, “ ahum und Habakuk,” 83; Marti, Dodekapropheton, 351; Nowack, Kleinen Propheten, 290; Sellin, Zwölfprophetenbuch, 357.

aa-aa The LXX and Syr both read ~fw “put”/“place” LXX e;qeto; Syr mYSN) here instead of ~vw; see also Condamin, “Forme chorale,” 38 Gaster, “On Habakkuk 3 ,” 3 Marti, Dodekapropheton, 351; Mowinckel, “Psalm des Habakuk,” owack, Kleinen Propheten, 290; Roberts, Nahum, 135; Wellhausen, Kleinen Propheten, 36, 171. Barb reflects both readings of ~f / ~v with its evkei/ evpesth,riktai h` du,namij th/j do,xhj auvtou/ “there the power of his glory is placed” . O Connor Hebrew Verse Structure, 235) repoints ~vw as the noun “name” see also Riessler, Kleinen Propheten, 192. In place of !wybx, the LXX has avga,phsin krataia,n “powerful love” , perhaps reading a form or cognate of the verb bbx “love” , while the Syr reads )XQLB “in the confines of the city/city limits” . The La most closely reflects the full Heb colon with its ibi abscondita est fortitudo eius “there his strength is hidden/concealed” . Haak Habakkuk, 90) translates !wybx as “Crawler,” a reference to a deity mentioned in garitic texts. The pronominal masculine suffix on hz[ is an archaic form; however, Patterson (Nahum, 213) notes that it is also used in the “later” Lachish letters. Following Albright (“Psalm of Habakkuk,” 11), Hiebert (God of My Victory, 5, 18-19) suggests a redivision of the MT s first two words !wybx ~vw  !wyb xmvw) and proposes m/n confusion in !wyb as well as y /w confusion in ~vw, given the similarities of these letters in the ancient Hebrew script ca. the seventh century B.C.E.; thus, he suggests reading the line as hz[ ~wyb xmvy “He rejoiced in the day of his strength” cf. Ward, “Habakkuk,” . Cheyne “Appeal,” -25), after noting that the phrase is probably an interpolated gloss, suggests this colon came from an original !wy yrz[ ~vw “there were the helpers of Yavan” [p. ] , thus linking the colon to the attendant deities Deber and Resheph mentioned in v. 5. BHS considers this entire colon as a gloss; see also Elliger, Propheten, 49; Horst, Zwölf kleinen Propheten, 182; Pfeiffer, Jahwes kommen von Süden, 128-29; Riessler, Kleinen Propheten, 192. 134 Strophe III: Theophany: Effect upon Nature PVS VSP `wylgrl @vr acyw rbd $ly wynpl 5 VVO VVO ~ywg rtyw har #ra ddmyw dm[ 6 VS VS ~lw[ tw[bg wxv d[-yrrh wccptyw

SPredP PV ytyar !wa txt 7 `wl ~lw[ twkylh SV S s `!ydm #ra tw[yry !wzgry !vwk ylha

Translation and Notes

`wylgrl cc@vr acyw bbrbd $ly wynpl 5

5Before him Deber/pestilencebb goes And Resheph/plaguecc goes out from his

feet.

bb The La and Syr both translate rbd as “death” La mors, Syr )twM); Barb uses ptw/sij “destruction” . In contrast, the LXX reads a different pointing of the MT, yielding lo,goj “word,” “report” instead. The connection of “pestilence” with “death” makes sense, given the poetic parallelism between rbd (Deber/pestilence) here and @vr (Resheph/plague) in the following colon; N. Wyatt “Religion in Ancient garit,” in A Handbook of Ancient Religion (ed. John R. Hinnells; New York: Cambridge University Press, 2007] 105-60, here 122) suggests that Resheph s role in garitic rituals may account for the absence of Mot from the Ugaritic cult, especially given the identification of Resheph with Nergal, the Mesopotamian god of the underworld. Based on the tendency in Canaanite mythology for deities to appear in pairs, W. F. Albright (Yahweh and the Gods of Canaan: A Historical Analysis of Two Contrasting Faiths [Garden City: Doubleday, 1968] 186) suggests that, like Resheph, Deber may be the name of a deity; Hiebert (God of My Victory, 92-94, esp. 93) notes the possibility, following the claim of G. Pettinato and M. Dahood, that Deber may have been the patron god of ancient Ebla, as seemingly identified in the archives from Tell Mardikh. For a more detailed discussion of attendant deities in this passage, see Andersen, Habakkuk, 500-507; Cheyne, “Appeal,” . Nogalski (Redactional Processes, 162) admits that both Deber and Resheph once functioned as minor/attendant gods that accompanied the arrival of another deity; however, he also asserts that they had lost this function by the time of Hab 3:5 and, thus, are only personifications of plague and pestilence there.

cc @vr can also mean “flame” Roberts Nahum, 135) suggests that the connection with fire/flame could be related to the West Semitic god Resheph s association with fever as well as pestilence. None of the versions exactly match the Heb. The La uses diabolus “devil” . The Syr has )rY+ “bird” or “insect” it also has the singular hLGr “his foot” rather than the plural “feet” found in the La pedes) and Gk (oi` po,dej). The LXX has the peculiar phrase kai. evxeleu,setai evn pedi,loij oi` po,dej auvtou/ “and he will go out, his feet in sandals” . Barb has kai. kata. po,daj auvtou avkolouqh,sei ta. me,gista tw/n peteinw/n “and the greatest of winged ones follow after his feet” Good “Barberini,” 3 notes that the phrase ta. me,gista tw/n peteinw/n probably was used as an identification for Resheph, given similar translations in Aquila, Symmachus, Theodocian, Quinta (reported by Jerome as volucer), Peshitta, Achmimic, Sahidic, and a citation in Shenoute. Sinker (Psalm of Habakkuk, 17) translates @vr as “lightning.” 135 ~ywg eertyw har #ra ddddmyw dm[ 6

6He stood and shookdd the earth; He looked and startledee the nations.

dd There are at least two ways to read this verb. One, proposed by BDB (p. 551), is to treat it as a poel from the root ddm “he measured” this reading is supported by La mensus est), Syr (h[X$M), and Barb (dieme,trhse). The second, which is preferred by HALOT (p. 555), is to view it as a polel from the root dym “he shook” , a rendering supported by the LXX even though it treats “earth” as the subject rather than object and, hence, translates the verb as passive rather than active (evsaleu,qh h` gh [“the earth was shaken”] see also Albright, “Psalm of Habakkuk,” 14 (who also suggests dd(w)nyw from dwn [“sway,” “shake”] as a possibility Condamin, “Forme chorale,” 38 he suggests either d[myw [“he caused to shake”] or ynddw [“he swayed/shook”] as the possible Heb Vorlage for the LXX); Deissler, Zwölf Propheten II, 231; G. R. Driver, “Hebrew otes,” ZAW 52 (1934) 51-56, here 54-55; Duhm, Buch Habakuk, 80 (d[myw); Horst, Zwölf kleinen Propheten, 182; Lescow, “ ahum und Habakuk,” 83; Margulis, “Psalm of Habakkuk,” -16; Mowinckel, “Psalm des Habakuk,” 13 (suggests rrmy from rwm [“shake”] Patterson, Nahum, 213-14; Sellin, Zwölfprophetenbuch, 357 (d[myw). Wellhausen (Kleinen Propheten, 36, 171) suggests ggmyw “[die Erde] zagte” “[the earth] was faint-hearted” so also Kelly, “Strophic Structure,” . Nowack (Kleinen Propheten, 290-91) reads jjmyw “[macht die Erde] erbeben” “[he made/caused the earth] to tremble” . Marti (Dodekapropheton, 351) suggests reading d[myw “he caused to shake” cf. Ps 6 as another possibility in addition to the previous two suggestions. Given its parallel position with rtn in the following colon as well as traditional theophanic motifs, “shake” better fits the context see also Humbert, Pro , 77, 79; Perlitt, Propheten, 85.

ee More literally, “he caused [the nations] to jump” Hiebert God of My Victory, uses “startled,” which I have adopted here. Both the LXX and La treat the verb as meaning “melted,” but the LXX uses “nations” as the subject of a passive verb (LXX dieta,kh e;qnh [“the nations were melted”] La dissolvit gentes [“he melted the nations”] . Sinker Psalm of Habakkuk, 48) suggests that the LXX confused rtn with $tn. Like the La, the Syr preserves God as the subject; however, the Syr verb lGd here has the sense “aim at” or “direct a dart toward” ()MM8( lGd [“he shot a dart toward the nations”] . Although the Syr provides a fitting warrior- motif, the Heb rtn hiphil “caused to jump” better parallels the most likely meaning of the verb ddmy in the previous colon. Barb uses a verb (evxeika,zw) that is a hapax legomenon: katanoh,saj evxei,kase ta. e;qnh “looking, he compared/likened the nations” Good “Barberini,” suggests that evxei,kase could reflect rthw “he spied out/explored” . G. R. Driver “Difficult Words in the Hebrew Prophets,” in Studies in Old Testament Prophecy Presented To Professor Theodore H. Robinson By The Society For Old Testament Study On His Sixty-Fifth Birthday, August 9th, 1946 [ed. H. H. Rowley; Edinburgh: T & T Clark, 1950] 52-72, here 70-72) suggests natara, “dragged) ﻧﺘﺮ drove asunder” as an appropriate translation for rty, partially based on the Arabic verb“ violently, snatched in the fingers or teeth, tore” . Sinker (Psalm of Habakkuk, 18) suggests that there are two separate roots of rtn involved by appealing to the “Chaldee” meaning of the root rtn to support “drove asunder.” Margulis (“Psalm of Habakkuk,” , 33 emends the text to ~ywg wryty whar, thus making “nations” the subject “nations behold Him and quake” cf. LXX . 136 gg~lw[ tw[bg wxvgg ffd[-yrrh wccptywff ffPerpetual mountains were shattered;ff ggEternal hills were humbled.gg

ff-ff The La and Syr agree with the MT here: La et contriti sunt montes saeculi “and ancient mountains were crushed” Syr mL( oMd )r*w+ wrdBt) “eternal/ancient mountains [lit. ‘mountains from old ] were shattered” . The LXX varies slightly with its kai. dieqru,bh ta. o;rh bi,a| “and the mountains were broken by/with force” . Barb has dieqru,bh kai. ta. o;rh qrausqh,setai “it was broken and/also the mountains will be shattered” .

gg-gg As in the previous colon, the La and Syr fundamentally agree with the MT: La incurvati sunt colles mundi “hills of the world are bent down” Syr oYML( oMd )tMr* kKMt) “eternal hills were humbled” cf. Barb tapeinoqh,sontai ai` na,pai evk tou/ aivw/noj “the wooded valleys of the ages were humbled” . The LXX has evta,khsan bounoi. aivw,nioi “eternal hills were melted” . 137 [ytyar !wa txt 7] ii`wl ~lw[ twkylhii hh hh iiHis ways were of old.ii [7 Under distress, I saw]

[` hh!ydm #ra tw[yry !wzgry !vwk ylha] [The tents of Cushan quake, The curtains of the land of Midian.hh]

hh Following Albright (“Psalm of Habakkuk,” 11-12, 14-15), Hiebert (God of My Victory, 5, 21-22) suggests a redivision and slight emendation of these three cola as follows: !atxt ()l ~lw[ twkylh “Eternal orbits were destroyed.” !wzgry !vwk ylha “Tents of Kushan shook,” !ydm #ra tw[yry “Tent curtains of the land of Midian” . Albright (“Psalm of Habakkuk,” 11-12), however, emends the last bicolon (v. 7) into a tricolon and retains the verb ytyar: !vwk ylha ytyar “I saw the tents of Cushan” (?) ylha “ ? quivered,” !ydm #ra t[ry “In fear was the land of Midian” With regard to treating !atxt as a verb in the last colon of v. 6, see also Haak, Habakkuk, 91; Lescow, “ ahum und Habakuk,” 83. Ward (“Habakkuk,” - considers these cola “untranslatable,” but suspects two cola rather than three should be read. Condamin (“Forme chorale,” 36 repositions vv. b -10 between v. 6 and v. 7. Margulis (“The Psalm of Habakkuk,” 8, -30) thinks that v. 7a has been dislocated from a later position in proximity to vv. 8-9 + vv. 15-16b (which he combines) and corrupted from ytyar rva ytxtw “As did my bowels, from what I behold” [p. 436]).

ii-ii The Syr agrees with the MT (mL( oMd )tKLh8 oYN) hLYd [“his ways were from old / eternity”] . The Gk and La almost agree as well; however, the LXX has porei,aj aivwni,aj auvtou/ “at his eternal way/journey” although porei,aj could be an accusative plural, a genitive singular makes more sense in the context) while the La reads ab itineribus aeternitatis eius “by the journeys of his eternity [his eternal journeys]” , thus linking this colon to the previous one in Heb. Barb has a bicolon here: ai` o`doi, ai` evx avrch/j avlloiwqh,sontai / auvtou/ e;neka seisqh,setai h` oivkoume,nh “the beginning/former ways will be changed”/ “the inhabited world will be shaken because of him” . Wellhausen (Kleinen Propheten, 36, 171) omits this colon from his translation p. 36 , noting that it overloads “überfüllt” the verse p. see also Horst, Zwölf kleinen Propheten, 182. Pfeiffer (Jahwes kommen von Süden, 128-29) considers the colon a later addition. Cheyne “Appeal,” -26) views it as a gloss, but also proposes emending twkylh to twkalm “his ancient works” . 138 kkytyar jj!wa txtjj 7 [`wl ~lw[ twkylh]

[His ways were of old.] 7 jjUnder distress, jj I sawkk

jj-jj The LXX has avnti. ko,pwn “because of troubles” La pro iniquitate “for iniquity” and Syr tYXt nw) “under On” . Either Barb lacks this phrase, or possibly this may be reflected in its seisqh,setai h` oivkoume,nh of the previous colon in v. 6 (see n. ii-ii above), perhaps reading #ra txt wl in place of the phrase !wa txt wl as suggested by B nvenot “Cantique,” 6-7). Some scholars propose !watxt “they are shattered” instead see Albright, “Psalm of Habakkuk,” 11-12; Elliger, Propheten, 49; G. R. Driver, “On Habakkuk 3:7,” JBL 62 [1943] 121. Horst (Zwölf kleinen Propheten, 182) suggests hnatxt niphal “was crushed” from the root atx, which is otherwise not attested in the MT. Shupak (“God from Teman,” repoints the Heb to read “On will fear” cf. “On” in Syr she notes that On Gk name = Heliopolis was the place where Akenaten was raised, which she suggests supports her argument to read vv. 3-7 as having connections with the Amarna period in Egypt and the worship of Aten cf. Kelly, “Strophic Structure,” , n. 54; Marti, Dodekapropheton, 351-52; Sellin, Zwölfprophetenbuch, 357; Wellhausen, Kleinen Propheten, 171- 72). Riessler (Kleinen Propheten, 192) reads !a txt, which he considers a scribal note that the final ! in !vwk is to be deleted. Patterson (Nahum, 213-14) suggests the possibility that !wa txt is intended as a geographical name parallel to Cushan and Midian. Cheyne “Appeal,” 6-27) thinks that !wa, along with ytyar, is part of a corrupted form (see n. kk) and that txt is the result of a scribal gloss on twnmra “castles” , reading ylkyh “palaces” “instead” txt).

kk Hiebert (God of My Victory, 22) deletes ytyar as a gloss that was inserted into the text to create a 1st-person framework with v. 2 and vv. 16-19. Other scholars also find the presence of ytyar troublesome; see Driver, “Habakkuk 3 ,” Elliger, Propheten, 49; Humbert, , . However, “I saw” is attested in the LXX (ei=don), Barb (kataneno,hka), La (vidi), and Syr (tYzX). Gaster “Habakkuk 3 ,” 346) suggests that ytyar perhaps could be a corrupted form of the verb ttr “to quiver” , which would be parallel to zgr. Cheyne “Appeal,” 6-27) traces the allegedly corrupted form ytyar back to twnmra, thus reading the colon as “The palaces of Cushan trembled.” Horst Zwölf kleinen Propheten, 182) proposes reading tw[yry, while deleting ylha in the next colon (Horst only has a bicolon for v. 7). Sellin (Zwölfprophetenbuch, 357) emends the text to wary “they feared” . Roberts Nahum, 137) suggests that ytyar is an unmarked relative clause, and thus translates the colon as “because of the iniquity that I saw” or “instead of the iniquity that I saw,” citing a similar use of txt in Isa 60:15. 139 s `!ydm mm#ra tw[yry ll!wzgry !vwk ylha

The tents of Cushan quake,ll The curtains of the landmm of Midian.

Strophe IV: Divine Warrior Prepares for Battle PVVoc hwhy hrx ~yrhnbh 8 PS PS $trb[ ~yb-~a $pa ~yrhnb ~a VO O `h[wvy $ytbkrm $ysws-l[ bkrt yk VO OV hls *rmt twjm *t[bv $tvq rw[t *hr[ 9 IVO VVS ~yrh wlyxy $war 10 `#ra-[qbt twrhn VOS VSO wlwq ~wht !tn *twb[ ~ym *wmrz AdvOVS SVAdv hlbz dm[ xry11 *vmv afn whydy ~wr PSV PS `$tynx qrb hgnl wklhy $ycx rwal

ll As the MT stands, this verb (3rd masc. pl.) most logically would have ylha (masc. pl.) as its subject, rather than tw[yry (fem. pl.) in the next colon, even though it is tempting to put !wzgry as the beginning of the next colon and treat v. 7 as a bicolon in order to supply a verb in each colon “I saw the tents of Cushan in distress” / “The curtains of the land of Midian quake” . The position of the verb corresponding to !wzgry in the LXX (ptohqh,sontai), Barb (taracqh,sontai), and La (turbabuntur) is ambiguous enough that it could be read with either colon; however, the LXX does include the conjunction kai, after the verb, which could indicate an intentional break between the cola (thus, supporting the inclusion of !wzgry with what precedes it); alternatively, it could be interpreted as an adverbial kai, in which case, the meaning would be “the curtains of the land of Midian also [kai,] will be terrified” . In contrast, o(wz*N “tremble/trembling” fem. pl. in Syr has to be connected with the last colon because it can only be viewed as modifying )t(Yr*Y “curtains [of the land of Midian]” fem. pl. . Driver (“Habakkuk 3:7,” suggests switching the positions of tw[yry and ylha in an attempt to fix the gender problem and provide a verb in the last colon; so also Humbert, , 77, 79. Elliger (Propheten, 49) includes the corresponding place names in the switch proposed by Driver, thus putting the phrase “tents of Cushan” !vwk ylha in the second colon and “curtains of Midian” !ydm tw[yry; Elliger omits #ra) in the first colon.

mm BHS and some scholars find the presence of #ra problematic and accordingly propose deleting it; see Driver, “Habakkuk 3 ,” Elliger, Propheten, 49; Gaster, “Habakkuk 3 ,” 3 6 Marti, Dodekapropheton, 352 (who finds it questionable . However, “land” is found in the LXX gh/j), La (terrae), and Syr ()(r)); it also might be reflected in the use of oi` katoikou/ntej “dwellings” in Barb oi` katoikou/ntej ta.j de,rreij Madiam) as a free translation of the Heb. 140

Translation and Notes

hwhy nnhrx oo~yrhnbh 8

8Why did it burnnn against the rivers,oo Yhwh? $trb[ ~yb-~a $pa pp~yrhnb ~a pp

Your anger ppagainst the rivers? pp Your rage against the sea?

nn rd This verb is a qal perf. 3 masc. sg.; in both the Heb and Syr (zGr), Yhwh/Lord could be treated as a nominative e.g., “against the rivers Yhwh/Lord burned” or a vocative see translation above . Both Gk and La understand the divine name as a vocative (Gk ku,rie; La Domine), which makes more sense, given that God is addressed in the 2nd person in the following two cola. The implied logical subject of the first colon would be God s anger @a) and rage (hrb[) as cited in the following two cola. Against reading the vocative, see Sinker, Psalm of Habakkuk, 23-24.

oo The h at the beginning is an interrogative marker. Both the Gk and La indicate that a negative response to the question is expected, given the use of mh, in Gk and numquid in La. The proper plural form of rhn “river” is twrhn (used below in v. 9), not ~yrhn; however, the other three versions translate it as a regular plural (Gk potamoi/j; La fluminibus; Syr )twr*hN . A. Pinker “Problems and Solutions of Habakkuk 3 8,” Jewish Bible Quarterly 31 [2003] 3-8, here 7) repoints the MT as the dual form thus, “two rivers” , which, he suggests, refers to Babylon, given that Babylon is located between two rivers (the Tigris and Euphrates). In doing so, Pinker suggests a historical interpretation of this verse rather than the more common mythological interpretation. In contrast, Roberts (Nahum, 137-38 does connect “River” to Canaanite mythology and suggests that the unusual plural is a secondary form. O Connor Hebrew Verse Structure, 236) suggests that the m both here and in the next colon on ~yrhn is merely emphatic and, thus, translates both with the singular “River” against an enclitic m in this verse, see D. A. Robertson, Linguistic Evidence in Dating Early Hebrew Poetry (SBLDS 3; Missoula: University of Montana, 1972) 100.

pp-pp BHS suggests deleting this phrase, treating it as a variant reading of ~yrhnbh in the previous colon; cf. Pfeiffer, Jahwes kommen von Süden, 132. In addition to deleting the phrase, some scholars also move the Tetragrammaton to a position before ~yb (e.g., Marti, Dodekapropheton, 352) or to the end of the verse (BHS; Humbert, P , 77-78). Others delete hwhy as well as ~yrhnb ~a; see Horst, Zwölf kleinen Propheten, 182. In contrast, Albright (“Psalm of Habakkuk,” 11) adds hrx before $pa. 141 `h[wvy ss$ytbkrm qq$ysws-l[ rrbkrt ykqq qqWhen you mountrr your horses,qq Your victorious chariotsss?

qq-qq Barb reads avne,bhj evpi. ta. a[rmarta, sou “you ascended upon your war-chariot” , which excludes the MT s yk and has a[rmarta where the MT has $ysws “your horses” . Good “Barberini,” nn. 3-4) notes that a[rma is never used elsewhere to translate sws and would rather correspond better to hbkrm in the following colon; thus, Good suggests that the terms may have been switched in Barb. However, the Gk term used in the following colon to translate hbkrm in both Barb and the LXX is i`ppasi,a, which according the LSJ (p. 883) can refer to either horse-riding or chariot-riding. In contrast, the LXX uses the more natural translation i[ppoj for sws in the above colon.

rr Both Barb (avne,bhj) and Syr (tBKr) seem to be translating the perfect here, rather than the imperfect of the MT. The LXX (evpibh,sh|) and La (ascendes) both use the future tense, thus supporting the MT. As noted by W. B. Barrick (“The Meaning and sage of RKB in Biblical Hebrew,” JBL 101 [1982] 481-503, esp. 492- 98; see also Hiebert, God of My Victory, 24), the connotation of bkr in Heb tends to indicate a vertical “mount” rather than a horizontal meaning “ride” the vertical meaning is strongly supported in this colon by the LXX, Barb, and La, all of whose renderings literally mean “to ascend” note “mount” is also a possible connotation of the Syr).

ss The MT has the plural $ytbkrm “your chariots” , which is supported by the La quadrigae tuae). However, the Gk (h` i`ppasi,a sou swthri,a [Barb adds o[ proe,bhj at the end]) and La (et quadrigae tuae salvatio) both treat the colon as a verbless clause, with “chariots” as the nominative subject and “salvation”/“victory” as the predicate. The Gk singular for “chariot” h` i`ppasi,a) is also supported by the Syr ()tBKrM). Since Heb poetry often gaps prepositions between cola, it is logical that the preposition l[ “upon”) is implied in this colon; this understanding is supported by the Syr, which includes the preposition l( in both of the cola (kNQrwPd )tBKrM l(w / k$Kr* l( tBKr). The remaining question is whether $ytbkrm should be rendered singular or plural. The singular is tempting in this context and several scholars propose emending the text to either $tbkrm (Albright, “Psalm of Habakkuk,” 11; Horst, Zwölf kleinen Propheten, 182; Riessler, Kleinen Propheten,192) or $bkrm (Humbert, P , 77-78). Hiebert (God of My Victory, 7, 24) proposes emending to tbkrm and moving the 2nd masc. sg. possessive suffix to h[wvy ($t[wvy) in order to conform to the expected formation of a construct chain. However, the only other place where hbkrm is clearly used of God s chariots is in Isa 66 , which also uses a plural, albeit with a 3rd masc. sg. suffix (wytbkrm). The presence of the suffix could be interpreted as epexegetical hence, “victorious chariots” above rather than “chariots of victory” as noted in GKC § 3 r; for a summary of the interpretations of other grammars, including some which treat the phrase as a construct chain regardless of the suffix, see Kelly, “Strophic Structure,” n. 56. Thus, I cautiously retain the MT s $ytbkrm. 142 [hls *rmt twjm *t[bv] tt$tvq rw[t *hr[tt 9 9ttYou indeed laid bare your bow, tt [You poisoned (your) seven rods/arrows. Selah.]

tt-tt The MT has $tvq rw[t hyr[ which might be rendered “naked(ness)/exposed your bow was aroused/awakened” if rw[t is taken to be from the verb rw[ meaning “to arouse/awaken” cf. Barb, La, Syr contrary to the theory that here it represents a homonym meaning “lay bare” otherwise unattested in the MT. The LXX has evntei,nwn evntenei/j to. to,xon sou “stretching out, you will stretch out your bow” . Barb reads evxhge,rqh to. to,xon sou “your bow was raised/awakened” . The La translates the colon as et suscitans suscitabis arcum tuum “and stirring up, you will stir up/arouse/awaken your bow” . Syr has kt$Q rY(tt wr(ttM “your bow was indeed aroused/awakened” . Thus, Barb and Syr take “your bow” to be the subject hence, reading a 3rd fem. sg. verb), while LXX and La apparently read a 2nd masc. sg. verb. However, the 2nd masc.sg. would make better sense in context given the use of the 2nd masc. sg. elsewhere in vv. 8-9. Another important observation is that the LXX, La, and Syr all appear to be reading an infinitive absolute of rw[ + finite verb of rw[ where rw[t hyr[ appears in the MT (the ptc + noun of the same verb is a common way of translating the Heb infinitive absolute + finite verb construction into Gk and La; the Syr does use an infinitive + finite verb from the same root), rather than the noun + verb as pointed in the MT. Even Barb lacks any noun that corresponds to hyr[ in the MT. Thus, it is logical to conclude that the original text contained an infinitive absolute (in place of hyr[) that is based on the same root as the finite 2nd masc. sg. verb which follows it; see also Hiebert, God of My Victory, 7, 28 (r[t hr[). Against this line of argumentation, see D. T. Tsumura, “ iphal with an Internal Object in Habakkuk 3 a,” JSS 31 (1986) 11-16 (who proposes “Your bow is uncovered the nakedness ” as a probable translation of the MT [p. 16]). M. Barré (“Yahweh Gears p for Battle Habakkuk 3, a,” Bib 87 [2006] 75-84, here 76) traces the original text back to hr[t hr[ (piel infinitive absolute of yr[ + normal piel 2nd masc. sg. impf of yr[); thus, he proposes as an idiomatic translation “you withdrew your bow from its case ” ibid. . Sellin (Zwölfprophetenbuch, 357) suggests rw[ tyr[t “you exposed from the case [skin]” . 143 hls uu*rmt twjm *t[bvuu [$tvq rw[t *hr[] 9 [You indeed laid bare your bow,] uuYou poisoned (your) seven rods/arrows.uu Selah.

uu-uu Delitzsch (Prophet Habakuk, 165) is well-known for his comment about this colon (excluding hls) possibly being the most difficult colon in the entire prophetic corpus and that, as of his time, one hundred solutions/emendations had already been proposed (also cited in Hiebert, God of My Victory, 26; A. Pinker, “The Lord s Bow in Habakkuk 3 a,” Bib 84 [2003] 417-20, here 417). As pointed in the MT, the colon consists of three nouns, all in their absolute forms: rma twjm tw[bv “oaths” [fem. pl.] “tribes/rods/sticks” [masc. pl.]; “speech” [masc. sg.] . The LXX has e`pta. skh/ptra le,gei ku,rioj “seven scepters says the Lord” , while Barb has evko,rtasaj boli,daj th/j fare,traj auvtou “you sated the missiles of your quiver” . The La reads iuramenta tribubus quae locutus es “the oaths to the tribes which you have spoken” . The Syr translates the colon as )XB$M krM)MB )r*)G nw(BSNw “And the arrows were full with your glorious speech” . One of the rare attempts to make sense out of the MT without any emendation is by H. St. J. Thackeray “Primitive Lectionary otes in the Psalm of Habakkuk,” JTS 12 [1911] 191-213), who suggested that the three words are “an intrusive poetic gloss” p. 6 ; this theory has not gained much acceptance (for a concise but excellent critique, see Eaton, “Habakkuk 3,” ). Thus, it is clear that the MT requires some emendation in order to make sense. Although the La comes across as a nonsensical attempt within the context to read a text similar to the MT, its 2nd-person translation locutus es is noteworthy because it could be attesting a verb that began with t (e.g., rmat). Understanding twjm as “arrows” “rods” cf. Barb and Syr makes the most sense in this context given the Divine Warrior motif and the mention of Yhwh s bow in the previous colon. In support of reading “arrows,” see Barré, “Yahweh Gears p,” 8 Deissler, Zwölf Propheten II, 232; Hiebert, God of My Victory, 27-28; Sweeney, Twelve Prophets, 486. Against reading twjm as “arrows,” see D. T. Tsumura, “The ‘word pair qšt and mt in Habakkuk 3 in the Light of garitic and Akkadian,” in Go to the Land which I Will Show You (ed. J. E. Coleson and V. H. Matthews; Winona Lake, IN: Eisenbrauns, 1996) 353-61; Tsumura proposes “mace” as a parallel weapon to bow in other A E texts. Cassuto “Ras Shamra,” 8 notes that in Ugaritic literature Sea and River were killed with two rods. Thus, either tw[bv or rma must be a corrupted verb form. Many scholars choose to emend tw[bv to a verb (cf. Barb) and propose another emendation for rma (see nn. vv and ww . Albright “Psalm of Habakkuk,” 11-12) reads the entire line as rmat wjm tw[bf “sated by the fight which Thou has decreed” . Condamin (“Forme chorale,” 139) suggests rma twjm tw[wvy “command the triumph of the tribes” [commande le triomphe des tribus]). 144 hls vv*rmt twjm ww*t[bv [$tvq rw[t *hr[] 9 [You indeed laid bare your bow,] You poisonedvv (your) sevenww rods/arrows. Selah.

vv The word in the MT is rma “speech” . Proposed emendations for rma include: $tpva “your quiver” Hiebert, God of My Victory, 7, 28; J. Jeremias, Theophanie: Die Geschichte einer alttestamentlichen Gattung [WMANT 10; Neukirchen-Vluyn: Neukirchener Verlag, 1965] 41; Kelly, “Strophic Structure,” Marti, Dodekapropheton, 352, Nowack, Kleinen Propheten, 292); wrty “its chord” Humbert, , 79); rmat “you decree” Horst, Zwölf kleinen Propheten, 182; Pfeiffer, Jahwes kommen von Süden, 132); rbat “you made fly” Rudolph, Micha, 236); $rtym “your chord” Sellin, Zwölfprophetenbuch, 357). Sinker (Psalm of Habakkuk, 26) interprets twjm as being in construct with rma i.e., “the rod of the decree” . O Connor Hebrew Verse Structure, 236) revocalizes as a qal impf. 1st sg. with the meaning “I see” see also Haak, Habakkuk, 95-96). Patterson (Nahum, 219) speculates that perhaps rma is the name of God s war club and is derived from the verb rrm “to drive out” , which perhaps could be a “scribal pun on Baal s war weapon Aymur ‘Expeller ” cf. Cassuto, “Ras Shamra,” 8. Given the likelihood of twjm is referring to arrows (see n. uu-uu above) and the problems with emending tw[bv to a verb (see n. ww below), rma isi left as the most likely candidate for a verb in this colon. Barré (“Yahweh Gears p,” -83) provides detailed support for emending the colon to rmt twjm t[bv “you poisoned [your] seven arrows,” where “poisoned” literally means “smear with [serpent s] gall” based on the Semitic root rrm [often “be bitter”] and the use serpent s venom in the A E . The proposal rmt is partially supported by the La as well as by the possible t/a confusion in the early- and paleo-Hebrew script; for information about t/a confusion, see E. Tov, Textual Criticism of the Hebrew Bible (2nd rev. ed.; Minneapolis: Fortress Press, 2001) 244-45. Because of the minimal emendations required and its contextual appropriateness, I agree with Barr s proposal as most likely reflecting the original text and have adopted it in the text above.

ww The word in the MT is tw[bv “oaths” in the absolute form. Several scholars emend tw[bv to t[bf “you sated” Elliger, Propheten, 50; Hiebert, God of My Victory, 7, 26-27; Humbert, , 79; Jeremias, Theophanie, 41; Marti, Dodekapropheton, 352-53; Nowack, Kleinen Propheten, 292; Patterson, Nahum, 219; Roberts, Nahum, 139; Sellin, Zwölfprophetenbuch, 357. Sinker (Psalm of Habakkuk, 24-25) thinks the best option is to read tw[bv as a fem. pl. qal ptc. (so also Haak, Habakkuk, 94-95). Although the emendation of tw[bv to a verb from the root [bf due to v/f confusion is tempting, this proposal tends to lead either to extensive emendations to rma, one of the most popular of which is $tpva (but which has only one letter in common with the consonantal MT!), or to a text that does not fit the motif and context very well (e.g., rmat). Thus, it seems likely that tw[bv could be the number seven (t[bv; cf. LXX and the description of Ba‘al s seven lightnings/arrows [cited in F. M. Cross, Canaanite Myth and Hebrew Epic (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1973) 148] . Other supporters of “seven” include Andersen, Habakkuk, 312, 320- 3 “seven clubs” Barré, “Yahweh Gears p,” 83 “seven arrows” J. Day, “Echos of Baal s Seven Thunders and Lightnings in Psalm and Habakkuk 3 and the Identity of the Seraphim in Isaiah 6,” VT 29 (1979) 143-51, here “seven arrows” O Connor, Hebrew Verse Structure, 36 “seven staffs” Pinker, “Lord s Bow,” composite bow of “seven strips” . 145 yy~yrh zzwlyxy $warzz 10 xx`#ra-[qbt twrhnxx xxYou cleft the earth with rivers;xx 10The mountainsyy zzsaw you and writhed.zz

xx-xx The verb [qbt could be repointed as a niphal 3rd fem. sg., in which case the colon could be read as “the earth was split with rivers” see also Hiebert, God of My Victory, 8, 28; Sellin, Zwölfprophetenbuch, 357. Either option (3rd fem. sg. or 2nd masc. sg.) is possible; the 2nd masc. sg. fits with the rest of the verbs in v. 9; however, if v. 9c is intended as part of a bicolon with v. 10a (as organized above), a 3rd-person verb would match the verb in v. 10a. However, it is possible that this bicolon is intended as a transition between 2nd- and 3rd-person verbs, in which case there is not necessarily a problem with the different persons for the verbs. Sinker (Psalm of Habakkuk, 27) notes that in eleven of the twelve times that the piel of [qb is used in the MT, the verb is followed by the direct object (i.e., that which is torn), thus making a further case for the 2nd-person verb here.

yy The LXX apparently replaces “mountains” with “people/nations” laoi,) as the subject of the colon a similar substitution occurs in Exod 8 , though it is possible that the LXX s Vorlage could have read ~ym[ “peoples” . However, Barb agrees with the MT s reading (ta. o;rh), as do the La (montes) and Syr ()r*w+).

zz-zz The lack of verbal agreement (perfect followed by imperfect) is noteworthy, but is probably an archaic (or archaizing) poetic feature already witnessed elsewhere in this passage. The La and Syr render both verbs as perfect (La viderunt and doluerunt; Syr kw)zX and w(z), while the LXX uses two future forms (o;yontai, and wvdinh,sousi) which are typically used to render the Heb imperfect. Barb has a more idiomatic Gk translation using a prepositional infinitive phrase (evn tw/| avntofqalmei/n lit., “in the looking at” = “when the mountains look at” and a future tense for the second verb (taracqh,sontai “will be troubled” , which again presumably renders a Heb imperfect. 146 wlwq ~wht !tn A*twb[ ~ym B*wmrz CloudsA poured outB water/rain; The deep gave its voice.

A The MT has the verb rb[ “passed over” . It has been emended to the noun twb[ “clouds” based on the text of Hab 3:10 in Mur XII and the parallel phrase in Ps 77:18 (twb[ ~ym wmrz), albeit with caution. As observed by Eaton (“Habakkuk 3,” 153 , “it is hard to say whether the greater difficulty of [the MT] should be counted for or against it.” Other scholars who support the emendation to t(w)b[ include Albright, “Psalm of Habakkuk,” Cassuto, “Ras Shamra,” Hiebert, God of My Victory, 30; Horst, Zwölf kleinen Propheten, 182; Margulis, “The Psalm of Habakkuk,” 3 Roberts, Nahum, 140; Sellin, Zwölfprophetenbuch, 357.

B The MT has the noun ~rz “downpour/rainstorm,” with violent overtones [see Sinker, Psalm of Habakkuk, 28]). It has been emended to a verb based on the text of Hab 3:10 in Mur XII (Mur 88) and the parallel phrase in Ps 77:18 (twb[ ~ym wmrz), albeit with caution (see also previous note). The verb ~rz meaning “flood” [qal] is found in Ps 8 poel and Ps qal , whereas the noun ~rz is found once in Job (24:8) and several times in Isaiah (Isa 4:6; 25:4; 28:2; 30:30; 32:2). Since the noun is more common and is used several times in another prophetic text (i.e., Isaiah), it is more likely that the verb would be confused for the noun rather than vice versa. However, since the verb is used in the theophanic text of Ps 77:18 and the noun appears in the storm-god motifs of Isa 8 and 3 3 , either form would fit the context. The MT s ~ym ~rz “downpour/rainstorm of water” , while not necessarily illogical, is redundant, whereas the phrase in Mur XII and Ps 8 is not. Other scholars who support the emendation to a verb include Albright, “Psalm of Habakkuk,” Cassuto, “Ras Shamra,” Hiebert, God of My Victory, 30; Horst, Zwölf kleinen Propheten, 182; Margulis, “Psalm of Habakkuk,” 3 Roberts, Nahum, 140; Sellin, Zwölfprophetenbuch, 357. 147 [hlbz dm[ xry11] C*vmv Dafn whydy ~wr SunC raisedD its hands on high; [11Moon stood [in] its lofty residence.]

C The MT includes vmv with v. 11, thus creating a double subject with a singular verb (note: Pfeiffer [Jahwes kommen von Süden, 133] thinks xry is a later addition). As noted by Eaton (“Habakkuk 3,” 153), the use of a double subject is attested elsewhere in the MT; e.g., Isa 51:11 hxnaw !wny wsn “sorrow and sighing fled” . However, Isa uses a plural verb not singular and includes the w conjunction connecting the two subjects unlike the MT s Hab 3 . Eaton “Habakkuk 3,” 153 explains the MT s peculiarities by appealing to the lack of a w conjunction elsewhere in Habakkuk 3 and by suggesting that the singular verb dm[ would have been attracted to the closer noun even though the verse he cites as containing a double subject (Isa 51:11) has a plural verb rather than a singular see above . Although Eaton s observations are plausible and the implied subject of afn could be ~wht “the deep” from v. bb, the other cola in v. 10 provide an explicit subject in the text with the logical pairings of ~ym/twb[ “water”/“clouds” and ~wht “deep” in the bicolon in v. b, just as vmv “sun” and xry “moon” would constitute a logical pairing for another bicolon in vv. 10c-11a. Both the LXX and Barb treat vmv as the subject of afn; the LXX appears to be reading a niphal of afn with its evph,rqh o` h[lioj “the sun was lifted” , while Barb has fw/j to. lampro.n tou/ h`li,ou evpe,sce “the glorious light of the sun spread out” . Both the La and the Syr add “and” La et; Syr w between “sun” and “moon,” and correct the verb to a plural (La steterunt; Syr wMQ , thus keeping “sun” and “moon” in the same colon as the MT. Other scholars who treat vmv as part of the last colon in the MT s v. include Andersen, Habakkuk, 312, 330-332; Duhm, Buch Habakuk, 88; Elliger, Propheten, 50; Haak, Habakkuk, 97; Horst, Zwölf kleinen Propheten, 182; Humbert, , 78-79; Jeremias, Theophanie, 42; Lescow, “ ahum und Habakuk,” 83 Marti, Dodekapropheton, 353; Nowack, Kleinen Propheten, 293; O Connor, Hebrew Verse Structure, 237; Riessler, Kleinen Propheten, 190; Sellin, Zwölfprophetenbuch, 357; Sweeney, Twelve Prophets, 486. A. Pinker “God s C3 in Habakkuk 3,” ZAW 115 [2003] 261-65) suggests that Yhwh is the implied subject in afn whydy ~wr “He raised His hands high up” p. 6 , functioning as part of battlefield communication signals in vv.10d-11. Although the persons in Habakkuk 3 do shift between referring to Yhwh in the 3rd person and the 2nd person, the text is at least consistent within its individual strophes/units (with the possible exception of wyjmb in v. 14). The pattern of addressing Yhwh is: v. 2 = 2nd person; vv. 3-7 = 3rd person; vv. 8-15 = 2nd person; vv. 16-19 = 3rd person. Pinker s suggestion is disruptive of that pattern because it introduces a 3rd-person reference to Yhwh in the midst of a larger section (vv. 8-15) where Yhwh is otherwise addressed in the 2nd person, including in v. 11 where even Pinker translates the last colon in direct address “… a glint of Your spear” ibid., emphasis added .

D Several scholars emend afn to hvn “it forgot” ; see Elliger, Propheten, 50; Horst, Zwölf kleinen Propheten, 182; Jeremias, Theophanie, 42; Marti, Dodekapropheton, 353; Nowack, Kleinen Propheten, 293; Rudolph, Micha, 236; Sellin, Zwölfprophetenbuch, 357. Humbert ( , 78-79) also assumes f/v confusion but repoints the verb as a niphal and adds a conjunction (avnw), while Riessler (Kleinen Propheten,193) repoints afn to a niphal. Although the versions do not agree upon their subjects or voice of the verb (passive vs. active), most clearly reflect a form of afn “lift up” “raise” in translation see also previous note): LXX evph,rqh; La levavit; Syr lQ$. As noted by Sinker (Psalm of Habakkuk, 29), it is possible to understand ~wr as a nominative substantive rather than an adverb. 148 Fhlbz dm[ xry11 *vmv afn Ewhydy ~wrE Sun raised Eits hands on high;E 11Moon stood [in] its lofty residence.F `$tynx qrb Ghgnl wklhy $ycx Grwal

At light,G your arrows went forth; At brightness,G the lightning of your spear.

E-E Elliger (Propheten, 50) and Marti (Dodekapropheton, 353) emend this phrase to hxrzm “in/toward the east” “rising” “sunrise” . Sellin Zwölfprophetenbuch, 357) proposes whyd[wm “its appointed rotations” . Horst (Zwölf kleinen Propheten, 182) suggests twmmwr “praises” . Riessler Kleinen Propheten,193) reads hydy ~myr “[it] raised its hands” . Kelly “Strophic Structure,” follows G. A. Smith s emendation wxzdm “his [mourning] cry”).

F The h is here understood as the archaic, preexilic 3rd-masc. sg. suffix “his” cf. Job 3 Ezek 43:17; Nah 2:4); see also Hiebert, God of My Victory, 31. BHS, Elliger (Propheten, 50), Horst (Zwölf kleinen Propheten, 182), and Jeremias (Theophanie, 43) add a proclitic preposition, thus yielding hlbzb, which would provide for a smoother reading “in its lofty residence” . Marti Dodekapropheton, 353) and Riessler (Kleinen Propheten, 193) suggest wlwbz “its lofty residence” .

G On the basis of the use of rwal in Zeph 3:5 and Job 24:14 with the meaning “at dawn” see also HALOT, p. 24), I propose that a similar use is intended here for both rwal and its parallel hgnl. Thus, I maintain that “at light” rwal and “at brightness” hgnl are parallel temporal expressions for “at dawn” even though b is more often used in a temporal sense than l (Joüon §133d); see the exegesis section below for further implications of the proposal within the context. The LXX translates the preposition l as eivj “into” , Barb as kata, “according to,” which can be used in a temporal sense “at/on/during” , Syr as B “in/on” , and La as in “in/into” . It is uncertain whether the Syr and La presuppose a Vorlage that used b or if they understood l in a temporal sense more typical of b. Sinker (Psalm of Habakkuk, 3 also uses “at” to translate l; however, he understands it as possibly having the sense of “because of” if connected to diminished light from the sun and moon in the previous colon or “in the presence of” if connected to the victory at Gibeon . Hiebert (God of My Victory, 31-32) suggests that the l is used adverbially and, hence, proposes “brightly” rwal and “brilliantly” (hgnl) as translations (also Haak, Habakkuk, 92; Prinsloo, “Reading Habakkuk 3,” . Citing Isa 60:19, Roberts (Nahum, 141) takes both as idiomatic references to God s lightning, which provides the only remaining light after the sun and moon have been blocked out by Yhwh s thick clouds [note ironically, Isa 6 is part of a passage describing the peace that will occur once Yhwh restores Zion, not as part of a passage describing Yhwh s battle tactics]. 149 Strophe V: Divine Warrior is Victorious PVO PVO `~ywg vwdt @ab #ra-d[ct ~[zb 12 VP P $xyvm-ta [vyl $m[ [vyl tacy 13 VOP VOP `hls rawc-d[ dwsy twr[ [vr tybm var tcxm VPO VOAdv ~tcyl[ yncyphl wr[sy wzrp var wyjmb tbqn 14 P[VOP] `rtsmb yn[ lkal-wmk VOI [O] `~ybr ~ym *rmxb $ysws ~yb tkrd 15

Translation and Notes

`~ywg vwdt H @ab #ra- I d[ct H~[zb 12

12In wrath,H you marchedI on the land; In anger, H you trampled the nations.

H The translation of ~[zb and @ab respectively in the translations are: LXX evn avpeilh/| (“in threat”) and evn qumw/| “in fury” Barb meta. qumou/ (“with fury”) and met ovrgh/j (“with anger”); Syr )tMXB “in fury/heat” and )zGwrB “in wrath/anger” cf. v. La in fremitu “in roaring” and in furore “in rage/fury” . Barb has a less literal translation of the prepositions than the other versions, but does choose two Gk words that are more commonly used to translate ~[z and @a in the LXX. In contrast, the LXX does use qumo,j (albeit for @a rather than ~[z, contrary to Barb) but chooses an unusual word for ~[z (avpeilh, [threat]); of the 24 times avpeilh, is used in the LXX, only seven have a parallel Heb term in the MT and Hab 3:11 is the only time when avpeilh, is used to translate ~[z (statistics and usage determined using Bibleworks 9.0 [Norfolk: Bibleworks, LCC, 2011] in conjunction with E. Hatch and H. A. Redpath, A Concordance to the Septuagint [2nd ed.; Grand Rapids: Baker, 2005]). In contrast, qumo,j is used 333 times in the LXX and ovrgh, 303 times. On the other hand, the LXX is consistent in that it previously used qumo,j to translate @a in Hab 3:8 and ovrgh, was already used to translate zgr in Hab 3:2; thus, perhaps the LXX translator was trying to distinguish the three anger-related Heb terms in Habakkuk 3 (~[z, @a, and zgr) by using a different Gk term for each.

I Barb translates the verb as evgerqh,sh “you will arise” Good “Barberini,” 6 suggests rw[t as the possible Heb Vorlage for Barb in place of the MT s dcct. 150 K$xyvm J[-ta] [vylJ $m[ [vyl tacy 13

13 You went forth for the deliverance JFor the deliveranceJ of your Anointed One.K

of your people,

J-J Both the Gk and Syr have an infinitive here (LXX sw/sai [“to save”] Barb r`u,sasqai [“to rescue”]; Syr qrPM [“to redeem”] , while the La (salutem) reflects the MT s noun. The apparent problem is the presence of the direct object marker (ta) in the MT, which generally is out of place in poetry and, thus, is probably a corruption or a gloss [hence I have placed it in brackets], but which may have been the catalyst for why both the LXX and Barb translates [vyl in this colon differently than in the previous one. The deletion of ta would solve the textual problem, though some scholars opt to emend the text. Albright (“Psalm of Habakkuk,” 11), Hiebert (God of My Victory, 7), and Horst (Zwölf kleinen Propheten, 182) emend ta to ~[ “people” . Since [vyl as a qal infinitive is problematic ([vy is never elsewhere used in the qal, only in the niphal and hiphil), several scholars emend [vyl to a hiphil infinitive [yvw(h)l; see Elliger, Propheten, 50; Marti, Dodekapropheton, 354; Nowack, Kleinen Propheten, 293; Rudolph, Micha, 237; Wellhausen, Kleinen Propheten, 142.

K Both Gk versions have a plural here; however, the LXX has tou.j cristou,j “anointed ones” while Barb has tou.j evklektou,j “elected/chosen ones” . The choice of evklekto,j in Barb could be a Jewish reaction against Christian interpretation of the OT in which cristo,j was linked to the belief in Jesus of Nazareth as the Messiah/Christ/Anointed One, even though the plural is used in the LXX of Hab 3:13. 151 `hls Mrawc-d[dwsy *tyr[M L[vr tybm var tcxmL

LYou shattered the head from the MYou laid bare the base as far as the neck.M house of the wicked; L Selah.

L-L The MT has [vr tybm var tcxm “You shattered the head from/of the house of the wicked one” . The LXX reads e;balej eivj kefala.j avno,mwn qa,naton “You threw/cast/brought death onto the heads of the lawless” , thus reading tybm as twm “death” also the name of a Canaanite god, Mot; see Albright, “Psalm of Habakkuk,” 11, 13; cf. Cassuto, “Ras Shamra,” ). Barb has kateto,xeusaj kefala.j avnqrw,pwn u`perhfa,nwn “You shot [with arrows] the heads of wicked humans” , perhaps reading tybm as ytm “men/people” see also Humbert, , 79). Both the La and Syr have a translation similar to the MT: La percussisti caput de domo impii “You struck/pierced the head from the house of the wicked” Syr )Lw(d htYB oM )$Yr tQSP “You cut off the head of the house of the wicked” . F. J. Stephens (“The Babylonian Dragon Myth in Habakkuk 3,” JBL 43 [1924] 290-93) uses the LXX as a basis for proposing that the original Heb could have been twmhb (twmh [LXX]  twmhb [proposed original]  twmb [drop h]  twbm [metathesis of b and m]  tybm [w/y confusion = MT] thus, “Thou didst strike through the head of Behemoth” ibid., . Andersen (Habakkuk, 337) solves the problemic colon by deleting tybm. Hiebert (God of My Victory, 9, 36-40) suggests tbm (3rd fem. sg. construct “back” see pp. 3 -38 for an explanation regarding how tbm could have generated the other variants reflected in the MT and Gk translations , although he acknowledges that Albright s reading “Mot/Death” [A E deity] is also appealing. One problem is that hbm in Heb more often means “height/high places” while “back” is more common in Ugaritic according to Hiebert (ibid., 39). Even in the few places where “back” might be more fitting e.g., Deut 33:29; Job 9:8; Isa 14:14), which often do have possible connections with Ugaritic mythology, hbm is used with verbs of motion ($rd [“tread upon” Deut 33 Job 8 ] and hl[ [“ascend” Isa ] and with the preposition l[ in the sense “on/upon” hbm (cf. Hab 3:19); hbm is never used as the object of an attack (e.g., “smash/strike” . Examples of direct objects of #xm elsewhere in the MT include: hap “side of the head,” “temple,” “forehead” um ~yntm “loins/hips” Deut 33 var “head” Judg 6 Pss 68:22; 110:6); bhr “Rahab” [mythological being] Job 6 ~yklm “kings” Ps .

M-M For this colon, the LXX has evxh,geiraj desmou.j e[wj trach,lou “you raised up chains as far as the neck” La denudasti fundamentum usque ad collum “you laid bare the foundation up to the neck” Syr hrwcL )Md(w yhwS)8t$ oM yhYtXL$)w “you stripped him/it from the foundation and as far as the neck” . Barb appears to be reading a non-MT Vorlage with its e[wj avbu,ssou th/j qala,sshj katadusontai (“they will sink as far as the depths/abyss of the sea”); for possible connections to the MT consonantal text, see Good, “Barberini,” . 152 `hls Prawc-d[ Odwsy N*tyr[ [[vr tybm var tcxm]

[You shattered the head from the You laid bareN the baseO as far as the house of the wicked;] neck.P Selah. [~tcyl[ yncyphl wr[sy] Rwzrp Qvar wyjmb tbqn 14

14 You pierced the headQ of his warriorR [[They stormed to scatter me [in] their with his [own] shafts; arrogance/rejoicing]]

N The MT reads the piel inf. abs. twr[. However, the LXX, La, and Syr all have a 2nd masc. sg. verb (see n. M-M), thus presumably reading the 2nd masc. sg. piel tyr[ which better fits the context and to which I have emended the text accordingly; so also BHS; Hiebert, God of My Victory, 40; cf. Sellin, Zwölfprophetenbuch, 3 O Connor, Hebrew Verse Structure, 238. Humbert ( , 79) proposes a more radical emendation with ~trrc “you tied/wrapped/chained them” cf. LXX .

O The Syr reads a plural (yhwS)8t$), as does the LXX albeit with a different meaning (desmou,j; “bonds” “chains” ; La (fundamentum) agrees with the singular in the MT.

P A few scholars and BHS emend rawc to rwc “rock” see Elliger, Propheten, 50; Horst, Zwölf kleinen Propheten, 182; Kelly, “Strophic Structure,” ; Marti, Dodekapropheton, 354; Sellin, Zwölfprophetenbuch, 357.

Q Several scholars wish to add a 3rd masc. sg. personal pronominal suffix (wvar) here; see Albright, “Psalm of Habakkuk,” Duhm, Buch Habakuk, 92; Elliger, Propheten, 50; Horst, Zwölf kleinen Propheten, 182; Marti, Dodekapropheton, 354; Mowinckel, “Psalm des Habakuk,” 8 Rudolph, Micha, 237; Sellin, Zwölfprophetenbuch, 357.

R The noun zrp is a hapax legomenon in the MT [note: the qerê reads the plural noun wyzrp]; its meaning is uncertain. Translations in the other versions include “rulers” LXX dunastw/n; Syr yhwN+YL$8), “warriors” La bellatorum , and “sinners” Barb tw/n a`martwlw/n), all using the genitive case. Humbert ( , 79) proposes reading ~ynzr “dignitaries/princes” based on the LXX. 153 T~tcyl[ yncyphl wr[syT wzrp var Swyjmb tbqn 14

14 You pierced the head of his warrior T[[They stormed to scatter me [in] their

with his shafts;S arrogance/rejoicing]] T

S The LXX has evn evksta,sei “in/with amazement/terror” Barb meta. duna,mew,j sou (“with your power” La sceptris eius “his scepters” Syr yhwr*+wXB “with/by his staffs” . Thus, both the La and Syr include the 3rd-person personal pronoun, Barb uses the 2nd-person pronoun, while the LXX does not reflect the presence of a pronoun. The 2nd-person pronoun would better fit the context since it is more logical that Yhwh would use his own weapon to attack the enemy. Thus, several scholars propose emending the MT to $(y)jmb “your staff/rod/spear/shaft” see Elliger, Propheten, 50; Humbert, , 79; Kelly, “Strophic Structure,” 115; Mowinckel, “Psalm des Habakuk,” 18; Nowack, Kleinen Propheten, 294-95; Roberts, Nahum, 144; Sellin, Zwölfprophetenbuch, 357; Wellhausen, Kleinen Propheten, 172. Marti (Dodekapropheton, 354) suggests $ytjmb “with your shots” [mit deinen Geschossen]). Horst (Zwölf kleinen Propheten, 182) and Rudolph (Micha, 237) propose hjmb “with the arrow/dart” . Albright “Psalm of Habakkuk,” 11, 13) advocates wjmb “in the fight” . A. Pinker “On the Meaning of wytm in Habakkuk 3,14a,” Bib 86 [2005] 376-86) argues for transposing the last two letters into the construct ywjmb, with the meaning “into the spun s [braids] of the head” in the context and appealing to iconographic representations and textual descriptions indicative of how some ANE cultures valued long hair on men (pp. 382-83). Andersen (Habakkuk, 338) suggests reading the w as a dual suffix attested in the Gezer Calendar “two maces” .

T-T This colon is so textually problematic that some scholars refuse to attempt a translation (e.g., Andersen, Habakkuk, 313; Hiebert, God of My Victory, 9) or admit that any suggested translation will be highly speculative (e.g., Roberts, Nahum, 144). The MT reads ~tcyl[ yncyphl wr[sy “they stormed to scatter/smash me [in?] their arrogance/rejoicing” however, the last word is sometimes placed with the following colon). The LXX has seisqh,sontai evn auvth, “they will be shaken by it” / dianoi,xousi calinou.j auvtw/n “they will open their bridles” Barb tou.j pepoiqo,taj evpi. th|/ auvqadei,a| auvtw/n “the ones who trust [have been convinced/persuaded] in their arrogance” La venientibus ut turbo ad dispergendum me “to the ones coming as a whirlwind to scatter me” Syr nwhtwNXY$B wLKtt)d “who trust in their savagery” . There are several proposals to emend yncyphl. BHS, Horst (Zwölf kleinen Propheten, 182), and Riessler (Kleinen Propheten, 194) suggest #(y)phl. Humbert ( , 79) proposes $cyphl “[when] you cause to scatter” . Duhm Buch Habakuk, 92), Patterson (Nahum, 230), and Sellin (Zwölfprophetenbuch, 357) divide yncyphl into two words with various emendations: wnycpy wl (“to/for him/it” + “they hide” Duhm); [ync cwp “to scatter the humble” Patterson wnycpy hl (“to/for her/it” + “they hide” Sellin). A few scholars have also proposed emendations for ~tcyl[. Horst (Zwölf kleinen Propheten, 182) corrects it to twcyl[ “exultation” . Humbert ( , 79) suggests ~tycwlh “valiant ones” , while Riessler (Kleinen Propheten, 194) proposes ~twcylh “their booty/loot” . Based on an Arabic cognate noted by Driver, Eaton “Habakkuk 3,” leaves the MT unchanged but understands ~tcyl[ as “their throats” and connects it to the following colon. 154 U`rtsmb yn[ lkal-wmkU

UAs to devour the poor in secret.U

`~ybr ~ym W*rmxb $ysws ~yb Vtkrd 15

15You treadV upon the sea with your horses, Upon the surgeW of many waters.

U-U Although not quite as troublesome as the previous colon, this colon is also sometimes left untranslated (e.g., Hiebert, God of My Victory, 9) or omitted as a probable gloss (e.g., Humbert, , 78- 79). The MT has rtsmb yn[ lkal-wmk “as to devour the poor in secret” . The LXX reads w`j e;sqwn ptwco.j la,qra| “as a poor man eating in secret” Barb e[neken tou/ katafagei/n tou.j ptwcou.j la,qra| “on account of the poor ones devouring in secret” ; La exultatio eorum sicut eius qui devorat pauperem in abscondito “their joy [is/was] just as he who devours the poor in secret” this translation includes ~tcyl[); Syr )Y$w+B nwLK)Nd )NKS8ML “that they devour the poor in secret” . Marti (Dodekapropheton, 354 and Mowinckel “Psalm des Habakuk,” 8 emend wmk to #mk “like chaff” . Eaton “Habakkuk 3,” -56) suggests either repointing wmk to an elided verb form “they crave” or possibly an original infinitive absolute hmk. For yn[ lkal, Rudolph (Micha, 238) proposes yd[l abl “as a lion to his prey” . O Connor Hebrew Verse Structure, 238) takes the l on lkal as an emphatic l introducing wlka “they consume” .

V Some scholars want to read the hiphil tkrdh in place of the MT s tkrd; see Humbert, Prob , 79. However, evpibai,nw is used several times elsewhere to translate the qal of $rd (Deut 1:36; 11:25; 33:29; Josh 1:3; 1 Sam 5:5; Ps 91:13; Mic 5:4-5). If there is any support for a hiphil Vorlage, La viam fecisti “you made a way” comes the closest. The Syr uses the cognate tKrd (“you tread” .

W The MT points rmx as a masc. sg. construct noun “foaming” “heap” . The Syr comes closest to this with the noun )$NK “gathering” “collection” , though the La also has a noun, albeit in a prepositional phrase in luto “in mud” which possibly attests to a Vorlage that read rmxb. In contrast, the LXX translates rmx with the participle tara,ssontaj “disturbing” while Barb has a finite verb evtara,cqh “[the violent waters of the abyss] were disturbed” aor. ind. pass. 3rd sg. with a collective neut. pl. subject). Some possibilities for verb forms that would only require repointing the MT include a masc. sg. ptc. or 3rd masc. sg. finite verbs. However, none of these options would fit very well because ~ybr ~ym takes a plural verb elsewhere in MT whenever it is the subject (e.g., Num 20:11; Ps 32:6; Cant 8:7; Ezek 31:15) and if Yhwh were the subject, a hiphil would be more appropriate “he disturbed” . Another option is represented by the possible Vorlage of the Vg (rmxb), given that ~ybr ~ym appears as part of other construct chains (e.g., Ps 93:4; Isa 17:13; Ezek 1:24; 31:15) and that rmxb ~ybr ~ym would create a nice parallel to ~yb in the previous colon that would be typical of Heb poetry. Others who support the emendation to rmxb include BHS; Hiebert, God of My Victory, 47-48; Roberts, Nahum, 145. 155

Strophe VI: Conclusion

VVS PVS ytpf wllc lwql ynjb zgrtw yt[mv 16 VSP PVO(?) *rva zgra ytxtw ymc[b bqr awby VP POV `wndwgy ~[l twl[l hrc ~wyl xwna SV PredSP ~ynpgb lwby !yaw xrpt-al hnat-yk 17 VS SVO lka hf[-al twmdvw tyz-hf[m vxk VPS PredSP `~ytprb rqb !yaw !ac hlkmm rzg SPV VP `y[vy yhlab hlyga hzwl[a hwhyb ynaw 18

SPred VOP twlyak ylgr ~fyw ylyx ynda hwhy 19 PV [ytwnygnb xcnml] ynkrdy ytwmb l[w

Translation and Notes

ytpf Zwllc Ylwql ynjb zgrtw Xyt[mv 16

16I heardX and my belly shook; At the soundY my lips quiver.Z

X The LXX has evfulaxa,mhn “I observed/watched” , perhaps reading ytrmv ; Barb has evtaxa,mhn “I stationed [myself]” , perhaps reading ytmf. Both La (audivi) and Syr (t(M$) support the MT.

Y Both Gk versions have avpo, “from” , perhaps reading lwqm. The Syr has lBQwL “against” . The La renders the Heb most literally with ad “to” .

Z The MT s wllc is not reflected in Barb or Syr. The LXX translates it as proseuch/j “prayer” Patterson (Nahum, 233) suggests that the LXX was reading the Aramaic root al[ “pray” . Again, the La most closely resembles the Heb with contremuerunt “they trembled” . 156 BB*rva AAzgra ytxtw ymc[b bqr awby

Rottenness comes into my bones; I quakeAA under me, walking.BB

[wndwgy ~[l twl[l] hrc ~wyl CCxwna

I restCC for the day of distress [To go up to the people [who] attack us.]

AA The versions are inconsistent regarding the person of the verb. The MT s st-person zgra is only clearly supported by Barb (evtara,cqhn “I was troubled” , which seems to be reading the st sg. perf. ytzgr. The Syr colon (z yKr*wBw “and my knees shook” could be an idiomatic rendering for the MT or maybe a slightly different Vorlage. Both the La and LXX read a 3rd-person verb, the La with an implied subject (et subter me scateat “and it swarms under me” , whereas the LXX includes a subject kai. u`poka,twqe,n mou evtara,cqh h` e[xij mou; “and under me my condition was troubled/stirred up” . Several scholars emend zgra to wzgry (3rd pl.); see Elliger, Propheten, Kelly, “Strophic Structure,” 116; Marti, Dodekapropheton, 355; Sellin, Zwölfprophetenbuch, 357. Albright (“Psalm of Habakkuk,” ) and Horst (Zwölf kleinen Propheten, 184) suggest zgrt (3rd fem. sg.). Duhm (Buch Habakuk, 96), Humbert ( , 79) and Nowack (Kleinen Propheten, 296) propose zgry (3rd masc. sg.).

BB If rva is taken as the relative marker as pointed in the MT, it should logically be placed with what follows it. However, the relative marker is uncommon in Heb poetry and it does not work well within this context, while placing it with what follows disrupts what appears to be a consistent 3/3 pattern for the bicola in this verse (see also Patterson, Nahum, 233). Most of the versions do read the relative marker (and, hence, put it with the following colon): La ut; Syr -d; Barb tau/ta (=rva?). In contrast, the LXX does not include any indication of a relative pronoun in v. 16bb and may have translated rva (or a different Vorlage) using h` e[xij mou “my condition” , which the LXX treats as the subject of v. 16ba. Several scholars emend rva to yrva “my step[s]”); see Albright, “Psalm of Habakkuk,” Duhm, Buch Habakuk, 96; Elliger, Propheten, 50; Horst, Zwölf kleinen Propheten, 184; Humbert, , 79; Kelly, “Strophic Structure,” 6 Marti, Dodekapropheton, 355; Perlitt, Propheten, 93; Roberts, Nahum, 147; Sellin, Zwölfprophetenbuch, 357; Ward, “Habakkuk,” Wellhausen, Kleinen Propheten, 172. One problem with this emendation is that the extant portions of Mur XII do not allow for another letter between rva and the following word, xwna. Thus, Eaton “Habakkuk 3,” proposes repointing rva as an infinitive absolute from the verb “to go.” Pfeiffer Jahwes kommen von Süden, 134) and Rudolph (Micha, 238) suggest revocalizing as simply the noun “step” without the addition of a pronoun; see also Andersen, Habakkuk, 345; Haak, Habakkuk, 103; Patterson, Nahum, 233. In support of rva as a relative marker, see R. D. Holmstedt, “Habakkuk 3 6 – where did the rva go?” HS 44 (2003) 129-38; Sinker, Psalm of Habakkuk, 38-39.

CC Both the LXX (avnapau,somai) and La (requiescam) support the MT with their 1st-sg. verbs meaning “I will rest.” In contrast, Barb reads a nd-person verb (fula,xeij; “you will watch” , while the Syr has a 3rd- person verb (qdB “he explained” . Elliger Propheten, 50), Horst (Zwölf kleinen Propheten, 184), and BHS emend xwna to hkxa “I will wait” and Duhm (Buch Habakuk, 96) to xnaa “I sigh/moan” ; Ward “Habakkuk,” 8 reluctantly adopts the latter proposal because “nothing better occurs.” Albright and Sellin each draw on the following word to create a different division of words; Albright (“Psalm of Habakkuk,” 12-13, 17) suggests emending the text to ~wy yl vna “painful to me [is] the day [of distress]”), while Sellin (Zwölfprophetenbuch, 357) suggests ~wy lyxwa “I wait for [the] day” . 157 DDwndwgy ~[l twl[l [hrc ~wyl xwna]

[I rest for the day of distress] To go up to the people [who] attack us.DD ~ynpgb lwby !yaw xrpt-al hnat-yk 17

17Though the fig tree does not bud And there is no produce of the vines, lka hf[-al twmdvw tyz-hf[m vxk

The yield of olives fails And fields do not make food,

EE~ytprb rqb !yawEE !ac hlkmm rzg

Flocks are cut off from the enclosure EEAnd there is no herd in the stable,EE

FFy[vy yhlab hlyga hzwl[a hwhyb ynaw 18

18But I will exult in Yhwh; I will rejoice in the God of my salvation.FF GGtwlyak ylgr ~fywGG ylyx ynda hwhy 19

19Yhwh, my Lord, is my strength, GGAnd he puts my feet as stags/deer; GG

DD Barb comes closest to the MT s meaning with its polemou/n to.n lao.n sou “making war on your people” except that it adds an extra word for “people” to.n lao,n) and uses the 2nd-sg. personal pronoun sou instead of the 1st-pl. pronoun. The LXX has paroiki,aj mou “[people] of my sojourning” . La reads accinctum nostrum “our girded [people]” . Syr does not have a verb in this colon but has an extra verb in the previous colon that perhaps should be included in this colon). Albright (“Psalm of Habakkuk,” corrects the MT to yndwgy (1st-sg. pronominal suffix). Humbert ( , 79) suggests dwdg “troop of warriors” .

EE-EE Syr has )r*QBB )r*wt tYLw “there are no bulls in the herd” instead.

FF The La reads Iesu “Jesus” instead of “salvation.”

GG-GG Though the phrasing here is somewhat strange, it is similar to 2 Sam 22:34 // Ps 18:34. The LXX has kai. ta,xei tou.j po,daj mou eivj sunte,leian “and he will place my feet toward completion” , while Barb reads kai. kate,sthse tou.j po,daj mou avsfalei/j “he set my feet firm” . The other versions support the MT La et ponet pedes meos quasi cervorum; Syr )lY)d kY) yLGr* dB(d. 158 II[ytwnygnb xcnml]II ynkrdy HHytwmb l[w

And upon myHH high places he leads me. II[To the director with music/strings.] II

2. Authenticity and Dating

There has been much debate regarding whether Habakkuk 3 is original vis-à-vis the rest of the book. Although the absence of Habakkuk 3 in the Pesher on Habakkuk (1QpHab) found among the Dead Sea Scrolls might indicate that it was not yet a fixed part of the book of Habakkuk, many scholars reject its absence as evidence against the incorporation of

Habakkuk 3 by the time 1QPHab was written.6 Perlitt thinks that the liturgical notes indicate that the text was originally part of the Psalter and the superscription in 3:1 was added later, attributing the poem to Habakkuk.7 Similarly, Nogalski points to the liturgical notations, especially the use of hls, as an indication that Habakkuk 3 was redacted to include those liturgical features and had a separate literary origin from the rest of the book of Habakkuk.8

HH Some scholars wish to remove the 1st-sg. suffix; see Elliger, Propheten, 50 Kelly, “Strophic Structure,” 6 Marti, Dodekapropheton, 355; Nowack, Kleinen Propheten, 297; Perlitt, Propheten, 95. However, the 1st-person pronoun is present in the other versions except the LXX (Barb tw/n evcqrw/n mou; La excelsa mea; Syr yMwr). Patterson (Nahum, 238) suggests that ytwm is a “frozen form based an old genitive case.”

II-II Each of the versions has something different in place of the MT subscription: LXX tou/ nikh/sai evn th/| wv|dh/| auvtou/ “to conquer by his song” Barb taci,saj katepau,sato “taci,saj [“swiftly”?] it was brought to an end” La in psalmis canentem “in singing songs” , Syr htXB$8tB rMz)d “that I will sing his praises” . The word taci,saj in Barb is a hapax legomenon, not only in the OT, but in the entire Gk corpus of literature (Good, “Barberini,” the LSJ p. 6 hypothesizes that it is from the verb taci,zw “to make swift” this would make taci,saj an aor. ptc.) and for this suggestion cites only Hab 3:19.

6 Against the Pesher as evidence for the earlier absence of Habakkuk 3 from the book, see Deissler, Zwölf Propheten II, 219; Elliger, Propheten, 55; R. L. Smith, Micah-Malachi, 95. Habakkuk 3 is included in Mur XII and 8HevXIIgr with the rest of the fragments of Habakkuk.

7 Perlitt, Propheten, 83. He also thinks that comparison with other Jewish literature indicates that the Book of Habakkuk was “finished” in the fourth century B.C.E. (ibid., 43), presumably including Habakkuk 3.

8 Nogalski, Redactional Processes, 156-59. 159

Although O. P. Robertson thinks that Habakkuk 3 did circulate separately, he also thinks that it belonged to the original form of the book of Habakkuk.9 Ward favors common authorship of Habakkuk 2–3, which he dates to “a period later than the first standard collection of

Sacred Books”; he notes that the author of both chapters appears to be familiar with

Deuteronomy, 2 Samuel, Isaiah, Jeremiah, and Micah.10 Albright sees no reason why the entire book could not substantially be the work of a single author who reused and reinterpreted earlier poetic ANE material to create the first three parts (v. 2, vv. 3-7, vv. 8-15) of Habakkuk 3.11 Perhaps the most famous argument for the literary unity of the book of

Habakkuk comes from Humbert, whose study focuses largely on the similar vocabulary within the three chapters of Habakkuk.12 Others have also argued that the psalm in Habakkuk

3 fulfills an essential function in the book, particularly as a response to Habakkuk 1, thus pointing to a single author.13

The date of composition for Habakkuk 3 is also highly debated. One of the earliest proposed datings for Habakkuk 3 is Hiebert s conclusion that the poem can be dated back to

14 premonarchic Israel (i.e., thirteenth – tenth centuries B.C.E.). D. A. Robertson uses

9 O. P. Robertson, Habakkuk, 214.

10 Ward, “Habakkuk,” .

11 Albright, “Psalm of Habakkuk,” 9; cf. Haak, Habakkuk, 110-11; Roberts, Nahum, 85; Prinsloo, “Reading Habakkuk 3,” 8 J. W. Watts, “Psalmody in Prophecy Habakkuk 3 in Context,” in Forming Prophetic Literature: Essays on Isaiah and the Twelve in Honor of John D. W. Watts (ed. J. W. Watts and P. R. House; JSOTSup 235; Sheffield: Sheffield Academic Press, 1996) 209-23, esp. 221.

12 Humbert, , 245.

13 For examples, see Eaton, “Habakkuk 3,” 66-67; D. Markl, “Hab 3 in intertextueller und kontextueller Sicht,” Bib 85 (2004) 99-108; Prinsloo, “Reading Habakkuk 3,” -7; M. E. W. Thompson, “Prayer, Oracle and Theophany: The Book of Habakkuk,” TynBul 44 (1993) 33-53.

14 Hiebert, God of My Victory, 120-22. 160

15 linguistic clues to tentatively date Habakkuk 3 to the eleventh century B.C.E. Similarly,

Anderson thinks that the core theophany (vv. 3-15) can be dated confidently to the preexilic, perhaps even premonarhic, period with subsequent redactions and incorporation into a larger corpus during the Persian Period, thus giving it a place in the Twelve Prophets.16 The phrase

!mytm hwla in Hab 3:3 is similar to !mt hwhy found in the Kuntillet ‘Ajrud inscriptions,

17 which Lemaire dates to the reign of Jeroboam II, probably between 776-750 B.C.E.

Sweeney suggests that Yhwh s “anointed one” in v. 3 refers to the king and, hence, that

Habakkuk 3 reflects the preexilic monarchic period.18 Humbert finds the vocabulary of

Habakkuk 3 to be consistent with sacred lyric poetry, while also having affinities with the

19 prophets of the late seventh century B.C.E. Albright thinks that the presence of the archaic masculine singular suffix on hz[ “his strength” in v. “points to a date not later than the sixth century for composition” of Habakkuk 3, given the similar orthography in contemporary texts such as the Lachish Ostraca; thus he suggests 605-589 B.C.E. as a probable date of composition for the bulk of the book.20 Haak narrows the time frame further

15 D. A. Robertson, Linguistic Evidence, 155. He also tentatively dates Deuteronomy 32, 2 Samuel 22 // Psalm 18, and Job in the same century as Habakkuk 3, with Exodus 15 and Judges 5 dated in the twefth century, and Psalm 78 in the late tenth – early ninth centuries (ibid.).

16 J. E. Anderson, “Awaiting an Answered Prayer The Development and Reinterpretation of Habakkuk 3 in its Context,” ZAW 123 (2011) 57-71.

17 A. Lemaire, “Date et origine des inscriptions hebraiques et pheniciennes de Kuntillet ‘Ajrud,” Studi epigrafici e linguistici 1 (1984) 131- 3, here 3 see also Weinfeld, “Kuntillet ‘Ajrud,” -27. Ironically, B. Stade (“Miscellen. 3. Habakuk,” ZAW 4 [1884] 154-59) points to the use of hwla as indicating a postexilic author.

18 Sweeney, Twelve Prophets, 486. Against this suggestion, see Marti, Dodekapropheton, 327; Nogalski, Redactional Processes, 169; Stade, “3. Habakuk,” 157-58; Thompson, “Prayer,” 3.

19 Humbert, , 245.

20 Albright, “Psalm of Habakkuk,” 9-10, 14; cf. Mowinckel, “Psalm des Habakuk,” 2. W. L. Holladay (“Plausible Circumstances for the Prophecy of Habakkuk,” JBL 120 [2001] 123-30) extends the dates slightly to 605-594 B.C.E. based on the references to an apparent drought in Hab 3:17-18 similar to the one mentioned in 161

21 in proposing 605-603 B.C.E. Andersen thinks that the uses of “Eloah” and the “Holy One” in v. 3 indicate a time of composition “before the widespread or at least dominant use of

Yahweh.”22 If Pinker s proposed emendation of “years” (~ynv) to “captors” (~ybv) in Hab

3:2 reflects the original text, that would point to a time during or after the Babylonian Exile; however, Pinker notes that ~ybv could be referring to the first wave of exiles in 597 B.C.E., thus fitting within a ministry of Habakkuk that began during or just before the reign of King

23 Jehoiakim (608-598 B.C.E.) and lasted until the fall of Jerusalem in 587 B.C.E.

Several scholars reject such a preexilic dating. Nogalski appeals to the identification of Habakkuk as a aybn “prophet” in 3 as problematic for a preexilic dating and, instead, favors the late exilic or early postexilic period as the time of original composition.24 Nogalski also considers hls to be a later redactional element in the chapter and, hence, connects the redactional layer of Habakkuk 3 in which hls appears to the limited time period that hls was used in the Psalter (i.e., during the Persian period).25 In its final form, Pfeiffer dates

26 Habakkuk 3 to the early Hellenistic period (i.e., last third of the fourth century B.C.E.).

Duhm thinks that the aggressor in Habakkuk is Alexander the Great and thus, dates the entire

Jer 6. Against Holladay, A. Pinker “Infertile Quartet of Flora,” ZAW 115 [2003] 617-23, here 623) concludes that Jeremiah s description focuses around the absence of water whereas in Habakkuk 3 the issue is the loss of productivity as the result of war, not drought.

21 Haak, Habakkuk, 154.

22 Andersen, Habakkuk, 289.

23 A. Pinker, “Historical Allusions in the Book of Habakkuk,” Jewish Bible Quarterly 36 (2008) 143- 52, here 146-47. Although Pinker thinks it is possible that Hab 3:2 refers to the first wave of exiles, he concludes that the second, massive wave of exiles in 586 B.C.E. is the more likely possibility (ibid., 147).

24 Nogalski, Redactional Processes, 157, 180.

25 Ibid., 156.

26 Pfeiffer, Jahwes kommen von Süden, 176-77. 162

27 book to the fourth century B.C.E. Peter Jöcken has a detailed summary for which scholars date the book to which time period, from preexilic to postexilic.28

Although these two debates may never be resolved, the level of textual corruption in

Habakkuk 3 (even relative to the rest of Habakkuk), the presence of some archaic forms

(even if archaized in the preexilic period), the various linguistic and thematic connections with similar OT poetry and ANE writings, would all point to at least a preexilic date for the core theophanic material in vv. 3-15 and perhaps even to a date in the early monarchic or premonarchic period. It is possible that someone, perhaps Habakkuk himself, borrowed from or imitated an earlier text(s) as a basis for Habakkuk 3, adding the framing elements in vv. 2,

7, and 16-19. The presence of the liturgical notations, especially hls, makes a period of independent circulation likely. Otherwise, if Habakkuk 3 was original to the book of

Habakkuk, why is hls found only in Habakkuk 3 outside of the Psalter?29 Why is it singled out among the several hymns or hymn fragments found throughout the Pentateuch,

Deuteronomistic History, and the Prophets for inclusion of liturgical notations such as hls, if it did not share at least a common cultic/liturgical editing process (if not its original composition) with the psalms that also use hls (primarily restricted to the first three books of the Psalter)? Given that hls only appears in vv. 3-15 (i.e., vv. 3, 9, 13) in Habakkuk 3, it would be tempting to suggest that perhaps hls was already part of the text when the prophet

Habakkuk or a later redactor incorporated it into the book of Habakkuk; one potential

27 Duhm, Buch Habakuk, 3, 6-7, 70.

28 P. Jöcken, Das Buch Habakuk: Darstellung der Geschichte seiner kritischen Erforschung mit einer eigenen Beurteilung (BBB 48; Cologne-Bonn: Hanstein, 1977). See also W. Herrmann, “Das unerledigte Problem des Buches Habakkuk,” VT 51 (2001) 481-96.

29 J. W. Watts (“Psalmody,” 8 does give a few examples where hymns within prose passages were either taken over from the Psalter (e.g., parts of Psalms 96, 105, 106 are used in 1 Chr 16:8-36) or incorporated into the Psalter (e.g., 2 Samuel 22 becomes Psalm 18). 163 problem with this suggestion is explaining how (or, more precisely, when) the other liturgical notations (vv. 1 and 19) came to be, unless they too were initially connected only to vv. 3-15 before the prophet/redactor inserted the framing material (vv. 2, 7, 16-19) and perhaps also the attribution to Habakkuk in v. 1.30 Thus, it seems most likely that either the prophet or a redactor reused/edited/borrowed from earlier material for vv. 3-15 and then added the framing material.31 This supposition also explains the unusual combination of a victory hymn

(vv. 3-15) surrounded by elements typical of a lament (vv. 2, 16-19).

3. Exegetical Analysis and Commentary

Several scholars have attempted to link the theophanic language and imagery in

Habakkuk 3 to similar motifs in other ANE texts, including Babylonian (e.g., Irwin,

Stephens), Canaanite (e.g., Albright, Anderson, Cassuto, Day, May), and even Egyptian (e.g.,

Shupak).32 Although the theophanic nature of the passage is not debated, the question remains regarding what type of deity is portrayed: solar-, storm-, and/or warrior-god? These issues will be discussed throughout the following exegesis where appropriate.

Habakkuk 3 can be divided into the following structural components, with the core theophanic motifs appearing in vv. 3-15:

30 It is interesting to note that when the text of Habakkuk 3 was copied into the fourth chapter of the LXX book of “Odes,” the liturgical notations in vv. and 19 were eliminated but dia,yalma (= hls) was retained.

31 However, M. Barré (“ ewly Discovered Literary Devices in the Prayer of Habakkuk,” CBQ forthcoming [personal correspondence with author on 7/30/12]) places a break between v. 17 and v. 18, partially as a result of his analysis of some previously unrecognized structuring devices (anagrams and repetition). Thus, he concludes that only vv. 18-19a form a framing element with v. 2. Unfortunately, the contents of his forthcoming article were made available too late to be fully incorporated into my discussion in this chapter.

32 For a detailed critique of the use of Ugaritic texts in particular to interpret (and sometimes emend) Habakkuk 3, see D. T. Tsumura, “ garitic Poetry and Habakkuk 3,” TynBul 40 (1989) 24-48. 164

[Superscription/heading (v. 1)]

Strophe I: Introduction (v. 2)

[Theophany: Appearance of Deity & Reaction (vv. 3-7)]

Strophe II: Coming of the Deity (vv. 3-4)

Strophe III: Reaction of Nature/People (vv. 5-7)

[Theophany: Divine Warrior (vv. 8-15)]

Strophe IV: Divine Warrior Prepares for Battle (vv. 8-11)

Strophe V: Divine Warrior is Victorious (vv. 12-15)

Strophe VI: Conclusion (vv. 16-19)

As indicated by the above structure, Strophes II and III together form a unit that describes the coming of the deity and nature s reaction. Likewise, Strophes IV and V function together to describe the Divine Warrior in battle and his subsequent victory. Framing the core theophany are Strophes I and VI.

The number of bicola and the existence of possible tricola have been a matter of debate among scholars, some of whom reject the presence of tricola in Habakkuk 3 and thus use that assumption as one basis for emending the text. Although Mowinckel does accept the existence of real tricola in Heb poetry, he considers the apparent tricola in Hab 3:2b, 4, 6b, 7, and 8 to be “archaistically [sic] formed.”33 I have retained tricola in all verses except vv. 6b-

7, although I admit the possibility that also these could also be analyzed as two tricola rather than the three bicola in my text above. My translation is provided in italics at the beginning of the exegesis for each strophe.

33 S. Mowinckel, Real and Apparent Tricola in Hebrew Psalm Poetry (Avhandlinger Norske videnskaps-akademi i Oslo: II--Hist.-filos. klasse 1957, no. 2; Oslo: I kommisjon hos Aschehoug, 1957) 53-54. 165

3.1. Superscription/Heading (v. 1)

1A prayer of Habakkuk the Prophet, according to shigyonoth.

Aside from the attribution to Habakkuk, the primary word of interest in the poem s superscription is !wygv, which appears to function as a type of classification of the hymn that follows. HALOT (pp. 1414-15) considers !wygv as a technical term used for a “specific type of cultic song,” while BDB p. 993) suggests that it is a “wild, passionate song, with rapid changes of rhythm.”34 The latter suggestion is based on the theory that the word is derived from the root hgv, meaning “to go astray, err,” “swerve i.e., in drunkenness ,” “commit sin of ignorance” cf. La . The root has also been analyzed in relation to the cognate root in

Akkadian, where it refers to a “lamentation” or “dirge.”35 However, both HALOT and BDB admit that such theories are based largely on speculation and, hence, the meaning should be considered uncertain. The Dictionary of Classical Hebrew offers three possible meanings: (1) song of ecstasy (from the root hgv); (2) song of lamentation; and (3) song of excitement.36

Contextually, the Akkadian meaning – although the more appealing possibility – does not seem to fit very well, primarily because the classification of the texts (i.e., as laments) is questionable in the two passages where !wygv appears in the MT (Ps 7:1; Hab 3:1). Overall, neither Habakkuk 3 nor Psalm 7 evidences a mournful tone that would fit the style of a lament or dirge (compare Lamentations), nor is any special “lament”-like vocabulary present, although the latter text does ask for God to rise up and destroy the unrighteous enemies (Ps

34 See also Wellhausen, Kleinen Propheten, 171.

35 HALOT, 1414-15. Some scholars also appeal to the Akkadian to support understanding Habakkuk 3 as a lament; see Horst, Zwölf kleinen Propheten, 182.

36 D. J. A. Clines, ed., The Dictionary of Classical Hebrew (8 vols.; Sheffield: Sheffield Phoenix, 1993-2011) 8. 264-65. 166

7:6; cf. v. 9) while the former mentions that the author is “resting” for the day when the invaders will be destroyed (Hab 3:16b). Both extol their perception of a warrior-god and describe “His” battle tactics against the unrighteous Hab 3 -15; Ps 7:13-14) and end with a sudden proclamation of praise toward God (Hab 3:18-19; Ps 7:17), albeit with different vocabulary, which follows negative imagery.37 However, whereas Habakkuk 3 focuses mainly on God and “His” warrior-like traits, Psalm 7 devotes more attention to describing the deeds of the unrighteous by which they merit the wrath of the righteous God. On the other hand, it is possible that if !wygv is from a separate hand responsible for the few lament-like passages which surround the bulk of the poem, the interpretation of the entirety of Habakkuk

3 as a lament may work as part of either a reinterpretive spin on the victory hymn section of the poem, or perhaps a rhetorical device of the author if the lament and victory hymn were incorporated together by the same author.

3.2. Strophe I: Introduction (v. 2)

2Yhwh, I heard your report; I feared, Yhwh, your works.

In the midst of years sustain him/it; In the midst of years make (it) known.

In rage remember to have compassion.

This strophe contains words of the prophet/author in the first person addressing Yhwh in the second person. Whether v. 2 was composed by the same author as vv. 3-15 or by a later redactor, it serves to introduce some primary themes of the passage, particularly the reactions of fear found in the first part of the theophany (vv. 3-7, esp. vv. 6- and God s

37 A description of events related to famine in Habakkuk 3 (v. 17) and the characteristics of the wicked ones in Psalm 7 (vv. 14-16). 167 fury/rage found in the second part of the theophany (vv. 8-15, esp. vv. 8 and 12).38 Despite these thematic connections, the presence of ytary “I feared” and zgrb “in raging/turmoil”) in v. 2 have been questioned by some scholars.

As indicated in the textual notes above, most scholars prefer to emend the verb ytary “I feared” to ytyar “I saw” based on possible textual support from the Gk and, in some cases, appeal to the other use of the first person ytyar in v. 7 as part of a framing device for the first part of the theophany. However, the primary reason for the emendation is the argument that har “see” creates a better parallelism with the use of [mv “hear” in the previous colon than ary “fear” does.39 Although [mv and har appear together more often in the MT (69 verses) than do [mv and ary (27 verses), this is not surprising since ary only appears ca. 320 times in 309 verses while har appears more than 1,300 times in 1,200+ verses in the MT.40 Thus, 9% of the uses of ary occur with [mv in the same verse, while only ca. 6% of the uses of har occur with [mv in the same verse.

The structure for the Heb MT (v. 2a) could be analyzed as follows, if one does not take ytary as part of the first colon but rather of the second: $[mv yt[mv hwhy Voc V DO $l[p hwhy ytary V Voc DO

38 However, it is interesting to note that neither the verb ary or the noun zgr appear again in Habakkuk 3; the specific vocabulary is different. There is, however, the verb zgr, which is used once in v.7 and twice in v. 16; this distribution of words based on the root zgr is also noteworthy given that all three verses (2, 7, 16) are often viewed as containing framing elements for the core theophanic material in vv. 3-15.

39 Rudolph (Micha, 33 goes so far as to write “Der Parallelismus verlangt ytyar” emphasis mine .

40 Word searches were done using Bibleworks 9.0. HALOT (p. 1157) estimates the uses of har to be ca. 1,129 in the qal alone but records ca. 320 uses of ary (p. 432). 168

This kind of structure is not uncommon in Hebrew poetic texts: three components each, with a stylistic inversion of the first two components.

The structure of the first bicolon in the LXX would be:

ku,rie Voc

eivsakh,koa th.n avkoh,n sou kai. evfobh,qhn V DO V

kateno,hsa ta. e;rga sou kai. evxe,sthn V DO V

The result is an exact structural parallelism for each colon, minus ku,rie (which could be understood as implied in the second colon and which is supplied in Barb):

1st-person sg. verb (hear/fear)

definite article + direct object + 2nd-person sg. gen. pronoun

conjunction + 1st-person sg. verb (observe/amazed)

The second verb in each Gk colon expresses the speaker s reaction to the first part of each colon, describing what the speaker heard or saw. Both combinations, [mv + ary and har + ary, are not unusual in the HB.41 However, the Gk version of Habakkuk, as evidenced by both the LXX and Barb, seems to contain a plethora of doublets throughout the passage and, hence, should be used with caution.

The question regarding zgrb, aside from those who think the entire colon (v. 2c) is a gloss and should be omitted, is whether it refers to God s “anger/raging” or the prophet s or people s “trembling/turmoil.”42 For example, Andersen thinks zgrb in v. 2c refers to the reaction of the prophet (i.e., distress), not the anger of God.43 The noun zgr is only used

41 [mv and ary occur together in 27 verses in the MT; har and ary in 25 verses.

42 See textual notes for those scholars who suggest omitting this colon.

43 Andersen, Habakkuk, 281-82. 169 seven times in the MT including Hab 3:2 (all but two of which are in Job) and once in the extant Heb fragments of Sirach.44 When used of humans, the meaning tends toward the connotation of “agitation” or “turmoil” Job 3:17, 26; 14:1; Isa 14:3) and is often juxtaposed with rest or peace (Job 3:17, 26; Isa 14:3). When used of God, the term more clearly depicts a type of raging anger (Job 39:24; Sir 5:6) or thunder (Job 37:2), which itself could also be connected with divine wrath. Although LXX Isa 14:3 uses qumo,j “rage,” “indignation,”

“passion” and there is a double translation using qumo.n ovrgh/j “rage/passion of wrath/anger” in Job 3:17, the LXX s preferred translation for the noun zgr elsewhere is ovrgh, “wrath,” “anger” .45 Ben Sira s grandson uses qumo,j for zgr and ovrgh, for @a “anger” in Sir

5:6.46

The text of Sir 5:6 merits further consideration given that, like one possible interpretation of Hab 3:2, it juxtaposes God s mercy (~xr) and God s anger/wrath (@a/zgr): xlsy 48ytwnw[ bwrl 47~ybr wymxr trmaw wzgr 50xwny ~y[Xr 49l[w w[m][ @aw ~ymxr yk

44 It is used clearly with a human subject three times (Job 3:17; 14:1; Isa 14:3), three times clearly with God as the subject (Job 37:2; 39:24; Sir 5:6), and twice it is used ambiguously (Job 3:26 [probably human subject]; Hab 3:2).

45 The critical editions used for the Gk of Job and Isaiah are J. Ziegler, Iob (Septuaginta 11/4; Göttingen: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, 1982); idem, Isaias (Septuaginta 14; Göttingen: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, 1983).

46 The Heb text of MS A and MS C for Sir 5:6 is from A. A. Di Lella, The Hebrew Text of Sirach: A Text-critical and Historical Study (London: Mouton, 1966) 108. The Heb text given here is an eclectic reading given that both MSS contain errors see Di Lella s analysis of the text on pp. -15). The critical edition of the Gk text of Sirach used is J. Ziegler, Sapientia Iesu Filii Sirach (Septuaginta 12/2; Göttingen: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, 1980).

170

And you say, “His mercy is abundant47 for my many sins48 he will forgive.”

For mercy and anger (are) with him and upon49 the wicked his wrath settles.50

There is a poetic elegance in the movement between the cola from only mercy (~xr) in v. 6a, to mercy (~xr) and (@a) anger in v. 6ba, to only God s wrath/rage (zgr) upon the wicked in v. 6bb.51 Thus, ~ymxr and @a are juxtaposed (no possessive suffixes on either) in v. 6ba; however, this is encompassed by another juxtaposition between wymxr “his mercy” in v. 6aa and wzgr “his wrath/rage” in v. 6bb. Given that only Hab 3:2 and Sir 5:6 evidence juxtapositions between roots involving ~xr and zgr, it is highly likely that Ben Sira s choice of words in Sir 5:6 was inspired by Hab 3:2.

3.3. Strophes II-III: Theophany (3:3-7)

Strophes II and III function together to create a traditional theophanic motif as identified by Jeremias: (1) coming of the deity (vv. 3-4); and (2) reaction of nature/people

47 As found in MS A; MS C switches the positions of wymxr and ~ybr in v. 6aa.

48 MS C uses the different spelling ytwnww[, which Di Lella (Hebrew Text of Sirach, 114) notes is normal Qumran orthography.

49 So in MS C; MS A reads law instead.

50 So in MS A; MS C has xyny “he caused to rest/settle” .

51 There is also a nice syntactic ABC C′B′A′ pattern in v. 6a of MS A: A: verb B: thing that is much/many C: form of br C′ form of br B′ thing that is much/many A′ verb This also creates juxtaposition between the two things that are “many/much” – i.e., God s abundant mercy (v. 6aa and the person s many sins v. 6ab).

171

(vv. 5-7).52 These strophes are set apart from the surrounding strophes due to the shift in person from addressing God in the second person in v. 2, to third person in vv. 3-7, and back to second person in vv. 8-15. Also, Strophes II-III are framed with references to proper place names (Teman and Mount Paran in v. 3; Cushan and Midian in v. 7); these are the only place names used in Habakkuk 3, a consideration which supports the delimitation of the strophe, as

I have suggested, despite the sudden intrusion of the first person in v. 7, which had been absent since v. 2. The use of the first person in v. 7 could, however, also be interpreted as a framing device, given that the first person is used heavily in v. 2 and vv. 16-19, which encompasses the primary theophanic material in vv. 3-15; if so, v. 7 could be viewed as a divider or transition between vv. 3-6 and vv. 8-15.

The vocabulary in vv. 3-7 lacks overt references to either storm-god or warrior-god type imagery (e.g., lightning, thunder, types of weapons); however, there are several possible points of contact with the motif as discussed below. Because of the lack of overt references, several scholars suggest that the imagery is closer to that of a solar deity than a storm- or warrior-god per se. For example, Shupak suggests that the worship of the Egyptian sun-god

Aten could have influenced vv. 3-7 in particular.53 Andersen also notes the association of

God with the sun throughout the passage; however, he rejects the conclusion that a hymn to a sun god (e.g., Mesopotamian sun-god Shamash or Egyptian deities) must lie behind the imagery in these verses.54

52 Jeremias, Theophanie, 15.

53 Shupak, “God from Teman,” -16.

54 Andersen, Habakkuk, 290-99, esp. 298. 172

3.3.1. Strophe II: Coming of the Deity (vv. 3-4)

3’E h f T n ; The Holy One from Mt. Paran. Selah.

His splendor covered the heavens And His praise filled the earth;

4And brightness will be as light, He has twin-horns/rays from his hand;

And the hiding place of his strength is there.

This strophe focuses on the appearance of the deity, referred to as “Eloah” and “the

Holy One” cf. the use of the Tetragrammaton in v. 2). The two locations from whence the deity is mentioned as coming are Teman and Mount Paran. As indicated in the textual notes,

“Teman” can also be used to indicate the direction “south” and the territory is often associated with Esau/Edom (e.g., Gen 36:11; Jer 49:7; Ezek 25:13; Obad 9).55 Even less is known about the location of Paran, but it would seem to be situated somewhere between

Egypt and Midian (see, e.g., Gen 21:21; 1 Kgs 11:18), perhaps in/near the Sinai Peninsula, given the similar imagery used in the beginning of Deut 33:2: wml ry[fm xrzw ab ynysm hwhy !rap rhm [ypwh

Yhwh came from Sinai And he dawned on him [his people] from Seir

He shone from Mount Paran

The connection of Paran with light imagery in Deut 33 is striking given that “light” is also a predominant theme in Hab 3:4. Words connected with “light” in the latter verse are hgn, rwa, and ~ynrq (if taken as “rays” rather than “horns”). All three can be connected specifically to the sun/sunlight. However, hgn is used later in Hab 3:11 with Yhwh s

55 Andersen (ibid., 292-93) argues for an understanding of Teman as indicating a point east relative to the geographical perspective presented (e.g., Teman is east of Sinai), rather than south; thus, he views the path of Yhwh as being from east to west, rather than south to north. 173 “lightning”/flashing spear and rwa can also be associated with lightning (e.g., Job 36:32; 37:11). The use of the dual form ~ynrq could be interpreted as referring to either rays of light or as a two-forked lightning prong, a frequent weapon of both storm- and warrior- gods.56 The connection with these references to God s “strength” in v. c could further support an implicit reference to the deity s cosmic arsenal. Thus, although the more explicit word for lightning (qrb) is not used here, it is possible to interpret the passage as referring to a storm-/warrior- god who is beginning his march into battle (cf. Deut 33:2).

3.3.2. Strophe III: Effect upon Nature (vv. 5-7)

5Before him Deber/pestilence goes And Resheph/plague goes out from his feet.

6He stood and shook the earth; He looked and startled the nations.

Perpetual mountains were shattered; Eternal hills were humbled.

His ways were of old. 7Under distress, I saw

The tents of Cushan quake, The curtains of the land of Midian.

In this strophe, the deity continues what could be viewed as a march into battle, perhaps with two attendant deities. The parallelism between rbd and @vr in the bicolon of v. 5 is potentially significant. While it is possible to understand the terms in their common meanings “pestilence” and “plague,” respectively , the apparent personification of the terms points to their both portraying, in effect, attendant deities to Yahweh.57 Of these, Deber is

56 Prinsloo (“Reading Habakkuk 3,” ) cites “depictions of Shamash rising triumphantly between two mountains with rays radiating from both shoulders.” On the other hand, there is a passage in the Mesopotamian Epic of Naram-Sin cited by S. Kang (Divine War in the Old Testament and in the Ancient Near East [BZAW 177; Berlin/New York: de Gruyter, 1989] 45 in which “Zababa protected with two horns” is part of the description of divine participation in a military campaign.

57 For a similar example elsewhere, the Egyptian “qudshu” type goddess iconography during the New Kingdom Period often includes two male deities, usually Resheph and Min, in flanking positions relative to the goddess (O. Keel and C. Uehlinger, Gods, Goddesses, and Images of God in Ancient Israel [Minneapolis: 174 relatively unknown as an ANE deity outside of possible allusions in the Hebrew Bible and extra-biblical references to him as the patron god of Ebla.58 In contrast, Resheph was a well- known West Semitic deity of war and thunder who was identified with the Mesopotamian deity Nergal, an underworld god of war and pestilence.59 Perhaps introduced into Egypt by the Hyskos, Resheph was incorporated into the Egyptian pantheon by the time of the New

Kingdom Period; Resheph was connected to similar Egyptian deities, such as Seth and

Montu, and was often depicted with a variety of weapons, including a spear, mace, axe, or sickle sword in his right hand and a shield, a was scepter, or ankh in his left hand.60 Given this Egyptian connection, Shupak suggests that the portrayal of Resheph in Hab 3:3-7 may actually be one of several indicators of Egyptian influence within these verses.61 In contrast,

J. Day supports the theory that the background of Hab 3:3-15 is to be found in the Canaanite myth of Ba‘al s conflict with the sea/dragon, noting in particular the role of the Canaanite plague god Resheph in fighting alongside Ba‘al.62

Mention of the effects of the deity upon nature and the other nations in vv. 6-7 follows the description of the divine procession in v. 5. God causes the earth to shake and the

Fortress Press, 1998] 66-67). Also, the Babylonian gods Kittu “Righteousness” and Misharu “Justice” parallel to the West Semitic gods Sedheq and Misor, respectively) were portrayed as attendant deities to Shamash L. K. Handy, “Sedheq,” in ABD, vol. 5 [New York: Doubleday, 1992] 1065-66; see also J. A. Banister, “Sedheq,” in N w Int p t ’ D t n y f th B , vol. 5 [Nashville: Abingdon, 2009] 154); cf. Pss 85:14; 89:15.

58 Hiebert, God of My Victory, 92-94, esp. 93.

59 R. H. Wilkinson, The Complete Gods and Goddesses of Ancient Egypt (London: Thames & Hudson, 2003) 126-27; Albright, Gods of Canaan, 186.

60 Wilkinson, Complete Gods and Goddesses, 126-27.

61 Shupak, “God from Teman,” -13.

62 UT 1001 // PRU II, 1 // RS 15.134, lines 1-3; cited in J. Day, “New Light on the Mythological Background of the Allusion to Resheph in Habakkuk III ,” VT 29 (1979) 353-55. 175 nations to jump (v. 6a). Mountains are shattered; hills are brought low (v. 6b). Tents in

Cushan and curtains in Midian shake (v. 7). Much of the imagery focuses upon earthquakes

(v. 6a; 7). However, causing the nations to jump could also be interpreted as a reaction of fear by the nations (hence, the translation proposed above “he startled the nations” . Also, the imagery of “shattering” something is reminiscent of the deity using weapons in battle (cf.

Hab 3:14). Thus, it is possible to view this strophe as fitting in well with a warrior-god motif, even though no weapons are specifically mentioned.

3.4. Strophes IV- V: Theophany: Divine Warrior (vv. 8-15)

Strophes IV and V function together to describe the Divine Warrior preparing for and engaging in battle, culminating in victory. These strophes are delimited from the surrounding context by the shift in verbs from addressing God in the third person in vv. 3-7 to the second person in vv. 8-15, after which the first-person prophet suddenly returns (cf. vv. 2, 7) and addresses God in the third person again (vv. 16-19). Also, the strophes are framed by the similar imagery of God riding his horses/chariots into the sea (vv. 8, 15). The vocabulary used throughout both strophes is rooted in theophanic descriptions of a Divine Warrior, with some possible connections to storm-god imagery (e.g., qrb in v. 11 used to describe one of

Yhwh s weapons .

3.4.1. Strophe IV: Divine Warrior Prepares for Battle (vv. 8-11)

8Why did it burn against the rivers, Yhwh?

Your anger against the rivers? Your rage against the sea?

When you mount your horses, Your victorious chariot? 176

9You indeed laid bare your bow, You poisoned (your) seven rods/arrows. Selah.

You cleft the earth with rivers; 10The mountains saw you and writhed.

Clouds poured out water/rain; The deep gave its voice.

Sun raised its hands on high; 11Moon stood [in] its lofty residence.

At light, your arrows went forth; At brightness, the lightning of your spear.

This strophe begins with rhetorical questions directed at Yhwh in v. 8–why is his anger against the rivers/sea? Some scholars see here influence from the Ba‘al/Yam conflict in

garitic texts in which Ba‘al fights River and Sea; these scholars often propose that the m on ~yrhn should be read as emphatic, thus reading “River” in Hab 3:8.63 However, “river s ” and “sea” are often paired, especially in poetry, and the more common plural for “rivers”

(twrhn) does occur in parallel position with the singular “sea” in Ps 8 6; Isa 50:2; and Nah

1:4.

Another proposed emendation in v. 8 is to change the MT s plural “your chariots” into a singular, which on the surface would seem to make more sense since Yhwh probably can only ride one chariot at time (unless perhaps there is a chariot for each foot). However, compare the following passage from Isa 66:15:

wytbkrm hpwskw awby vab hwhy hnh-yk

`va-ybhlb wtr[gw wpa hmxb byvhl

For behold, Yhwh in fire comes And his chariots like the stormwind

To bring back in rage his anger And his rebuke with flames of fire.

Here is an example where a singular pronominal suffix referring to Yhwh is attached to the plural word “chariots” wytbkrm). The plural could refer, not just to Yhwh, but also to all

63 For examples, see Albright, “Psalm of Habakkuk,” O Connor, Hebrew Verse Structure, 236. 177 chariots under his command as part of the divine battalion. If the author of vv. 8-15 was aware of the contents of vv. 3-7 (either because he wrote both parts of the core theophany or because he added vv. 8-15 to a pre-existing version of vv. 3- , the “chariots” in v. 8 could also refer to those of any attendant deities, such as Deber and Resheph in v. 5. If attendant deities are in mind, then this would push the interpretation of v. 8 more toward the probability of mythological language, in which case River and Sea (personified or deified) would be plausible interpretations of the passage. Either way, v. 8 already looks ahead to the description of the final victory over the sea in v. 15.

Although v. 9 has some major textual issues, particularly in the middle colon, the basic idea is that Yhwh is preparing to do battle. The first colon very clearly is talking about

Yhwh taking his bow from a case, which would have been attached to the outside of his chariot cab.64 Thus, it is logical that the obscure second colon would be describing some of the weapons associated with chariotry, which initially was used as a mobile platform for archers but later developed into a more offensive weapon in some ANE cultures.65 The weapon most commonly associated with chariotry would be arrows; however, one wonders why the author does not use the more common word for “arrow” #x) which occurs in v. 11 here. evertheless, “arrows” is a plausible contextual interpretation for twjm (more literally “rods” in v. 9. Also, if the emendation of tw[bv “oaths” to t[bv “seven” correctly reflects the original text and given the common association of a storm-god s lightning with

64 R. H. Beal, “Hittite Military Organization,” in Civilizations of the Ancient Near East, vols. 1-2 (ed. J. M. Sasson; Peabody, MA: Hendrickson, 2006) 1. 545-54, here 1. 548.

65 A. R. Schulman, “Military Organization in Pharaonic Egypt,” in Civilizations of the Ancient Near East, vols. 1-2 (ed. J. M. Sasson; Peabody, MA: Hendrickson, 2006) 1. 289-301, here 295-96; see also: S. Dalley, “Ancient Mesopotamian Military Organization,” in Civilizations of the Ancient Near East, vols. 1-2 (ed. J. M. Sasson; Peabody, MA: Hendrickson, 2006) 1. 413-22, esp. 1. 416-17. 178 arrows, similar imagery occurs in the Ugaritic text RS 24.245, lines 3b- , describing Ba‘al s arsenal:

Seven lightnings (he had),

Eight storehouses of thunder were

The shafts of (his) lightnings.66

Similar possibilities for twjm would include any type of medium- to long-range projectiles that could also be used from a chariot, such as javelins or throwing spears (however, a word for “spear” [tynx] also appears in v. 11). Another popular suggestion is that twjm in Hab

3:8 would better be interpreted as a “mace,” given the association of “mace” mitt u ) and

“bow” q št ) in Akkadian texts.67 This latter suggestion requires, however, reading a singular instead of the plural for twjm and does not as naturally fit with the number “seven”

(unless perhaps it is a mace with seven heads or something similar).

As is typical in theophanies, the coming of the deity elicits reactions in nature, these being described in vv. 9b-11a. First, there is the effect upon land, with Yhwh splitting the earth (v. 9b) and the mountains writhing (v. 10a). This is followed by the effect upon water in the bicolon in v. 10b the clouds give rain or “rainstorms/floods of water pass over” without emendation) and the deep gives its voice. Finally, the effect upon the sky is described: the sun raises its hands (v. 10c) while the moon stands still (v. 11). Thus, Yhwh is able to affect all aspects of the cosmos: earth, water, sky.

My proposal to read rwal and hgnl as temporal references meaning “at dawn” in the bicolon of v. 11b could find support in other ANE texts in which a battle begins at dawn

66 Day, “Echos,” 3-44.

67 See especially Tsumura, “Word Pair,” 3 -61. 179

68 and/or is completed in one day. One example is in the Mesha Stele (ca. 830 B.C.E.), lines

14-16, as narrated by King Mesha:

And Chemosh said to me, “Go, take Nebo from Israel!” So I went by night

and fought against it from the break of dawn until noon, taking it and slaying

all.69

A much earlier example comes from Thutmose III s words preceding the battle at Megiddo

(ca. 1479 B.C.E.), lines 83-84:

Prepare yourselves! Make your weapons ready!

For one will engage in combat with the wretched foe in the morning …70

Moreover, although the battle described takes places over several days, Kirta s initial attack occurs at sunrise in the Ugaritic “Epic of Kirta” (col. IV, lines 40-50; ca. mid-second

71 millennium B.C.E.). Thus, we have examples from Ugarit, Egypt, and Moab referring to battles beginning at dawn. The same could be applied to the imagery in Hab 3:10-11. The sun

“raising his hands” v. c while the moon “stands” in its place v. a would then refer to the rising of the sun. With the rising of the sun (“at light/brightness” rwal and hgnl in v.

11b), the Divine Warrior begins the battle with his arrows and “lightning” spear. Moon stands still; thus, night will not come until the Divine Warrior is victorious.

68 See n. G above in the text and translation. For a survey of texts which refer to victorious battle occurring within the span of one day, see D. Stuart, “The Sovereign s Day of Conquest,” BASOR 221 (1976) 159-64.

69 ANET, 320.

70 Cited in Kang, Divine War, 102.

71 E. L. Greenstein, “Kirta,” in Ugaritic Narrative Poetry (ed. S. B. Parker; SBLWAW 9; Atlanta: Scholars Press, 1997) 20. 180

3.4.2. Strophe V: Divine Warrior is Victorious (vv. 12-15)

12In wrath, you marched on the land; In anger, you trampled the nations.

13You went forth for the deliverance For the deliverance of your Anointed One. of your people,

You shattered the head from the house You laid bare the base as far as the neck. Selah. of the wicked;

14You pierced the head of his warrior [[They stormed to scatter me [in] their with his [own] shafts; arrogance/rejoicing]]

As to devour the poor in secret.

15You tread upon the sea with your horses, Upon the surge of many waters.

As with the previous strophe, this strophe begins with a description of Yhwh s anger, this time as he marches over the land and tramples the nations (rather than the sea and rivers as in v. 8). The two terms used for God s anger/indignation ~[z and @a) in v. 12 are paired together in eight other verses in the MT, mostly in prophetic texts.72 The common word for

“anger” is @a, which also means “nostrils/nose” and tends to be used in the phrase that Yhwh s @a was burning/ inflamed (ca. 80 times according to HALOT, p. 76). In contrast, the noun ~[z is only used 22 times in the MT and is often translated as “indignation.”

The purpose of Yhwh s coming is revealed in the beginning of v. 3–i.e., for the salvation of Yhwh s people and his Anointed One xyvm). As indicated in the discussion above regarding dating and authenticity, scholars disagree whether xyvm should be interpreted in light of its preexilic or postexilic use. If preexilic, it would most likely refer to an Israelite/Judean king. If postexilic, it would be tied to the belief in a future restorer of

72 Pss 69:25; 78:49; Isa 10:5, 25; 30:27; Lam 2:6; Nah 1:6; Zeph 3:8. 181

Israel and thus, connected to Messianic prophecies/interpretation, although King Cyrus of

Persia is also called a xyvm (Isa 45:1) since he liberated the Israelites from the Babylonian

Exile, allowing them to return home.

The rest of v. 13 and the beginning of v. 14 describe Yhwh s smiting the enemy. The troublesome phrase in v. 13 is [vr tybm var tcxm “you smashed the head from the house of the wicked” , which has led to several emendations, some supporting “back” (tbm emended from tybm) and others “head” which is used elsewhere as the direct object of the verb #xm; e.g., Judg 5:26; Pss 68:22; 110:6). “Head” would be consistent with other uses of #xm; however, head-smashing is subsequently mentioned two cola later, which raises the question: why would Yhwh smash the enemy s head twice? Patterson lists parallels in several ANE texts in which a strike to the body is followed by a crushing blow to the head; examples cited include Marduk s slaying of Tiamat in Babylonian mythology, the Egyptian

Sinuhe s dispatching of an Amorite foe, and Ba‘al s victory over Yam in garitic texts.73

The strike to the body here is found in v. 13bb, which describes the enemy s back being slit from bottom to neck. Thus, a piercing strike to the body in v. 13ba which initiates the wound described in v. 13bb would make sense, leaving the final head blow in v.14aa, perhaps as the result of Yhwh turning the enemy s weapon “his shafts” against him, if one follows the

MT. On the other hand, “head from the house” in v. 13bb could refer to a leader/commander/king of an enemy being eliminated (generally speaking), while the second head-smashing could refer more specifically to the method by which the enemy is killed

(which would fit the pattern noticed by Patterson).74 Another possibility, if one accepts a

73 Patterson, Nahum, 229.

74 For interpretations of “head” as symbolic of a person in a position of power in this verse, see Eaton, “Habakkuk 3,” . 182 strong mythological theme in this strophe, would be Albright s suggestion, based on the

LXX, to read “wicked Death” Death = Mot .75

The rest of v. 14 is obscure. Literally (albeit not without problems or other possible options), it reads “they stormed to scatter me [in] their arrogance/rejoicing / As to devour the poor in secret.” This could mean that they attacked quickly and in a dishonorable or immoral manner (cf. Syr). In any case, this is just speculation. These cola seem out of place or corrupted in a strophe that otherwise uses second-person masculine singular verbs throughout, referring to Yhwh. Thus, we would expect something like “You [Yhwh] stormed

…,” which would fit well with a storm-god motif. However, most proposed readings of these cola require a significant amount of emendation, which is not necessarily a better option than the MT.

The strophe closes with v. 15, which has ties to the first verse (v. 8) of the previous strophe: Yhwh treads upon the sea with his horses, though this time there is the addition

“[upon the surge of] many waters (~ybr ~ym)” in parallel position with “sea” (~y). Similar parallelisms between ~ybr ~ym and ~y occur in Pss 29:3 and 93:4. ~ybr ~ym could refer to the deep and/or to chaotic or tumultuous waves.76 Also, whereas in v. 12, Yhwh trampled the nations, now he treads upon the sea in v. 15; thus, the object that is being tread upon or trampled shifts from the sea (v. 8) to the nations (v. 12), and back to the sea (v. 15). The poetic narrative has come full circle with Yhwh victorious over the sea/enemies.

75 Albright, “Psalm of Habakkuk,” 3, .

76 For a more detailed study of ~ybr ~ym, see H. G. May, “Some Cosmic Connotations of Mayim Rabbîm, ‘Many Waters ,” JBL 74 (1955) 9-21. 183

3.5. Strophe VI: Conclusion (vv. 16-19)

16I heard and my belly shook; At the sound my lips quiver.

Rottenness comes into my bones; I quake under me, walking.

I rest for the day of distress To go up to the people [who] attack us.

17Though the fig tree does not bud And there is no produce of the vines,

The yield of olives fails And fields do not make food,

Flocks are cut off from the enclosure And there is no herd in the stable,

18But I will exult in Yhwh; I will rejoice in the God of my salvation.

19Yhwh, my Lord, is my strength, And he puts my feet as stags/deer;

And upon my high places he leads me. [To the director with music/strings.]

This strophe concludes the hymn, moving back to the first-person verbs reflecting the prophet/author in the introduction (v. 2) and what is probably a framing device in v. 7

(ytyar). Another connection among these three verses (vv. 2, 7, 16) is the use of a form of the root zgr in each verse; the noun appears in v. 2 and the verb in vv. 7 and 16. Though not exclusive to theophanic passages, the root zgr does occur in several theophanies either as a description of God s actions/presence (e.g., Job 9:6; Isa 13:13) or, more often, as a response to them (e.g., Exod 15:14; 2 Sam 22:8 // Ps 18:8; Pss 77:17, 19; 99:1; Isa 5:25; Joel 2:1).

Verse 16 begins similarly to v. 2 with the use of yt[mv “I heard” ; whereas the prophet/author “feared” ytary) in v. 2, a similar reaction occurs in v. 16 but now with a fuller description of the effect upon the prophet/author s body. The prophet/author s belly shakes and lips quake, rottenness enters his bones, his body shakes beneath him. The final bicolon of v. 16 is obscure. One literal possibility of translation is that he “rests xwna) for the day of distress to go up against the people [who] attack us.” In this context, xwn would 184 seem to indicate that the prophet/author has accepted that the day of distress will come at a time of God s choosing and, thus, he awaits/rests for that day.77

Verse 17 begins a list of references to a famine throughout the land, leading up to an affirmation of faith in v. 18. Cassuto attributes the famine to a drought caused by Yhwh s withholding the rain as a way of punishing Judah.78 In contrast, Pinker sees the emphasis in v. 17 as being on the loss of productivity resulting in the trees/fruits not being tended properly so as to yield fruit.79 Nogalski notes affinities with Joel 1–2 and thinks that v. 17

“serves a redactional unifying function” and is not merely an “isolated gloss.”80 Joel 1 describes the effects upon the land following a military invasion (likened to locusts) while

Joel 2 portrays the restoration of the land by Yhwh; there are several similarities in agrarian vocabulary with Hab 3:17 (e.g., hnat [“fig tree”] and !pn [“vine”] in Joel 1:7, 12; 2:22; !az [“sheep” “flocks”] and rqb [“cattle”] in Joel 1:18). Similar mention of adverse effects upon agriculture within the Twelve Prophets are found in Hos 2:14; Amos 4:9; and Hag 1:10-11.

Restorative motifs in which Yhwh will cause agriculture to flourish are found in Hos 9:10;

14:8; Mic 4:4; Hag 2:19; Zech 8:12; and Mal 3:11. Despite the lack of agrarian productivity mentioned in Hab 3:17, the prophet/author maintains his faith in Yhwh, using words in v. 18 that are similar to those found in Mic 7:7.81

77 References to the hrc ~wy “day of distress/turmoil” occur elsewhere in the prophetic literature in Isa 37:3; Jer 16:19; Obad 12, 14; Nah 1:7; Zeph 1:15.

78 Cassuto, “Ras Shamra,” -22.

79 Pinker, “Infertile Quartet,” 6 3.

80 Nogalski, Redactional Processes, 177-78.

81 Ward (“Habakkuk,” thinks that Hab 3 8 was based on Mic , but states that it was “not a close translation.” The connection between Mic and Hab 3 8 will be discussed more fully in Chapter VI. 185

The hymn concludes in v. 19 with an affirmation of God as the prophet/author s

“strength” (lyx , who makes the prophet/author s feet like a deer, setting him upon his high places. Ward thinks the deer imagery in v. 19 was “taken almost directly” from Sam 3

// Ps 18:34:82

yndm[y ytwmb l[w twlyak 83ylgr hwfm Ps 18:34

Who makes my feet as deer And sets me upon my high places.

In addition to the connection with Psalm 18, Nogalski also finds similarities with Deut 33:29

particularly the “treading” upon “high places” :84

$rdt wmytwmb-l[ htaw

… and you (masc. sg.) will tread upon their high places.

The final colon of v. 19 is a subscription containing a musical notation, thus complementing the liturgical notation in the superscription of v. 1.

4. Storm-/Warrior-god Theophanic Motifs and Vocabulary

The poem s primary theophanic motifs are largely focused in the core theophany, itself consisting of two parts: vv. 3-6/7 and vv. 8-15. However, some important theophanic terms and imagery also occur within verses that are thought to constitute framing devices around the core theophanies (i.e., vv. 2, 7, 16-19), such as the prophet s reaction of fear (vv.

2, 16) and the use of the root zgr. Warrior-god imagery is predominant, but there are connections to the storm-god imagery as well; also, it is very common for the two motifs to

82 Ward, “Habakkuk,” .

83 The ketib of 2 Sam 22:34 has wylgr “his feet” here while the qerê agrees with Ps 18:34; otherwise, the two verses are identical. I quote Psalm 18 above because its form of ylgr agrees with Habakkuk 3.

84 Nogalski, Redactional Processes, 179. 186 overlap e.g., “arrows” can be a reference to lightning, and “lightning” can be a reference to a deity s weapon, even if not of a “storm-god” per se).

4.1. Effects upon Nature

Although there are references to Eloah/The Holy One s splendor (dwh) covering the heavens (~ymv) and his praise (hlht) filling the earth (#ra) already in v. 3, the more traditional effects upon nature associated with theophanic encounters occur elsewhere in the poem. Both land and sea are affected by the deity s presence. The first part of the theophany in vv. 3-7 focuses heavily on effects upon the land (including mountains and hills), whereas the second part in vv. 8-15 focuses much more on the sea and rivers (although writhing mountains are also mentioned in v. 10). Celestial effects are also mentioned briefly in each part (vv. 3, 10-11). Thus, Yhwh s presence affects the whole cosmos–earth, skies, and sea/water.

There are several different effects upon the land, mountains, and hills. The earth shakes (ddm v. 6) and tents in Midian and Cushan quake (zgr v. 7); Yhwh clefts the earth ([qb v. 9) with rivers and he marches (d[c v. 12) upon it. Mountains are shattered (ccp v. 6) and writhe (lwx v. 10) at the sight of Yhwh. Hills are humbled (xxv v. 6). Pestilence (rbd) and plague (@vr) preceed the deity in v. 5, though these phenomena could also be interpreted as attendant deities in service to Eloah/the Holy One. Outside of the theophany proper, the land s lack of productivity is mentioned in v. 17; this could be due to a drought caused by the deity or is perhaps just a consequence of war (e.g., not enough people to properly tend to the fields, trees, and animals). 187

With the beginning of the third strophe in v. 8, the attention shifts from land to water.

There is mention of Yhwh s trampling upon the sea (~y) at the beginning (v. 8) and end (v. 15) of this strophe, the latter causing a surge (rmx) of many waters (~ybr ~ym). Both the sea and rivers are objects of Yhwh s anger/rage v. 8 . The deep (~wht) gave its voice (v. 10); ~wht is often found in other theophanic passages (e.g., Exodus 15; Psalms 33; 77; 78).

As noted above, there are a few celestial effects mentioned periodically, but with less emphasis than in the case of the effects upon the sea/rivers or land. The references to “light”

(vv. 3- , could be connected to Yhwh s lightning illuminating the heavens, albeit not necessarily. The clouds (twb[) poured (wmrz) water/rain (~ym) or a “flood/rainstorm (~rz) of water passed over” if one follows the MT (v. 10). The sun raised its hands and the moon stood still (vv. 10-11).

4.2. Effects upon Humans

The effects upon humans can be divided into three basic categories: response of the prophet/author (in fear), the general effect upon the nations, and the more detailed attack of the deity upon the enemy. Within the verses (vv. 2, 16) that directly frame the primary theophany, the prophet/author writes that he fears (ary) Yhwh s works v. , while in v. 16, his belly and legs (?) trembled (zgr) and lips quivered (llc). The word zgr in v. 2 also could be interpreted as “trembling,” thus referring either to the prophet or Yhwh s people, rather than as an allusion to Yhwh s anger. Thus, this effect upon the prophet is limited to the verses framing the core theophany.

The nations (~ywg) are mentioned twice, both in the core theophany, once in each of its parts. The first occurance is in v. 6 in which Eloah / the Holy One looked and caused the 188 nations to jump (rtn; cf. Job 37:1). The second occurance is in v. 12, where Yhwh trampled (vwd) the nations in anger (cf. Isa 25:10).

Descriptions of the deity attacking a specific enemy are all found in the second part of the theophany and all in Strophe V, vv. 13-14. The specifics are difficult to pin down with any certainty due to the textual issues within these verses; however, some tentative observations can be made. In v. 13, Yhwh shatters (#xm either the “head from the house of the wicked” perhaps referring to the leader/commander of the enemy or the wicked s

“back” if one emends the MT . The head of a warrior is also described as being pierced

(bqn) by Yhwh in v. 14. Between these two references, there is a description of Yhwh slicing “laying bare” hr[) the enemy from the lower back up to the neck (v. 13). These verses vividly describe the Divine Warrior in battle against the enemy.

4.3. God s Anger/Wrath

There are several words used for God s anger throughout Habakkuk 3. The most frequent term for anger in Habakkuk is @a (vv. 8, 12), which more literally means “nose”

(burning/hot nose = anger and is also the most common word for “anger” in the MT overall.

In parallel position to @a in v. 8 is the word hrb[, evoking an image of overflowing rage or outburst (cf. Pss 7:7; 78:49; 85:4; 90:11; Isa 9:18; 13:13). The parallel word to @a in v. 12 is ~[z, which is associated with indignation (cf. Pss 69:25; 78:49; Isa 10:5) and occurs in the similar theophany of Nahum 1 (v. 6). A fourth possible reference to Yhwh s anger could be zgr in v. 2 (cf. Sir 5:6); however, zgr is elsewhere associated with agitation and, hence, could be a reference to the prophet or people s own agitation/trembling (cf. Isa 14:3).85

85 The verb zgr occurs three times in Habakkuk 3, either with land v. or the prophet/author s body v. 6 [x ] as the subject in those cases, the meaning is “tremble/shake.” 189

4.4. God s Weapons/Battle Motifs

There are several different types of weapons mentioned throughout Habakkuk 3.

Although some are more explicitly associated with a storm-god motif and others with a warrior-god motif, often there is overlap between the two. Nevertheless, an attempt will be made to analyze the passage distinguishing the two motifs.

The storm-god motif is less recognizable or, at least, more ambiguous. The several references to light (rwa) and brilliance (hgn) in vv. 4 and 11 could be interpreted as the result of the deity s lightning, one of the most famous weapons associated with ANE storm-gods

(albeit not exclusively to them).86 “Lightning” (qrb) is itself used in v. 11 in reference to the deity s spear tynx); thus, the verse could be describing a spear of lightning (as is typical in ANE iconography) or qrb could be used adjectively to describe the deity s “glittering”/

“gleaming” spear, without necessarily being a reference to lightning per se. The peculiar use of ~ynrq lit. “two horns” or possibly “rays”) in v. 4 could refer to a double-forked lightning bolt, often depicted in ANE iconography. Outside of the core theophany in v. 16, the prophet/author describes quivering at the “sound” lwq); lwq elsewhere refers to God s thunder (e.g., Exod 19:16) and, hence, tentatively could be tied to the imagery of trembling in

Hab 3:16, albeit not with any certainty.

The warrior-god weapon motifs are more obvious, albeit restricted to the second part of the theophany (vv. 8-15) and not without numerous textual problems. The first clear reference to a weapon is tvq “bow” in v. aa, which connects nicely to the chariot (hbkrm) mentioned in v. 8. Other clear references to weapons are to a spear (tynx) and arrows (#x) in v. 11. More of a mystery is hjm “rod” “shaft” it is used in the plural

86 Although it is possible to read rwa and hgn in v. 11 in relation to lightning, I still think that my proposal that both are being used in a temporal manner “at dawn” is the more likely option. 190 (twjm in the same bicolon as bow in v. a, thus “arrows” would be a logical implication, given the proxmity to “bow.” However, twjm is never clearly used for “arrows” elsewhere in the MT and the more common word for “arrow” #x) is found in v. 11. Also, one must consider the use of wyjm “his shafts” in v. 14; on the basis of the MT, the implication would be that Yhwh has used the enemy s own weapons against him to “pierce” (bqn) the head of the enemy warrior. The verb bqn is connected to making a hole in something; thus, understanding twjm as “arrows” would work well since they “pierce” and make holes – as would a javelin or similar weapon.

4.5. God as Savior, Rock, etc.

Acclamations of God s benevolent role toward the prophet/author only occur in the concluding strophe of Habakkuk 3. The first such element occurs in v. 18 as part of an apodosis following the observation that there is a lack of agrarian produce (v. 17); despite the famine, the prophet/author affirms that he will rejoice y[vy yhlab “in the God of my salvation” cf. Mic . In the following verse (v. 19), the prophet/author states that Yhwh is his strength (lyx; cf. 2 Sam 22:33 // Ps 18:33). It is noteworthy that lyx can also refer to an army, as occurs in the Song of the Sea in Exodus 15 (v. 4); the military connotation of lyx is reminiscent of the Divine Warrior motif so prevalent in Hab 3:8-15.

4.6. Place Names

There are four place names mentioned in Habakkuk 3, all within Strophe II. They provide a framing element to the strophe, given that two place names are found at the beginning of the strophe in v. 3 while the remaining two close the strophe in v. 7. The two 191 place names in v. 3 identify the place from which the deity comes–i.e., Teman (!myt) and Mount Paran (!rap), both generally taken as references to the “south” and often connected with Edom.87 The second pair of place names occurs in v. 7; the curtains of Midian and the tents of Cushan quake as a result of the coming of the deity. Based on references elsewhere in the MT, Midian (!ydm) is often thought to be somewhere in the southern Transjordan area. The location of Cushan (!vwk) is unknown; !vwk does not appear elsewhere in the MT.

However, the references to tents/curtains is reminiscent of a nomadic community; thus, as

Hiebert suggests, !vwk and !ydm in this context could refer to groups of nomads, perhaps associated with the southern region, thus explaining why they are affected by God s movements.88

5. Summary

Although it cannot be known for certain, it seems likely that Habakkuk 3 (at least vv.

3-15) circulated independently for a time before either the prophet himself or a redactor edited it and added it to the book of Habakkuk. The archaic language and forms, the level of textual corruption, the liturgical notations (most notably hls, found only within Hab 3:3-15 outside of the Psalter), and the superscription attributing the psalm to Habakkuk all point to a core text that is probably older than the seventh-century prophet and which circulated independently for a time before being added to the rest of the book. It is, however, plausible that the prophet himself is the one who edited the core theophanic hymn and incorporated it into his book. The major argument against the prophet s own involvement in the process

87 See Pfeiffer, Jahwes kommen von Süden, 258-60. Hiebert (God of My Victory, 83-86) makes a more specific case for the meaning “southeast.”

88 Hiebert, God of My Victory, 88-90. 192 would be the superscription in 3:1; superscriptions/headings are considered as later additions to the texts rather than from the attributed author s own hand.89 If the prophet himself integrated Habakkuk 3 (minus the superscription in v. 1) into the rest of his book, why would a later scribe insert a superscription both in chap. 1 and chap. 3? Perhaps the liturgical notation in 3:1 disrupted the text to such an extent that the scribe felt some explanatory transition to the psalm in chap. 3 was necessary. Or, it is possible that Habakkuk 3 was circulating separately when the attribution to Habakkuk was added in v. 1 and subsequently became the catalyst by which Habakkuk 3 was added to Habakkuk 1–2. Either way, the psalm itself (at least vv. 3-15, possibly also vv. 2-19) could predate the exile, even if the superscription and/or the text s incorporation into the book of Habakkuk does not.

The core theophanic elements in Habakkuk 3 occur in vv. 3-15, surrounded by framing devices in vv, 2, 7 (end of first part of the theophany), and 16. The first part of the theophany (vv. 3-7) describes the coming/appearance of the deity (idenitifed as Eloah/the

Holy One) from the south; this theophany is full of light-related imagery, which could connect either to a solar-god or storm-god (i.e., “light” referring to “lightning”). The warrior- god imagery is the focus of the second part of the theophany (vv. 8-15), which describes

Yhwh s weapons and battle against the enemy; however, there are also possible connections to a storm-god in this part as well e.g., “lightning of your spear” in v. 11). Both parts describe the effect of the deity upon land and the nations. Thus, there are strong, traditional theophanic motifs in vv. 3-15.

89 For example, see G. M. Tucker, “Prophetic Superscriptions and the Growth of a Canon,” in Canon and Authority (ed. G. W. Coats and B. O. Long; Philadelphia: Fortress, 1977) 56-70. D. N. Freedman (“Headings in the Books of the Eighth-Century Prophets,” Andrews University Seminary Studies 25 [1987] 9- 26) comes to a similar conclusion regarding the headings of the eighth-century prophets (Amos, Hosea, Isaiah, and Micah). 193

There are also some theophanic-related motifs in the outer framing sections (vv. 2,

16), albeit in ways that differ from the more traditional motifs in vv. 3-15. Instead of the land shaking or the nations reacting in fear, it is the prophet/author himself who reacts in fear in both v. 2 and v. 16. The use of the root zgr, found only in vv. 2, 7, and 16, reveals that the author of the framing elements, as indicated by the use of the first person for the prophet, was consciously incorporating this frame with traditional theophanic motifs in mind.90 However, if read on their own, the content of these framing verses lack any implication that God has a physical form, much like Mic 7:7-20 and in contrast to the vivid anthropomorphic imagery found in the core theophanic texts in Hab 3:3-15.

Many of these observations build upon the works of previous scholars, particularly with regard to the authenticity and dating aspects of the passage, as well as the framing elements in vv. 2, 7, and 16-20. However, previous discussions that compare Mic 7:7-20 and

Habakkuk 3 focus largely around the similar phrasing in Mic 7:7 and Hab 3:18. Although the connection between those two verses is intriguing, my study is also interested in the broader similarities and differences between the use of typical storm-/warrior-god theophanic language in these two passages (and also later ones including Zech 9:9-16). As far I am aware, no other scholar has observed a potential connection between the framing elements in

Habakkuk 3 and the use of the theophanic language in Mic 7:7-20 which, contrary to the more traditional theophanies found within the same canonical books (Mic 1:2-4 and Hab 3:3-

15), avoid any implication that God has a physical form.91 In the next chapter (Chapter V), I

90 Other notable uses of zgr occur in: Exod 15:4; 2 Sam 22:8 // Ps 18:8; Pss 77:17, 19; 99:1; cf. Mic 7:17.

91 Verses from Micah 7 are not even listed in the scriptural index to Jeremias, Theophanie (p. 180), which is one of the most (if not the most) detailed and authoritative studies on theophanies in the OT. However, given that Micah 7 only uses theophanic language but lacks the traditional elements of the theophanic form 194 will analyze Zech 9:9-16 with regard to its use of theophanic language and motifs, thus leading into my final comparison of the theophanic language and motifs in my three selected passages (Mic 7:7-20; Hab 3:1-19; Zech 9:9-16) in the final chapter (Chapter VI).

idenitified by Jeremias, it is not surprising that Micah 7 is not mentioned by him. With regard to Habakkuk, Jeremias was only interested in vv. 3-15; verses outside that segment only get mentioned in his introduction in which he discusses the reasons for limiting his discussion to only vv. 3-15 (ibid., 5). In contrast, my study is interested in the application of theophanic language/motifs even outside of the traditional theophany form identified by Jeremias. Chapter V

Zechariah 9:9-16

The delimitation of pericopes within Zechariah 9–10 is difficult, primarily with regard to how the strophes combine to form a larger self-contained unit. In contrast, delimiting some of the individual strophes is more easily determined based on shifts in speakers. However, scholars remain divided regarding how to delimit pericopes and even some strophes within the last six chapters of Zechariah.

Delimiting the beginning of a pericope after Zech 9:8 is easier than determining where to end it. The first eight verses in Zechariah 9 constitute an oracle against several other nations. The tone and content change in v. 9, which addresses Daughter Zion/Jerusalem in the second person and focuses upon the peace that her king will proclaim as part of his dominion (vv. 9-10), thus setting these two verses apart from vv. 1-8. There is a strophe break between v. 10 and v. 11, indicated by a shift of focus away from the king to a focus upon God’s protective relationship with his people; however, the two strophes are closely connected, given the use of the feminine pronouns (e.g., ta [“you” fem. sg.]; $tyrb

[“your (fem. sg.) covenant”]) in v. 11, which logically refers back to Daughter

Zion/Jerusalem. Hence, the strophe beginning with v. 11 is dependent on the previous strophe to supply the necessary information in order to accurately interpret the passage. Also, the use of the first person in v. 10 (often emended to third person1) connects well with the use the first person for God in vv. 11-13. Thus, in order to address the theophanic imagery found in vv. 11-16(17), one needs to take into account the strophe in vv. 9-10 that provides the necessary context. However, some scholars insist that 9:1-10 is certainly separate from the

1 See the “Text, Syntax, and Translation” section below. 195 196 rest of chap. 9, perhaps from a different time and author.2 On the other hand, most scholars do see a break between 9:8 and 9:9.3

The problem with delimiting the end of the passage largely hinges around what to do about v. 17 (a problem that is sometimes extended to include v. 16 and/or 10:1-2).4 Many

2 For examples, see H. G. Mitchell, “A Critical and Exegetical Commentary on Haggai and Zechariah,” in A Critical and Exegetical Commentary on Haggai, Zechariah, Malachi, and Jonah (ICC; New York: Charles Scribner’s Sons, 1912) 218-59; E. G. H. Kraeling, “The Historical Situation in Zech 9:1-10,” AJSL 41 (1924) 24-33; N. Rubinkam, The Second Part of the Book of Zechariah: With Special Reference to the Time of Its Origin (Basel: R. Reich, 1892) 28-35.

3 J. G. Baldwin, Haggai, Zechariah, Malachi (TynOTC 28; Downers Grove, IL: Inner-Varsity Press, 1972; repr., 2009) 176; M. J. Boda, Haggai, Zechariah (NIV Application Commentary; Grand Rapids: Zondervan, 2004) 414; M. Butterworth, Structure and the Book of Zechariah (JSOTSup 130; Sheffield: Sheffield Academic Press, 1992) 72-73; E. W. Conrad, Zechariah (Readings: A New Biblical Commentary; Sheffield: Sheffield Academic Press, 1999) 159; B. G. Curtis, Up the Steep and Stony Road: The Book of Zechariah in Social Location and Social Location Trajectory Analysis (Society of Biblical Literature Academia Biblica 25; Leiden: Brill, 2006) 166; K. Elliger, Die Propheten Nahum, Habakuk, Zephanja, Haggai, Sacharja, Maleachi (ATD 25; Göttingen: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, 1982) 144; M. H. Floyd, Minor Prophets, Part 2 (FOTL 22; Grand Rapids: Eerdmans, 2000) 464-65; F. Horst, Die zwölf kleinen Propheten: Nahum bis Maleachi (HAT 1/14; Tübingen: Mohr, 1954) 246; P. Lamarche, Zacharie IX–XIV: Structure littéraire et Messianisme (Ebib; Paris: Librairie Lecoffre/J. Gabalda, 1961) 25; R. Mason, The Books of Haggai, Zechariah, and Malachi (CBC; Cambridge: University Press, 1977; repr. 1980) 87-88; E. H. Merrill, Haggai, Zechariah, Malachi (Dallas[?]: Biblical Studies Press, 2003) 219; C. L. Meyers and E. M. Meyers, Zechariah 9–14 (AB 25C; New York: Doubleday, 1993) 87-88; J. Nogalski, Redactional Processes in the Book of the Twelve (BZAW 218; Berlin/New York: de Gruyter, 1993) 228-29; J. M. O’Brien, Nahum, Habakkuk, Zephaniah, Haggai, Zechariah, Malachi (Abingdon Old Testament Commentaries; Nashville: Abingdon, 2004) 233; B. Otzen, Studien über Deutero-Sacharja (ATDan 6; Cophenhagen: Prostant apud Munksgaard, 1964) 62-123, 134-42; D. L. Petersen, Zechariah 9–14 and Malachi (OTL; Louisville: John Knox, 1995) 24; P. L. Redditt, Haggai, Zechariah, Malachi (NCB; Grand Rapids: Eerdmans, 1995) 102-3; H. G. Reventlow, Die Propheten Haggai, Sacharja, und Maleachi (ATD 25/2; Göttingen: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, 1993) 94; M. Saebø, Sacharja 9–14 (WMANT 34; Neukirchen-Vluyn: Neukirchener Verlag, 1969) 175; R. L. Smith, Micah- Malachi (WBC 32; Waco, TX: Word, 1984) 254; B. Stade, “Deuterosacharja: Eine kritische Studie,” ZAW 1 (1881) 14-25; M. A. Sweeney, The Twelve Prophets, vol. 2: Micah, Nahum, Habakkuk, Zephaniah, Haggai, Zechariah, Malachi (Berit Olam; Collegeville: Liturgical Press, 2000) 658; I. Willi-Plein, Haggai, Sacharja, Maleachi (ZBAT 24/4; Zurich: TVZ, 2007) 161. Although A. R. Petterson (Behold Your King: The Hope for the House of David in the Book of Zechariah [Library of Hebrew Bible/Old Testament Studies (formerly JSOTSup) 513; New York: T & T Clark, 2009] 129-30) recognizes a break between 9:8 and 9:9, he also views 9:1-17 as a coherent unit.

4 Scholars who break the pericope after 9:17 (thus taking it together with the preceding verses) include: Boda, Haggai, 419; Butterworth, Structure, 74; Curtis, Stony Road, 172; Elliger, Propheten, 151; Horst, Zwölf kleinen Propheten, 246; Merrill, Haggai, 226-33; Mason, Haggai, 90-91; Meyers and Meyers, Zechariah 9–14, 88; Mitchell, “Haggai and Zechariah,” 219-20 (he thinks that 9:17 leads into 10:1 but also that the latter verse begins the next “section” in the text; cf. Conrad, Zechariah, 161-64; Redditt, Haggai,102-3); Petterson, Behold Your King, 129-30; Reventlow, Propheten, 97; R. L. Smith, Micah-Malachi, 257-59 (he considers 10:2 as the possible end of a pericope beginning with 9:16 [p. 259]); Willi-Plein, Haggai, 165. Lamarche (Zacharie IX– 197 scholars include v. 17 with what precedes, even though it has more in common with 10:1 which, like 9:17, exhibits an agrarian motif (e.g., !gd [“corn”] 9:17 and bf[ [“vegetation”] in 10:1). However, 10:1 begins with an imperative, which is often used to begin strophes in these chapters of Zechariah (e.g., 9:9; 11:1). The Leiden Peshitta recognizes the delimitation problem involving v. 17, seeing that it places a major section divider both before and after v.

17, thus setting it apart from the surrounding verses and strophes. There is a clear break in strophes between 10:2 and 10:3, given the shift in person referring to God in the third person in v. 2 to first person in v. 3. However, both verses discuss bad shepherds, thus making one reluctant to separate the two strophes. In contrast, there are no strong connections between

9:16 and 9:17; thus, I propose that either 9:17 was added as a transition to 10:1-2 or alternatively that 9:17-10:2 should be treated as a single strophe that is more closely connected to the strophe beginning in 10:3 than to the previous strophe in Zechariah 9.

Although it would be tempting to include the clear storm-god motif in 10:2 as part of the passage for analysis, that verse does not provide a good conclusion for a pericope (given that it is tied closely with 10:3) and extending the analysis to include much of Zechariah 10 would overextend the limits of this inquiry. In contrast, 9:16 does provide a fitting conclusion to the verses which precede v. 16 in a way that does not lead one to expect anything more.

XIV, 35) delimits the passage as 9:11–10:1 (see also Baldwin, Haggai, 180); however, Lamarche also considers 9:17a to belong to a different strophe (9:13-17a) than 9:17b (9:17b–10:1), the latter of which forms the final strophe of the pericope (pp. 50-52). Otzen (Deutero-Sacharja, 216-18) delimits 9:16–10:3a as a chiastic pericope, while Saebø (Sacharja 9–14, 201-14) divides the text as 9:16b-17 and 10:1-2 (cf. Nogalski, Redactional Processes, 228-29). Stade (“Deuterosacharja” [1881], 14-25, 52) considers 9:9–10:2 as a unit of which 9:17–10:2 forms the final subdivision. Petersen (Zechariah 9–14, 24) sees 9:9-17 as constituting a single poem; see also W. E. Barnes, Haggai, Zechariah, and Malachi (CBSC; Cambridge: University Press, 1934) 74- 78; O’Brien, Nahum, 233 (however, O’Brien treats vv. 14-16 as a subunit within vv. 9-16); Sweeney, Twelve Prophets, 658-59 (he subdivides the unit into vv. 9-13, 14-17). Floyd (Minor Prophets, 467) considers 9:11– 10:12 as one large literary entity, although he does break it into two parts (9:11–10:2 and 10:3-12) “for the sake of convenience” in his discussion of the passage. 198

1. Text, Syntax, and Translation5

The Hebrew (Heb) text presented here primarily follows the Masoretic Text (MT) as found in BHS. However, the LXX, the Syriac Peshitta, and the Latin Vulgate have also been taken into consideration and I make a minor emendation to the MT in v. 15. Any emendations have been included as part of the Heb text and the translation is based on the text here given; in these cases, the MT is provided in the corresponding footnote. Words in my Heb text that differ from the MT, including places where I am reading a different vowel pointing of the same consonantal text, are indicated by an asterisk (*).

Strophe I: Coming of the King

VAdvVoc VVoc ~Ølvwry tb y[yrh !wyc-tb dam ylyg 9

SVP PredS awh [vwnw qydc $l awby $klm hnh AdjVP P twnta-!b ry[-l[w rwmx-l[ bkrw yn[ VOP OP ~Ølvwrym swsw ~yrpam bkr-ytrkhw10 VOP VOP ~ywgl ~wlv rbdw hmxlm tvq htrknw VPP PP `#ra-yspa-d[ rhnmw ~y-d[ ~ym wlvmw

5 Unless otherwise noted, all Hebrew (Heb) texts are taken from BHS and all English translations are my own. The critical edition of the Greek (Gk) text used for Zechariah is J. Ziegler, Duodecim Prophetae (Septuaginta 13; Göttingen: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, 1967). The Latin (La) text is from R. Weber, Biblia sacra iuxta vulgatam versionem (Stuttgart: Deutsche Bibelgesellschaft, 1994). The Syriac (Syr) text is from A. Gelston, “Dodekapropheton,” in Dodekapropheton – Daniel - Bel – Draco (Peshitta Institute; The Old Testament in Syriac 3/4; Leiden: Brill, 1980). The syntactical analysis used here is based upon the system developed by M. P. O’Connor (Hebrew Verse Structure [Winona Lake, IN: Eisenbrauns, 1997]; see also W. L. Holladay, “Hebrew Verse Structure Revisited (I): Which Words ‘Count’?” JBL 118 [1999] 19-32; idem, “Hebrew Verse Structure Revisited (II): Conjoint Cola, and Further Suggestions,” JBL 118 [1999] 401-16). However, I use the term “colon” in place of O’Connor’s term “line.” Also, I have divided the passage into “strophes,” rather than O’Connor’s designations “batches” and “staves.” For a list of abbreviations used for the syntactical analysis, see the Abbreviations page. 199

Translation and Notes

~Ølvwry tb y[yrh !wyc-tb dam ylyg9 9 Rejoice greatly, Daughter Zion! Shout for joy, Daughter Jerusalem!

awh b[vwnw qydc $l aawby $klm hnh

See, your king is cominga to you; He is just and saved/victorious,b

ctwnta-!b ry[-l[w rwmx-l[c bkrw yn[ Humble and riding cupon an ass, Upon a male ass, the offspring of a she-ass.c

a The imperfect Heb verb, as well as the Syr ()t)), can be interpreted either as present (“comes/is coming”) or future (“will come”); the Gk uses a present verb (e;rcetai), while La employs a future (veniet). The La is most likely influenced by a Messianic interpretation of the passage, given the quotation of this verse in Matt 21:4-5 and John 12:14-15 as applied to Jesus’s entry into Jerusalem.

b The Heb uses a niphal participle (“[one] having been saved,” though HALOT [p. 448] also lists “be victorious” as a possible meaning, citing Ps 33:16 and Deut 33:29; see also B. Köhler, “Sacharja 9:9: ein neuer Übersetzungsvorschlag,” VT 21 [1971] 370), thus treating the king as a passive recipient of salvation/victory. In contrast, the Gk uses an active participle (sw,|zwn, “saving”), indicating that the king is the one who brings about salvation/victory; A. van der Kooij (“The Septuagint of Zechariah as Witness to an Early Interpretation of the Book,” in The Book of Zechariah and its Influence [ed. Christopher Tuckett; Burlington, VT: Ashgate, 2003] 53-64, here 58) suggests that the Gk may have read [vwm. Both the La (salvator) and Syr ()QwrP) use a noun meaning “savior.”

c-c I treat the w conjunction in this phrase as an explanatory copulative (see GKC §154a); thus I interpret twnta-!b ry[ in the second colon as providing further clarification regarding the type of rwmx in the first colon; the w has been left untranslated to avoid implications that more than one animal is involved. I have intentionally avoided the term “foal” (or other terminology indicating a young animal) based on the semantic research done by K. C. Way (“Donkey Domain: Zechariah 9:9 and Lexical Semantics,” JBL 129 [2010] 105- 14), despite the translation of the second colon in Gk with pw/lon ne,on (“young foal”), La with et super pullum filium asinae (“and upon a foal, the son of a she-ass”), and Syr with )Nt) rB )LY( L(w (“and upon a young animal, the son of a she-ass”). As noted by Way (“Donkey Domain,” 106), the second colon appears to be specifying that the ass mentioned in the first colon is a purebred male ass. 200 ~Ølvwrym swsw ~yrpam bkr- dytrkhw10

10And I will expeld the chariot from And the horse from Jerusalem.

Ephraim,

e~ywgl ~wlv rbdwe hmxlm tvq htrknw And the bow of war will be expelled, eAnd he will proclaim peace to the nations.e `#ra-yspa-d[ grhnmw ~y-d[ ~ym fwlvmw

And his dominionf [will be] from sea to sea, And from the Riverg to the ends of the earth.

Strophe II: Restoration of Yhwh’s People

11 VocI VOP wb ~ym !ya rwbm $yrysa ytxlv $tyrb-~db ta-~g

d rd Both the Gk (evxoleqreu,sei) and Syr (dBwN) have a 3 -person verb here (“he will destroy”), perhaps reading tyrkhw. The La disperdam could be read as a 3rd sg. pres. subj. act. or a 1st sg. fut. ind. act.; I read it as the latter, given the context. Following the Gk and Syr, BHS and several scholars wish to read the corresponding 3rd-person Hebrew verb tyrkhw; see Elliger, Propheten, 149; Horst, Zwölf kleinen Propheten, 246; K. Marti, Dodekapropheton (Kurzer Hand-kommentar zum Alten Testament 13; Tu bingen: Mohr, 1904) 430; Mason, Haggai, 88; W. Nowack, Die kleinen Propheten (HKAT 3/4; 2nd ed.; Göttingen: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, 1903) 390; P. Riessler, Die kleinen Propheten oder das Zwölfprophetenbuch (Rottenburg: Bader, 1911) 253; E. Sellin, Das Zwölfprophetenbuch: Übersetzt und erklärt (KAT 12; Leipzig: A. Deichert, 1922) 496; Stade, “Deuterosacharja” (1881), 17; J. Wellhausen, Die kleinen Propheten: Übersetzt und erklärt (Berlin: Reimer, 1898) 189. As noted by D. Barthelémy (Critique textuelle de l’Ancien Testament, tome 3: Ézéchiel, Daniel et les 12 Prophètes [OBO 50/3; Freiburg: Universitätsverlag; Göttingen: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, 1992] 977), the 3rd-person verb is the easier reading, given the use of the 3rd-person verb rbd and the 3rd-sg suffix on wlvm later in v. 10. However, given the close contextual connection between this and the following strophe, the latter of which has God speaking in the 1st person, the sense here is that God (1st person) is speaking about the new king: God is the one who will effect the expulsion of the military arsenal from Ephraim and Jerusalem, after which the (messianic?) king will proclaim peace and have dominion over the earth. See also the exegesis section below.

e The Gk differs the most for this colon with its kai. plh/qoj kai. eivrh,nh evx evqnw/n (“and a multitude and peace from the nations”). Otherwise, there are some minor variations among the versions regarding how the l preposition is translated (dative noun gentibus in La [“to/for the nations”]; m( [“with”] in Syr).

f The La comes closest to the MT with its potestas eius (“his power/authority”). In contrast, both the Gk and the Syr use a verb meaning “he will rule” (Gk kata,rxei; Syr =L$N).

g Referring to the Euphrates River; see Barnes, Haggai, 75; Elliger, Propheten, 150; M. Saebø, “Vom Grossreich zum Weltreich: Erwägungen zu Pss. 72:8; 89:26; Sach. 9:10b,” VT 28 (1978) 83-91; Redditt, Haggai,115. 201

12 VPVoc AdvV[VOI] $l byva hnvm dygm ~wyh-~g hwqth yrysa !wrcbl wbwv VIO OVO ~yrpa ytalm tvq hdwhy yl ytkrd-yk13 VO O !wy $ynb-l[ !wyc $ynb ytrrw[w

VP rwbg brxk $ytmfw

Translation and Notes

k k j i h 11 wb ~ym !ya rwbm $yrysa ytxlv $tyrb-~db ta-~g 11As for you, by the blood of yourh covenant, I have freedi yourj captives from ka

waterlessk pit.

h nd Most Gk MSS lack the 2 -person possessive pronoun.

i The Gk uses a 2nd-person verb evxape,steilaj (“you will send out”) instead of a 1st-person verb. The La st (emisisti; “I have sent out”) and Syr (tYr$; “I freed”) both use a 1 -person verb in accordance with the Heb.

j nd The Syr ()D*YS)) lacks the 2 -person possessive pronoun of the Heb.

k-k More literally, “a pit/cistern, there is no water in it.” The other versions have similar phrasing: Gk la,kkou ouvk e;contoj u[dwr (“a pit/cistern not-having-water”); La lacu in quo non est aqua (“a pit/cistern in which [there] is no water”); Syr )YM8 hB tYLd )BwG (“a pit/cistern [in] which there is not water in it”). Several scholars omit this phrase as a gloss; see Elliger, Propheten, 151; P. D. Hanson, “Zechariah 9 and the Recapitulation of an Ancient Ritual Pattern,” JBL 92 (1973) 37-59, here 45; Mason, Haggai, 90; Nowack, Kleinen Propheten, 391; Reventlow, Propheten, 97; Sellin, Zwölfprophetenbuch, 501. The phrase does make the colon a little long; however, the attestation of the phrase in all four versions makes it difficult to dismiss. 202 $l byva hnvm ndygm ~wyhn -~g mhwqth yrysa !wrcbl lwbwv12

12Returnl to a fortress, Captives of Hope; m Indeed ntoday I declaren I am restoring double to

you. o~yrpa ytalm tvq hdwhy yl ytkrd-yko13 13oIndeed, I bent Judah to me ([as] a bow), [As] a bow I filled Ephraim.o

l The Gk has a 2nd sg. fut. ind. act. verb kaqh,sesqe (“you will sit/dwell”) rather than an imperative as found in the Heb, La (convertimini; “return”) and Syr (wBt; “return”).

m Both the Heb and La have “[prisoners of] hope” (La spei). In contrast, both Gk (th/j sunagwgh/j) and Syr ()t$wNK) use a word meaning “assembly, community, congregation, synagogue.” In the case of the Gk, the phrasing could be influenced by the Gk expression sunagwgh, pole,mou (= “levying of war”); see LSJ, 1692; however, this phrase is not attested in the LXX.

n-n The La comes closest to the Heb with its hodie … adnuntians (“today … [I am] declaring”), using a present participle in place of the hiphil participle dygm (“declaring”) in Heb. In contrast, the Gk reads kai. avnti. mia/j h`me,raj paroikesi,aj sou dipla/ avntapodw,sw soi (“and for one day of the captivity/sojourning”), while Syr has the shorter, albeit similar, reading mwY dX pLXw (“and for one day”). In both Gk and Syr, the meaning is that God will repay double for each day (presumably of the captivity [= exile]).

o-o It is difficult to know where to divide the cola within this bicolon; tvq could be read with either colon. For scholars who also put “bow” in the second colon, see Elliger, Propheten, 151; Horst, Zwölf kleinen Propheten, 246; Meyers and Meyers, Zechariah 9–14, 88; Petersen, Zechariah 9–14, 54-55; Reventlow, Propheten, 97. However, the basic interpretation according to which Judah is treated as a bow that is filled with Ephraim (as its arrow) is also tempting and most scholars translate the bicolon accordingly; see Curtis, Stony Road, 171; Lamarche, Zacharie IX–XIV, 47; Marti, Dodekapropheton, 431; Nowack, Kleinen Propheten, 392; Petterson, Behold Your King, 143; Smith, Micah-Malachi, 257-58; Willi-Plein, Haggai,165. Otzen (Deutero- Sacharja, 194, 242) discusses both options, noting that the idea (bow and implied arrow applied to Judah and Ephraim) is unique in the OT. My division of the Heb above follows BHS; one benefit of this division is that it yields a more evenly balanced bicolon. However, the verb $rd (lit., “walk, tread upon”) is used with tvq in the sense of “bending” a bow fifteen other times in the MT (see 1 Chr 5:18; 8:40; 2 Chr 14:7; Pss 7:13; 11:2; 37:14; Isa 5:28; 21:15; Jer 9:2; 46:9; 50:14, 29; 51:3; Lam 2:4; 3:12). On the other hand, the piel of alm (which appears in the second colon) is also used with tvq as its object in 2 Kgs 9:24. For Zech 9:13a, the NABRE has “For I have bent Judah as my bow, I have set Ephraim as its arrow” (cf. NRSV). However, the only OT verses in which “arrow” (#x/ycx) occurs with the verb alm are 2 Kgs 9:24 and Jer 51:11, and in neither context is “arrow” the object (direct or indirect) of alm. Because $rd + tvq is more common (and, hence, tvq could be interpreted as implied in the first colon, given the common expression with tvq as the object of $rd, meaning “bend a bow”) while tvq + alm is less common but also attested elsewhere, I have placed tvq as part of the second colon in Heb to maintain a better balance. I suspect this may be an instance of janus parallelism, in which case tvq should be understood with both cola – hence, I have included “bow” in parentheses in the first colon of the translation. I reached this conclusion independently of S. M. Paul (“A Technical Expression from Archery in Zechariah IX 13a,” VT 39 [1989] 495-97), who comes to the same option after considering the Akkadian expression qašta mullû (“to nock [fill] the bow”); see also Barnes, Haggai, 76; Butterworth, Structure, 178. Both the Gk and the La are as ambiguous as the Heb in their placement of “bow”; in contrast, the Syr clearly places “bow” with “Judah” ()dwhY L( yt$Q tXtMd l+M [“because I bent my bow over Judah”]). 203 q!wy p$ynb-l[ !wyc $ynb ytrrw[w And I will rouse your sons, Zion, Against yourp sons, Yavan;q rwbg brxk $ytmfw And I will wield you [Zion] as a warrior’s sword.

Strophe III: The Victorious Divine Warrior

SPV VPO wcx qrbk acyw hary ~hyl[ hwhyw14 SOV VP !myt twr[sb $lhw [qty rpwvb hwhy yndaw

SVP VVI [lq-ynba wvbkw wlkaw ~hyl[ !gy twabc hwhy15 VVP VPP xbzm twywzk qrzmk walmw !yy-wmk *wmhw wtvw VS PPO wm[ !ack awhh ~wyb ~hyhla hwhy ~[yvwhw16 P VO `wtmda-l[ twsswntm rzn-ynba yk

p The Gk lacks the 2nd-person possessive pronoun (see also n. q below); see also Nowack, Kleinen Propheten, 392; Petersen, Zechariah 9–14, 54-55; Riessler, Kleinen Propheten, 250.

q The Gk has a genitive here (tw/n ~Ellh,nwn), whereas the Heb, La (Graecia) and Syr (nwY) use a vocative. Both the Gk and the La clearly understand “Greeks/Greece” where the Heb has !wy. The Syr appears to be a transliteration; I have been unable to locate a meaning for nwY that fits this context ()NwY = “dove”), but there are several related cognate words in Syr that would indicate a connection with Greek/Greece: the adj. )YNwY means “Greek, Byzantine”; the verb yNwY means “to Grecize”; and the verb oNwY means “to speak Greek” (M. Sokoloff, A Syriac Lexicon [Winona Lake, IN: Eisenbrauns; Piscataway, NJ: Gorgias Press, 2009] 569). The proper name !wy is used in Genesis (10:2, 4) and 1 Chronicles (1:5, 7) to refer to the fourth son of Japheth, son of Noah; elsewhere, it is used to designate a land or people (Isa 66:19; Ezek 27:13, 19; Dan 8:21; 10:20; 11:2; Zech 9:13), which HALOT (p. 402) connects with Greek Asia Minor in Isaiah and Ezekiel, and with the Greeks themselves in Joel, Zechariah, and Daniel. Curtis (Stony Road, 173) notes that !wy is a cognate of “Ionia,” representing the Aegean Islands and the Greek mainland, while “sons of Yavan” refers to “all the native Greek-speaking peoples of the Aegean world.” BHS and a few scholars think this entire colon is a gloss; see Elliger, Propheten, 151; Hanson, “Zechariah 9,” 45; Horst, Zwölf kleinen Propheten, 246; Mason, Haggai, 91; Mitchell, “Haggai and Zechariah,” 279; Reventlow, Propheten, 97-98; Sellin, Zwölfprophetenbuch, 502. 204

Translation and Notes

wcx qrbk acyw hary ~hyl[ rhwhyw14 14And Yhwhr will appear over them, And his arrow will go out as lightning. v!myt utwr[sb $lhw [qty trpwvb shwhy yndas The sLord Yhwhs will sound the ram’s horn,t And he will come in the stormsu of the south.v

r The La has Dominus Deus (“Lord God”); cf. next bicolon.

s-s The La comes the closest to the Heb with its Dominus Deus (“Lord God”). The Gk reads ku,rioj pantokra,twr (“Lord Almighty”), while the Syr has )twD*M )rMw (“Lord of Hosts”; cf. next bicolon).

t The Gk (sa,lpiggi) and La (tuba) use a word meaning “trumpet” or “horn” (in general); the Syr )NrQB can also have the basic meaning of “horn.”

u Tempest, storm wind, whirlwind; similar translations occur in the other versions (Gk sa,lw| [“surge”; “tumult”]; La turbine [“whirlwind”]; Syr )L(L(B [“storm”])

v !myt could also be the proper name “Teman”; for examples, see Amos 1:2; Obad 9; Jer 47:7, 20; Ezek 25:13; Hab 3:3. Although !myt does appear in these other texts, Wellhausen (Kleinen Propheten, 190) takes special note of a possible connection with Hab 3:3, specifically, with his question “weil er vom Sinai kommt?” (“because he comes from Sinai?”); cf. Stade (“Deuterosacharja” [1881], 56), who connects this verse with Deut 33:2 and Judg 5:4-5; Baldwin (Haggai, 182), who cites Judg 5:4, 5 and Hab 3:3; Barnes (Haggai, 77), citing Isa 21:1 and Hab 3:3; Conrad (Zechariah, 164), citing Deut 33:2 and Judg 5:4-5 in addition to Hab 3:3. However, in the context of Zech 9:14, the general meaning “south” fits slightly better (albeit not conclusively), given that it is describing a storm; cf. R. L. Smith (Micah-Malachi, 258-60), who does translate the term as a proper noun (“storms of Teman”) and connects it with Hab 3:3. For further discussion of !myt here, see also Sweeney, Twelve Prophets, 666-67. 205 y[lq-ynbay wvbkw xwlkaw ~hyl[ !gy wtwabc hwhy15

15Yhwh Seba’othw will protect them, And they will consumex and subdue y(with?)

sling stones.y

w I have transliterated the Heb rather than translate it, given its use as part of Yhwh’s title as well as the loss of the military connotations (relative to modern usage) in the most common English translation for twabc, i.e., “hosts”; scholars who transliterate twabc include Horst, Zwölf kleinen Propheten, 246; Lamarche, Zacharie IX–XIV, 48; Willi-Plein, Haggai,165. The La comes closest to the Heb with Dominus exercituum (“Lord of armies/hosts”). The Gk has ku,rioj pantokra,twr (“Lord Almighty”), while the Syr reads )NtLYX )YrMw (“strong Lord” [=Lord Almighty?]).

x Several scholars propose emendations for wlkaw even though “they will consume/eat” is attested in the other versions (Gk katanalw,sousin; La devorabunt; Syr nwLK)N). Riessler (Kleinen Propheten, 254) suggests the least radical emendation with ~wlka (“they consumed them”). Stade (“Deuterosacharja” [1881], 18) proposes reading ~wlkyw (“they will prevail [over] them”). The 3rd-pl pronominal suffix on Riessler’s and Stade’s emendations are apparently influenced by the presence of auvtou,j (“them”) in Gk. Marti (Dodekapropheton, 432), Nowack (Kleinen Propheten, 393), and Wellhausen (Kleinen Propheten, 190) propose wlkyw (“they will prevail”); cf. Mason, Haggai, 91. Elliger (Propheten, 151) leaves “they eat” (fressen) but wants to read rfb (“flesh”) as its object, presumably in place of wvbkw; see also Horst, Zwölf kleinen Propheten, 246; Sellin, Zwölfprophetenbuch, 496.

y-y Given the lack of a preposition before [lq-ynba (“stones of a sling”), it difficult to determine whether [lq-ynba should be understood as a direct or indirect object (the latter could be taken as a dative of means), or even perhaps as the subject (see Barnes, Haggai, 77; Barnes associates the imagery with hailstones). The Gk (evn li,qoij sfendo,nhj) and La (lapidibus fundae) both treat “stones” as a dative of means. The Syr ()(LQB )P)8K) is as ambiguous as the Heb in that “stones” in its rendering could be read as a direct or indirect object. Stade (“Deuterosacharja” [1881], 18) adds a preposition to the Heb to create the reading [lq-ynbak (“as stones of a sling”). Marti (Dodekapropheton, 432), Nowack (Kleinen Propheten, 393), and Wellhausen (Kleinen Propheten, 190) emend ynba to ynb (“sons”). 206 xbzm aatwywzk qrzmk walmw !yy-wmk z*wmhw wtvw

And they will drink and be rowdyz as with And they will be full as a bowl, as the wine, cornersaa of an altar.

z The MT has the verb wmh (“they groaned, made noise”); its presence is problematic given the context and the lack of a conjunction between wmh and the previous verb wtvw (“they will drink”) within the same rd colon. A few important Gk MSS (B, S*, W) omit the second verb and have a 3 -person pl. pronoun in place of the direct object of “drink” (kai. evkpi,ontai auvtou.j w`j oi=non [“and they will drink them as wine”]). However, other Gk MSS read to. ai-ma auvtw/n (“their blood”) in place of auvtou,j, probably attesting to a Heb Vorlage that read ~md (“their blood”). The La fixes the problem by reading a participle for “drink” (bibentes) followed by the finite verb inebriabuntur (“they will be drunk”), yielding “and drinking, they will be drunk as if with wine.” The Syr keeps “drink” as a finite verb (nwt$N), but reads )YXwLd (“confusion/disorder”) as the direct object of “drink.” Thus, none of the versions (Heb, Gk, Syr, or La) agrees regarding what comes after the verb “drink.” On the basis of the majority of Gk MSS which read to. ai-ma auvtw/n, several scholars propose emending the text to match the Gk. Most emend wmh to ~md; see Marti, Dodekapropheton, 432; Nowack, Kleinen Propheten, 393; Peterson, Zechariah 9–14, 54-55; Riessler, Kleinen Propheten, 254; Wellhausen, Kleinen Propheten, 190. Another proposal is to read just ~d (“blood”); see BHS; Elliger, Propheten, 151; Horst, Zwölf kleinen Propheten, 246; Reventlow, Propheten, 97; Sellin, Zwölfprophetenbuch, 496; Stade, “Deuterosacharja” (1881), 18. There are OT other passages which mention Israel drinking the blood of an enemy (Num 23:34; Ezek 39:17, 18, 19), but none of the passages liken drinking blood to drinking wine specifically. The only text in which blood (~d) and wine (!yy) are mentioned together in adjacent cola is in Gen 49:11 wvbl !yyb sbk htws ~ybn[-~dbw / (“he washed his clothing in wine” / “and his garment in the blood of grapes”); however, “blood” in this context refers to grapes (“blood of grapes” = “wine”), not the actual blood of people/enemies. A different option is offered by the NABRE, which has “and [they] become heated,” perhaps presupposing a h/x confusion and reading wmx (“they are heated”?) in place of wmh, given that the noun hmx means “heat,” “rage,” or “poison.” Somewhat similarly, Lamarche (Zacharie IX–XIV, 48) proposes a translation that most closely resembles the interpretation of the La and maintains the second verb: tituberont (“they will stagger”). I agree with Meyers and Meyers (Zechariah 9–14, 88), who simply add a w conjunction to yield wmhw; that conjunction could have been lost due to haplography with the w on the previous verb (wtvw).

aa Not in Gk, which only has w`j fia,laj qusiasth,rion (“[they will fill] the altar as a bowl”). Both La and Syr include the conjunction “and” (La et; Syr w) before the last prepositional phrase (La et quasi cornua altaris [“and as the horns of an altar”]; Syr )XBdMd )tYwz kY)w [“and as the corner of an altar”]). 207 wm[ !ack ccawhh ~wybcc bb~hyhla hwhybb ~[yvwhw16 16And bbYhwh their Godbb will save them; ccOn that day,cc his people (will be) as sheep, ddwtmda-l[ twsswntm rzn-ynba ykdd ddIndeed, gemstones of a crown Shining upon his land.dd

2. Authenticity and Dating

As noted in Chapter II, B. Stade wrote a landmark three-part article in 1881-1882 that set the tone for “Deutero-Zechariah” studies for the better part of following century, that itself was largely influenced by the previous work of Eichhorn.6 Those who disagreed with

Stade’s conclusions felt compelled to write formal refutations of Stade’s arguments (and/or similar arguments from other scholars before and after Stade) as early as the turn of the century; one early critique was by G. L. Robinson in 1895-96, just a few years after Stade’s

bb-bb The La and Syr match the Heb respectively with Dominus Deus eorum and nwhhL) )YrM (“the Lord their God”). The Gk simply reads ku,rioj (“Lord”).

cc-cc awhh ~wyb could also be read with the first colon, as indicated by the punctuation in the Göttingen LXX. In his edition of the La Vulg., Weber begins the second colon with in die illa (“on that day”), as I have done above, given that it creates a better balanced bicolon. The Leiden Peshitta does not include any punctuation that would indicate a division between the cola in Syr.

dd-dd This bicolon could also be combined into a single colon. For the first colon, the Gk, La, and Syr all use the adjective “holy” to describe the “stones” but they all differ from the Heb and one another in the second colon (which, again, could be read as a single colon): Gk dio,ti li,qoi a[gioi / kuli,ontai evpi. th/j gh/j auvtou/ (“for holy stones / are rolled upon his land”); La quia lapides sancti / elevantur super terram eius (“because holy stones / [they] are raised above his land”); Syr h(r)B ywh8 oYd$8d / )t$8YdQ ywh8 )P)8Kd l+M (“because the stones are holy / which are cast/thrown upon his land”). Several scholars emend ynba yk to ynbak (“as stones”); see Horst, Zwölf kleinen Propheten, 246; Marti, Dodekapropheton, 432; Nowack, Kleinen Propheten, 394; Peterson, Zechariah 9–14, 54-55; Riessler, Kleinen Propheten, 254; Wellhausen, Kleinen Propheten, 190- 91. J. A. Bewer (“Two suggestions on Prov 30:31 and Zech 9:16,” JBL 67 [1948] 61-62, here 62) suggests that the verb #ycy (“shall shine”) is missing before the yk.

6 Stade, “Deuterosacharja” (1881), 1-96; idem, “Deuterosacharja: Eine kritische Studie,” ZAW 2 (1882) 151-72, 275-309; citing: J. G. Eichhorn, Einleitung in das Alte Testament, vol. 3 (Leipzig: Weidmanns Erben und Reich, 1787). 208 article appeared.7 Stade’s influence extends both to the issue of authenticity of Zechariah 9–

14, particularly in relation to Zechariah 1–8 and its prophetic author, as well as to the dating of Zechariah 9–14.

Stade argued that Zechariah 9–14 is definitely from a separate author than the first eight chapters of Zechariah, thus proposing the name “Deutero-Zechariah”

(Deuterosacharja) for these last six chapters of the extant book. This position has become the consensus among most scholars since Stade’s time. There remains some debate among scholars regarding whether or not Zechariah 9–14 is the product of a single author/redactor; single authorship is argued extensively by Lamarche even though his chiastic structure has not been widely accepted.8 However, even among those scholars who think that different authors were involved in the composition/redaction of Zechariah 9–14, most accept single authorship for Zechariah 9 (sometimes including chapter 10 or parts thereof).9 Thus, regardless of how many authors scholars have proposed (one, two, or many) for Deutero-

Zechariah, there is little disagreement with regard to the probable single authorship of at least

Zech 9:9-16.

Proposed dates for Zechariah 9 in particular have ranged from the time of King Josiah in the seventh century B.C.E. to the Maccabean period in the second century B.C.E. Linguistic

7 G. L. Robinson, “The Prophecies of Zechariah: With Special Reference to the Origin and Date of Chapters 9–14,” AJSL 12 (1895-1896) 1-92; repr. (Chicago: University Press, 1896).

8 Lamarche, Zacharie IX–XIV, 153; however, the dates proposed by Lamarche would place the composition of Zechariah 9–14 during the time of Zechariah himself (pp. 148-53). Reventlow (Propheten, 86- 87) argues for (at least probable) single authorship for Deutero-Zechariah (but not for Zechariah as a whole). A. F. Schellenberg (“One in the Bond of War: The Unity of Deutero-Zechariah,” Didaskalia 12 [2001] 101-15) also argues for unity within Zechariah 9–14 largely by appealing to the Divine Warrior motifs (particularly in chaps. 9–10 and 14).

9 For examples of those who propose single authorship for Zechariah 9, but not for all of Deutero- Zechariah, see Otzen, Studien, 45-58; Redditt, Haggai,102-3. 209 analyses are inconsistent in their findings with regard to dating or single authorship.10

However, the preexilic dating has few followers after the time of Stade, although some admit the possibility that perhaps parts of Zechariah 9 might be postexilic reworkings of earlier material.11 One of the most obvious problems with a preexilic dating for Zechariah 9 is that it clearly has the Babylonian Exile in mind when it talks about prisoners being freed and Yhwh restoring double to the people (Zech 9:11-12). Another weakness of such a dating is the failure to adequately address the reference to Greece in Zech 9:13, given that treating it as a gloss is purely speculative (often based on a scholar’s analysis of the passage’s alleged

“meter”) and Otzen’s theory that it refers to Greek mercenaries in Egypt, while interesting and perhaps possible, seems highly unlikely.12

Several scholars support a Persian date for Zechariah 9, some of whom place it during the time of the prophet Zechariah. Hanson thinks that Zechariah 9 is a prophetic adaptation of a Divine Warrior hymn/motif, probably close to the time of Deutero-Isaiah; thus, he suggests

10 Two often-cited linguistic studies on Deutero-Zechariah resulted in different conclusions, particularly with regard to unity/authorship. Y. T. Radday and D. Wickmann (“The Unity of Zechariah Examined in Light of Statistical Linguistics,” ZAW 87 [1975] 30-55) concluded that Zechariah 9–11 have a high probability of being from the same author as Zechariah 1–8 whereas it is highly improbable that Zechariah 12– 14 is from the same author as Zechariah 1–11 (p. 54). In contrast, A. E. Hill (“Dating Second Zechariah: A Linguistic Reexamination,” HAR 6 [1992] 105-34) determined that Zechariah 10–14 are linguistically similar to Zechariah 1–8 and, hence, he proposes a date ca. 520-450 or, more precisely, 515-458 B.C.E. (pp. 131-32) for both segments. However, both studies would seem to date Zechariah 9 to the Persian period if one assumes a traditional date of authorship (and accepts Radday and Wickmann’s conclusion that Zechariah 9 was probably by the same author as Zechariah 1–8) as well as Hill’s findings for Zechariah 10–14 as applicable to Zechariah 9 as well (Zechariah 9 was excluded in Hill’s study because it is poetry, not prose). D. A. Robertson (Linguistic Evidence in Dating Early Hebrew Poetry [SBLDS 3; Missoula: University of Montana, 1972] 109) notes that Zech 9:15 contains a feature (enclitic m) of standard Hebrew poetry (eighth century and later).

11 One of the strongest post-Stade supporters of a preexilic date for Zechariah 9 is Otzen (Studien, 212); see also Kraeling, “Historical Situation,” 24-33. For a detailed critique of pre-twentieth century scholarship that argued for preexilic dating, see Robinson, “Prophecies of Zechariah,” 16-52.

12 Otzen, Studien, 45-58; cf. Riessler (Kleinen Propheten, 253-54) who takes “sons of Yavan” as a reference to Greek pirates that would be prior to 550 B.C.E. 210

13 a tentative date for the chapter in the mid-sixth century B.C.E. Robinson claims that the description of the coming king’s dominion as being “from sea to sea, and from the River

[Euphrates] to the ends of the earth” best describes (and is really applicable to only) the reign

14 of King Darius I of Persia between 518-516 B.C.E. Boda suggests a slightly later date for

Zechariah 9 at around 515-510 B.C.E., and sees the chapter as probably by Zechariah himself.15 Meyers and Meyers suggest that Zechariah 9 is likely from the first half of the fifth century, even though an earlier form of it might have been reworked at that time.16 Jones holds that the author of Zechariah 9–11 was an Israelite “of the northern dispersion” who was active in or near Damascus in the fifth century.17 Horst thinks that 9:1–11:3 can be dated near the end of the Persian period or beginning of the Hellenistic period, specifically during the last half of the fourth century.18

Redditt notes three additional observations that he believes lend support to a Persian dating (in his case, an early Persian period date for Zechariah 9).19 First, the authors of

Deutero-Zechariah made use of previous prophetic material, especially Jeremiah, Ezekiel, and Proto-Zechariah. Second, the weighing of shekels mentioned in 11:14 more likely points to a time before coins became more prevalent (i.e., during the Hellenistic period), even

13 P. D. Hanson, The Dawn of Apocalyptic (rev. ed.; Philadelphia: Fortress Press, 1979) 322-24.

14 Robinson, “Prophecies of Zechariah,” 73; see also Sweeney, Twelve Prophets,664-66.

15 Boda, Haggai, 410.

16 Meyers and Meyers, Zechariah 9–14, 26-27.

17 D. R. Jones, “A Fresh Interpretation of Zechariah 9–11,” VT 12 (1962) 241-59, here 258.

18 Horst, Zwölf kleinen Propheten, 213-14; however, he also thinks that preexilic elements have been incorporated.

19 Redditt, Haggai, 98-100. 211 though he admits that metal was not coined in Palestine until the Maccabean period. Third, the boundaries of the New Jerusalem in Zechariah 14 are described in preexilic terms, and it mentions two gates (Zech 14:10) that were not rebuilt by Nehemiah (thus implying that the author was writing during a time when the walls were still in ruins, i.e., prior to Nehemiah).

Redditt proposes a date of composition for 9:1-17 as being probably sometime between 515

20 B.C.E. and the time of Nehemiah (ca. 445 B.C.E.).

The problem with Redditt’s first observation is that it only indicates that the author(s) of Deutero-Zechariah came after the prophets whom he/they quote, which could include any time after those prophets (including the Hellenistic Period). He admits that the second observation is tenuous; weighing silver could have continued in Palestine even after the

Greeks arrived (however, his observation would seem to point at least to a pre-Maccabean date). A potential problem with Redditt’s third observation is that if Zechariah 14 is looking forward to a future eschatalogical Jerusalem, the author may intentionally be using the preexilic boundaries as the “ideal” restoration of the walls, regardless of the current status of the walls. Perhaps the author was not satisfied with previous results of the rebuilding of the temple or walls of Jerusalem and believed that God would restore both to their original glory and size as they existed prior to the Babylonian conquest of Jerusalem.

One of the most often cited arguments in favor of a Hellenistic (or later) dating is the reference to the !wy ynb (“sons of Yavan [Greece]”) in Zech 9:13. In fact, Stade proposes that the reference to Greeks in 9:13 clearly places Deutero-Zechariah in the context of the

Hellenistic period; more specifically, he narrows the date to 306-278 B.C.E. during the

20 P. L. Redditt, “Nehemiah’s First Mission and the Date of Zechariah 9–14,” CBQ 56 (1994) 664-78, here 675-76. 212 struggle for power among the Diadochi.21 Several scholars, however, have challenged the reference to !wy ynb as evidence of Hellenistic composition. A frequent, albeit feeble, claim is that the colon in which !wy ynb appears is a “gloss.” The strongest argument against 9:13 necessarily being evidence of Hellenistic composition comes from those scholars who suggest that the reference could in fact be reflective of Greco-Persian conflicts during the

Persian period.22 However, Floyd rightly questions whether the fifth-century conflicts between Persia and Greece would have had any direct impact on Judah; rather, he argues that the best interpretation is the most obvious one: the passage (9:11–10:12) is describing

Jerusalem’s ability “to resist direct threats from the Greeks” as a result of “opposition between the Greeks and Jews themselves.”23 Another attempt to divorce 9:13 (and its surrounding context) from a necessarily Hellenistic interpretation is Jones’s suggestion that the author was merely using biblical allusions in which !wy refers to “distant nations” (cf. Isa

41:1; 66:19).24 Jones also suggests that, rather than the Greeks being portrayed as enemies in

9:13, they are “the means of restoring the lost sons of Zion”; thus he proposes reading the last

21 Stade, “Deuterosacharja” (1882), 290, 305. See also Marti, Dodekapropheton, 396; Nogalski, Redactional Processes, 216; Nowack, Kleinen Propheten, 378.

22 Curtis, Stony Road, 174-81; Petterson, Behold Your King, 144; Robinson, “Prophecies of Zechariah,” 67-75. Although R. H. Pfeiffer (“Hebrews and Greeks before Alexander,” JBL 56 [1937] 91-101) notes archeological evidence of Aegean influence in Syria, Phoenicia, and Palestine dating back to ca. 2000 B.C.E. and continuing through the fifth century B.C.E., he admits that we remain in the dark with regard to the exact means of cultural transmission and the level of direct contact between the Hebrews and Greeks.

23 Floyd, Minor Prophets, 456. However, E. Meyers (“The Crisis of the Mid-fifth Century B.C.E. Second Zechariah and the ‘End’ of Prophecy,” in Pomegranates and Golden Bells: Studies in Biblical, Jewish, and Near Eastern Ritual, Law, and Literature in Honor of Jacob Milgrom [ed. D. P. Wright, D. N. Freedman, and A. Hurvitz; Winona Lake, IN: Eisenbrauns, 1995] 713-23, here 715-16), citing K. Hoglund, argues that Palestine was probably most affected by the mid-fifth century Egyptian satrapal revolts which prompted Persia to build fortresses in the Levant ca. 450 B.C.E. to keep the local populations from aligning themselves with Greece. See also Meyers and Meyers, Zechariah 9–14, 18-22.

24 Jones, “Fresh Interpretation,” 247-49. 213 colon of the verse as “Upon (l[;) thy sons, O Jawan.”25 However, in order to maintain his thesis that the author is using a military metaphor without implying a military role for

“Jawan,” Jones has to appeal to a “glossator’s touch” to explain the transformation of the metaphor into a literal reference to warfare against the Greeks in a later century.26

There are other reasons that have been proposed in favor of a Hellenistic dating for

Zechariah 9. Delcor perceives references to Alexander the Great in the list of nations in vv.

1-8; he suggests that Alexander is portrayed favorably in these verses and as acting as

Yhwh’s instrument, in contrast to the rest of the chapter in which he is supplanted by a new

Davidic king.27 In addition to the mention of Greece in 9:13, Floyd appeals to two other reasons why a time after Alexander the Great would provide the best context for Zechariah

9:1–11:17 as from ca. 330 – 300 B.C.E.: (1) the king described in 9:9-10 is likely to be based on the type of king Alexander was (i.e., able to bring general peace for the first time since the middle of Darius I’s reign); and (2) the real but unrealized hope for unification between the southern (Judah/Jerusalem) and northern (Israel/Samaria) kingdoms is more appropriate in a later period, given the squabbles between the returning exiles and Samaritans during the

Persian period as noted in Ezra and Nehemiah.28 One problem with Floyd’s first suggestion is that it is quite possible that, as noted by Jones, one only needs to look to the descriptions of

25 Ibid., 248. However, Jones also thinks that the colon “overloads the line and is metrically superfluous” (ibid.).

26 Ibid., 248-49.

27 M. Delcor, “Les Allusions à Alexandre le Grand dans Zach IX 1-8,” VT 1 (1951) 110-24, esp. 123; see also I. Willi-Plein, “Prophetie und Weltgeschichte: Zur Einbettung von Sach 9,1-8 in die Geschichte Israels,” In Davidshaus und Prophetie: Studien zu den Nebiim (Biblisch-Theologische Studien 127; Neukirchen-Vluyn: Neukirchener Theologie, 2012) 243-62. However, several scholars have critiqued the applicability of Zech 9:1-8 to the march of Alexander; see Curtis, Stony Road, 166-70; Redditt, “Nehemiah’s First Mission,” 665-67.

28 Floyd, Minor Prophets, 454-57. 214

King David himself and the Suffering Servant passages as a basis for the description of the king in Zech 9:9-10.29 Floyd’s suggestion further presupposes that the expectation is not intended as a Messianic hope for a new Judean king in the line of David but merely for any monarch who can bring peace to the land, including foreign monarchs.

Only a few scholars attempt to date Zechariah 9 as late as the Seleucid/Ptolemaic or

Maccabean periods.30 Although Rubinkam proposes a date for Zech 9:1-10 to the time of the approach of Alexander the Great, he thinks that Zech 9:11–chap. 14 overall reflect the

Maccabean period.31 Similarly, Mitchell suggests that Zech 9:1-10 was written ca. 333

32 B.C.E., whereas Zech 9:11–11:3 is from the time of Ptolemy III (247–222 B.C.E.). Marti dates the material in Zechariah 9 to “none other than the Seleucid Empire” (nichts andres als

33 das Seleucidenreich) and, more specifically, to ca. 197–142 B.C.E. Nowack also supports a dating in the time of the Seleucids and Ptolemies.34 However, the above scholars who support a Seleucid/Ptolemy – Maccabean date all published their works in the early twentieth century or earlier, thus attesting to the movement in biblical scholarship away from proposing such late dates for the OT material after that time. This is perhaps due, at least in part, to an increase in scholarship regarding Sirach, in which the Twelve Prophets are mentioned

29 Jones, “Fresh Interpretation,” 248-49, 256-58.

30 For a general critique of methods used to date OT texts to the Maccabean period, see P. R. Ackroyd, “Criteria for the Maccabean Dating of Old Testament Literature,” VT 3 (1953) 113-32; although Ackroyd primarily addresses the dating of the Psalms and Sirach, he also mentions Deutero-Zechariah (specifically, Zech 12:10-14) as a further example on pp. 129-31.

31 Rubinkam, Book of Zechariah, 83-84.

32 Mitchell, “Haggai and Zechariah,” 252-58.

33 Marti, Dodekapropheton, 396.

34 Nowack, Kleinen Propheten, 378. 215 collectively in Sir 49:10. Thus, Sirach provides a terminus ad quem for the compilation of the

35 Twelve Prophets, i.e., prior to the publication of Sirach ca. 180 B.C.E.

Given the variety of suggestions, it is no wonder that R. L. Smith observes that an attempt to determine the historical context for Zechariah 9–14 is likely to end in failure.36

The most likely time of composition of Zechariah 9 would seem to be the Persian – early

Hellenistic Period. On the one hand, the more obvious interpretation that the “sons of Yavan

[Greece]” in Zech 9:13 are the direct enemies of Israel, over whom Yhwh will grant victory, makes the Hellenistic period tempting. However, without knowing the impact (or lack thereof) that the Greco-Persian conflicts had in Palestine during the fifth century, the possibility of those conflicts providing the basis for the reference in Zech 9:13 remains plausible. Thus, both periods will be kept in mind throughout this study.37

3. Exegetical Analysis and Commentary

As indicated at the beginning of this chapter, the delimitation of pericopes in

Zechariah 9–10 is difficult. More than a few scholars suggest that Zechariah 9 constitutes a single, self-contained unit, while others expand it to include all or part of chapter 10. Most scholars are in agreement that there is a break between 9:8 and 9:9, a position I adopt. There is a shift in focus from an oracle against the nations in 9:1-8, which is not of primary interest in this study, to a strophe describing a coming king in vv. 9-10, which likewise shifts to

35 P. W. Skehan and A. A. Di Lella, The Wisdom of Ben Sira (AB 39; New York: Doubleday, 1987) 16, 40-45. Among the Twelve Prophets, Di Lella notes that Ben Sira cites or alludes to Haggai and Malachi (ibid., 41) – thus spanning both sides of Zechariah within the OT canon.

36 R. L. Smith, Micah-Malachi, 249.

37 A. M. Leske (“Context and Meaning of Zechariah 9:9,” CBQ 62 [2000] 663-78, here 664) notes that a date between 400–350 B.C.E. is just as likely as a 515–445 B.C.E. one. 216 addressing Zion/Jerusalem in the second person. Given the first-person verb ytrkh (“I will expel/cut off”) in v. 10 found in the MT, the likely speaker in vv. 9-10 is Yhwh.

I have designated vv. 9-10 as Strophe I (Coming of the King). Although it is possible that vv. 1-8 are intended to be read with vv. 9-10 as part of a larger whole, there is no obvious linguistic or contextual reason why they need to be read together. In contrast,

Strophe II (vv. 11-13; Restoration of Yhwh’s People) is contextually dependent upon Strophe

I: Yhwh (first person) is still addressing Jerusalem/Zion (second person feminine), but this strophe is distinguished from the previous one, given its shift in focus from the new king to the restoration of God’s people as a whole (without any mention of the new king). It is certain that a new strophe (Strophe III; The Victorious Divine Warrior) begins in v. 14, given the sudden shift from Yhwh in the first person to a third person description of Yhwh, with the tetragrammaton appearing in the first colon of all three verses that I have included in Strophe

III (vv. 14-16). There is no mention of Yhwh at all in 9:17, which contains an exclamatory statement about abundance of grain and wine and which connects well with 10:1 (which also mentions grain), although wine is mentioned in both 9:15 and 9:17. It is possible that 9:17 was added as a transition to 10:1; however, it does not seem original to Strophe III (which, as just pointed out, has a poetic three-fold use of “Yhwh” in the first colon of each verse that is not continued in v. 17). Although 10:1 does include storm-god imagery, its focus shifts away from the Divine Warrior victory motif in 9:14-16 to a more agrarian motif involving an analogy about “bad shepherds” beginning in 10:2 (the yk which begins 10:2 syntactically connects it to the previous verse).

The three strophes in Zech 9:9-16 function together to provide an image of the restoration of God’s people and victory over their enemies. Yhwh promises a king who will 217 proclaim peace in Strophe I. Then Yhwh describes the larger restoration of the people that he will cause in Strophe II. Finally, the victory of the Divine Warrior is described using the third person for Yhwh in Strophe III.

One particularly noteworthy proposal is that of P. D. Hanson, who suggests that

Zechariah 9 is an early apocalyptic “recapitulation of an archaic mythic pattern” using a

Divine Warrior hymn.38 He structures the entire chapter as follows39:

Conflict-Victory (vv. 1-7)

Temple Secured (v. 8)

Victory Shout and Procession (v. 9)

Manifestation of Yhwh’s Universal Reign (v. 10)

Salvation: Captives Released (vv. 11-13)

Theophany of Divine Warrior (v. 14)

Sacrifice and Banquet (v. 15)

Fertility of Restored Order (vv. 16-17)

Hanson compares this pattern to what he considers the classical formation of a conflict myth in the Mesopotamian Enuma Elish and other ANE mythology, as well as the use of the motif in some of the psalms (e.g., Psalm 68). He connects the use of the motif in Zechariah 9 with

40 the “optimism” of Deutero-Isaiah in the mid-sixth century B.C.E. Some scholars recognize the potential contribution of Hanson’s work while simultaneously finding fault with it, particularly with regard to Hanson’s categorization of Zechariah 9 as “apocalyptic,” his

38 Hanson, “Zechariah 9,” 53-54; see also idem, Dawn of Apocalyptic, 292-324.

39 Hanson, “Zechariah 9,” 53.

40 Hanson, Dawn of Apocalyptic, 324. 218 structural divisions, and, as Curtis notes, his attempt to trace the use of the Divine Warrior motif and the development of “apocalyptic” literature over time without a “sufficient comparative base.”41

3.1. Strophe I: Coming of the King

9Rejoice greatly, Daughter Zion! Shout for joy, Daughter Jerusalem!

See, your king is coming to you; He is just and saved/victorious,

Humble and riding upon an ass, Upon a male ass, the offspring of a she-ass.

10And I will expel the chariot from Ephraim, And the horse from Jerusalem.

And the bow of war will be expelled, And he will proclaim peace to the nations.

And his dominion [will be] from sea to sea, And from the River to the ends of the earth.

The opening commands to Daughter Zion and Daughter Jerusalem in Zech 9:9 are reminiscent of similar imperatives in Zeph 3:1442:

larfy w[yrh !wyc-tb ynr ~Ølvwry tb bl-lkb yzl[w yxmf

Shout for joy, Daughter Zion; Rejoice, Israel;

Be glad and exult with all [your] heart, Daughter Jerusalem.

As in Zechariah 9, the exhortations to rejoice are here followed by the mention of a king; however, in Zephaniah 3, the “King of Israel” (larfy $lm) in their midst is Yhwh (Zeph

3:15; cf. Zech 2:14). In contrast, Zech 9:9 is describing a future human king, presumably in

41 Curtis, Stony Road, 156-60, here 158-59; see also Floyd, Minor Prophets, 441-42, 446, 454.

42 Daughter Zion and Daughter Jerusalem are also paired in 2 Kgs 19:21 // Isa 37:22; Lam 2:13; Mic 4:8. The combination of the coming of a savior for Daughter Zion (Zech 9:9) and the mention of the “ends of the earth” (Zech 9:10) also occurs in Isa 62:11 ab $[vy hnh !wyc-tbl wrma #rah hcp-la hymvh hwhy (“Yhwh proclaimed to the ends of the earth, ‘Say to Daughter Zion, your savior comes.’”). 219 the line of David; that the king is human and not Yhwh himself is indicated by the use of the niphal participle [vwn, which more likely means “[one who is] saved” (although “victorious” has also been suggested).43 The implication of the niphal form is that the salvation/victory of the king was not brought about by the king himself, but by Yhwh. The king’s legitimacy to rule is thus not based on his military strength, as is explicitly affirmed in Ps 33:16:

`xk-brb lcny-al rwbg lyx-brb [vwn $lmh-!ya

The king is not saved by his great army; A warrior is not delivered by his

great strength.

This interpretation is further supported by the description of the coming of the king as

“humble” (yn[) and “riding on a donkey” (rwmx/ry[). Mason connects the terms [vwn, qydc, and yn[ with the description of the Servant in Deutero-Isaiah as well as the portrayal of the king in some of the Psalms.44 Several scholars have noted the potential significance of the donkey as the king’s mount rather than a horse (sws) or chariot (bkr), both of which Yhwh himself will expel according to Zech 9:10.45 Ziba offers donkeys (~yrwmx) to King

43 See n. b in the “Text, Syntax, and Translation” section above. Floyd (Minor Prophets, 454-55) does note that, technically, the text is ambiguous with regard to whether a new Davidic king is intended or just a “new imperial overlord”; Floyd chooses the latter option and suggests that Alexander the Great provides the background image for the type of king described in Zech 9:9-10. Leske (“Context and Meaning,” 665) rejects the interpretation of this passage as referring to a “future messianic Davidide.”

44 R. A. Mason, “Why is Second Zechariah so Full of Quotations?,” in The Book of Zechariah and its Influence (ed. Christopher Tuckett; Burlington, VT: Ashgate, 2003) 21-28, here 24. For a detailed study on the influence of Deutero-Isaiah on Deutero-Zechariah, see C. R. Sosa, “La influencia de Isaías II en Zecarías II,” Kairos 37 (2005) 39-57.

45 The plausibility of this interpretation supports the retention of the MT’s 1st-person verb against the versions and those scholars who prefer a 3rd-person verb (see n. d above). For scholars who contrast the donkey vs. the horse/chariot as a means of royal transportation, see Boda, Haggai, 416-18; Leske, “Context and Meaning,” 672-73; R. A. Mason, “The Relation of Zech 9–14 to Proto-Zechariah,” ZAW 88 (1976) 227-39, here 236-37; Meyers and Meyers, Zechariah 9–14, 129-31; Petterson, Behold Your King, 140; C. W. F. Smith, “The Horse and the Ass in the Bible,” ATR 27 (1945) 86-97; R. L. Smith, Micah – Malachi, 256; Wellhausen, Kleinen Propheten, 189. Cf. also Jer 17:25 and 22:4 where it is stated that the kings who sit on the throne of David will ride on their chariot and horses. 220

David’s household to ride during the coup begun by Absalom (2 Sam 16:2), this being the one other possible reference to a king riding a donkey in the MT (cf. Gen 49:10-11); however, the sons and/or grandsons of the judges Jair (Judg 10:4) and Abdon (Judg 12:14) are mentioned as riding on donkeys (~[y]ry[) during the period of prosperity when Jair and Abdon “judged” Israel.46 The adjective yn[ can mean “humble,” “poor,” or “afflicted,” depending upon the context (albeit not necessarily without ambiguity); it occurs as a reference to those saved (root [vy) by Yhwh in David’s Song of Thanksgiving in 2 Sam

22:28 (// Ps 18:22) as well as in Ps 34:7. Thus, the coming king is one who knows that real strength is in Yhwh, not his own power or military assets.

The MT’s first-person verb ytrkh in v. 10 indicates that Yhwh is the one who will expel military assets (represented by the horse [sws], chariot [bkr], and bow [tvq]) from both Ephraim and Jerusalem (i.e., the northern and southern kingdoms, thus envisioning a restored united kingdom). Within the context of the strophe, the imagery used could be drawing upon passages in which faith in “horse” and “chariot” is to be rejected in favor of faith in Yhwh (e.g., Ps 20:8; Isa 31:1). This action by Yhwh thus enables the king to proclaim “peace” (~wlv; also “prosperity”) to the nations. The text also mentions that the king’s dominion will be from “sea to sea” (~y-d[ ~ym) and from “the River to the ends of the earth” (#ra-yspa-d[ rhnmw).47 As noted previously in Chapter III (specifically in the discussion of Mic 7:12), when in the OT two seas are used in a directional formula, one sea is

46 Jones (“Fresh Interpretation,” 256-57) discusses the contrast between King David and Absalom during the latter’s attempted coup against King David; see also R. L. Smith, Micah – Malachi, 256.

47 T. Collins (“The Literary Contexts of Zechariah 9:9,” in The Book of Zechariah and its Influence [ed. Christopher Tuckett; Burlington, VT: Ashgate, 2003] 29-40, here 39) notes that the last bicolon appears to be drawing upon, perhaps even citing, Ps 72:8. Schellenberg (“One in the Bond of War,” 106) suggests that the mention of the two seas could refer to the cosmic oceans, noting that the equivalent expression is also found in Enuma Elish VI:95. 221 always the Mediterannean Sea (representing the west) while the other sea (representing the east) could be the Red Sea, the Dead Sea, or possibly even the Persian Gulf. In any event, the imagery clearly refers to the west-east extent of the king’s domain. This leaves the second colon as a north-south pair; the “River” (Euphrates) forms the northern point, while the “ends of the earth” presumably indicate the southern point, the end of the known world as this extended at least down through Egypt.48

3.2. Strophe II: Restoration of Yhwh’s People

11As for you, by the blood of your covenant, I have freed your captives from a waterless

pit.

12Return to a fortress, Captives of Hope; Indeed today I declare I am restoring double

to you.

13Indeed I bent Judah to me ([as] a bow), [As] a bow I filled Ephraim.

And I will rouse your sons, Zion, Against your sons, Yavan;

And I will wield you as a warrior’s sword.

“Covenant” language is quite prevalent throughout the OT with respect to Yhwh’s covenants with Israel and various individuals. Although tyrb is used with the promises that Yhwh makes to Noah (Gen 6:18; 9:11-13, 15-17) and Abraham (Gen 15:18), the tyrb that

God is said to have made with the Israelites’ ancestors often refers specifically to the covenant established following the Exodus from Egypt (e.g., Exod 34:27; Deut 5:3; 28:69;

Judg 2:1; 1 Kgs 8:21; Jer 31:32; 34:13) or sometimes the covenant with David (e.g., 2 Sam

48 Assyria and Egypt are often paired in the OT, as are their respective rivers (Euphrates and Nile); for examples, see Josh 24:14; Isa 7:18; 11:11, 15, 16; 19:24, 25; 27:13; Jer 2:18, 36; Ezek 16:26-28; 23:5-8; Hos 7:11; 9:3; 11:5, 11; 12:2. Redditt (Haggai, 115) suggests that the author may have in mind the Davidic kingdom, rather than a larger area; see also Sweeney, Twelve Prophets, 664. 222 23:5; Ps 89:4). However, the phrase “blood of the covenant” (tyrb ~d) occurs elsewhere only in Exod 24:8; here, Moses splashes blood on the people of Israel after reading the “book of the covenant” (tyrb rps) to them. Thus, the “blood of your covenant” mentioned in

Zech 9:11 most likely is drawing upon the covenant made with Israel following the Exodus, although there could also be a connection with covenantal circumcision (e.g., Genesis 17;

Exod 4:26).49

Although rysa (“prisoner”) is used to describe the confinement of Joseph in Egypt

(Genesis 39) and of Samson by the Philistines (Judges 16), the word is used most often used with reference to “prisoners” upon whose behalf Yhwh acts or to whom he at least shows favor (e.g., Job 3:18; Pss 68:7; 69:34; 79:11; 102:21; Isa 42:7; Lam 3:34; Zech 9:11-12).

However, in the earlier chapters of Isaiah (i.e., Isa 10:4; 14:17; 24:22), rysa is used more negatively in the context of divine judgment against other nations, in contrast to the imagery in Isa 42:7 in which Yhwh will bring the prisoners out from the dungeon. Of particular interest is Isa 24:22a which, like Zech 9:10, also mentions captives in a cistern/pit (rwb): rwb-l[ rysa hpsa wpsaw

And they will be gathered together [as/like] a prisoner into a pit.

Thus, whereas Isa 24:22 indicates that Yhwh will gather the kings of the earth as prisoners in a pit, Zech 9:10 states that Yhwh will free prisoners from the pit. A pit without water (-!ya ~ym) is specifically mentioned in Jer 38:6 when Jeremiah himself is lowered into such a pit as a place of imprisonment (and eventually death had he not been rescued).50 Some scholars

49 For research regarding the “blood of the covenant,” see E. Kutsch, “Das sog. Bundesblut in Ex 24:8 und Sach 9:11,” VT 23 (1973) 25-30; E. W. Nicholson, “The Covenant Ritual in Exodus 24:3-8,” VT 32 (1982) 74-86.

50 For a more detailed discussion regarding Jeremiah and Zechariah 9–11, see E. Tigchelaar, “Some Observations on the Relationship between Zechariah 9–11 and Jeremiah,” in Bringing out the Treasure: Inner 223 have also noted connections between the above phrase and Jacob’s son Joseph being lowered into a pit by his brothers (Genesis 37), given that Gen 37:24 uses a similar phrase (wb !ya ~ym) to specify that there was no water in the pit, albeit with a slightly different word order than found in Zech 9:11 (wb ~ym !ya).51

Not only does Yhwh free his people from the “pit” in Zech 9:11-12, they also return to a !wrcb (“stronghold”/“fortress”?) and Yhwh restores double to them. The word !wrcb is a hapax legomenon. BDB (p. 131) has “stronghold.” HALOT (p. 149) suggests that a metathesis of two of the term’s letters has occurred and, hence, proposes reading !wrbc

(“[in] throngs”) instead. The Dictionary of Classical Hebrew lists “stronghold” as the meaning, but also considers as possible renderings the proper noun “Bizzaron” (perhaps referring to Samaria) or textual emendations to either !wyc-tb (“daughter Zion”) or !wrbc

(cf. HALOT).52 Meyers and Meyers suggest that the MTs reference to “strongholds” reflects the situation in Judah in the mid-fifth century when Persia had erected fortresses to exercise its dominion and enforce loyalty against the Greeks.53 There is also a possible connection with Jeremiah, in view of the reference to Yhwh’s people and “repaying double” in Jer 16:18

(hnvm … ytmlv); however, the “double” spoken in Jer 16:14-18 is against the Israelites’ enemies for their sins and profaning the land. Nevertheless, Yhwh proclaims in Jer 16:19-21

Biblical Allusion in Zechariah 9–14 (ed. M. J. Boda and M. H. Floyd; New York: T & T Clark/Continuum, 2003) 260-70.

51 For discussions of possible connections between Zechariah 9 and the story of Joseph, see Boda, Haggai, 419-20; K. J. A. Larkin, The Eschatology of Second Zechariah: A Study of the Formation of a Mantological Wisdom Anthology (CBET 6; Kampen: Kok Pharos, 1994) 80-81; Merrill, Haggai, 227.

52 D. J. A. Clines, ed., The Dictionary of Classical Hebrew (8 vols.; Sheffield: Sheffield Phoenix, 1993-2011) 2. 247.

53 Meyers and Meyers, Zechariah 9–14, 142; they also note the possible play-on-words in Zechariah 9 between !wrcb (“stronghold”), !wyc (“Zion”), and possibly rwc (“Tyre”). 224 that the nations will come to Israel “from the ends of the earth” (#ra-yspam; cf. Zech

9:10), seeking to know Yhwh’s name and power. There is also a promise that Yhwh will

“restore double” to the Israelites in Isa 66:7, in which shame will be replaced by joy.

The imagery in Strophe II shifts more explicitly to a military motif at the end (Zech

9:13). However, the imagery is distinct from a traditional theophanic motif in that here Yhwh describes turning people, specifically Judah and Ephraim, into weapons that he will use in place of the more traditional theophanic weapons (e.g., lightning; cf. Zech 9:14 in the next strophe) or his own weapons in general (e.g., Ps 7:13).54 It is unclear whether Judah will be the bow and Ephraim its (implied) arrows, or if the metaphor of the bow extends to both

Judah and Ephraim (thus my poetic analysis and translation above).55 The closest parallel to the imagery of the MT is in Lam 2:4 in which Yhwh bends his bow (wtvq $rd) against Zion (cf. Lam 3:12) “as an enemy” (bywak) or perhaps, as noted by Leske, in Isa 49:2 in which the speaker says that Yhwh makes his mouth as sword while making the speaker himself like an arrow, which is kept in Yhwh’s quiver until Yhwh uses him as a light to the nations.56 As do Jerusalem and Ephraim in Strophe I, Judah and Ephraim here represent the southern and northern kingdoms, respectively, with the implication that they together represent a new united kingdom such as Israel had been during the golden years of King

54 The potential significance of the difference between the theophanic imagery here in contrast to more traditional theophanies is also noted by Collins (“Literary Contexts,” 29-40, here 31).

55 For a fuller discussion, see n. o-o in the “Text, Syntax, and Translation” section above; see also Meyers and Meyers, Zechariah 9–14, 145-47.

56 Leske, “Context and Meaning,” 670.

225

David and King Solomon. In contrast, Hanson links the bow and arrow imagery to the

Enuma Elish (IV:35-36) myth.57

In addition to bending Judah and Ephraim as a bow, Yhwh also declares that he will wield the “sons of Zion” as a warrior’s sword against the “sons of Yavan” (Zech 9:13).

“Yavan” (!wy) refers to Greece, or at least Greeks in Asia Minor.58 Assuming the colon is original in the passage (contrary to those who suggest that it is a later gloss), the issue is whether the text reflects the Greco-Persian conflicts in the fifth century B.C.E. or a time during or after the conquest of Alexander the Great in the late fourth century.59 Given that the passage would seem to imply hostilities between Greece and Judah itself, the Hellenistic period is the more obvious choice as a date.60 Even if one attempts to interpret the passage eschatologically, without reference to a specific historical event, the fact that Greece specifically is chosen still reflects a time (past or present) when Greek presented a direct threat to Israel/Judah on the basis of which the Greeks would merit future destruction.61

57 Hanson, “Zechariah 9,” 52.

58 See n. q in the “Text, Syntax, and Translation” section above.

59 See the “Authenticity and Dating” section above for a more detailed discussion regarding the potential implications of the mention of Greece in this verse.

60 Curtis (Stony Road, 178-81) makes an argument in favor of Judean support of the Persians, partially supported by the OT’s positive view of Cyrus (e.g., Isa 44:24–45:7) in which Davidic language is applied to Cyrus that could have inspired Judean loyalty to Persia even after his death (cf. Ezra 6:14-15), in contrast to the negative reference to the Greeks in the exilic texts Ezek 27:13 and 27:19, as well as in the early postexilic (Curtis’s dating) text of Joel 4:6. See also Meyers and Meyers, Zechariah 9–14, 147-49.

61 For an eschatological interpretation of the passage that seeks to divorce the text from a specific historical context, see Hanson, “Zechariah 9,” 37-38; Merrill, Haggai, 229; Schellenberg, “One in the Bond of War,” 103. 226

3.3. Strophe III: The Victorious Divine Warrior

14And Yhwh will appear over them, And his arrow will go out as lightning.

The Lord Yhwh will sound the ram’s horn, And he will come in the storms of the south.

15Yhwh Seba ’oth will protect them, And they will consume and subdue (with?)

sling stones.

And they will drink and be rowdy as with And they will be full as a bowl, as the wine, corners of an altar.

16And Yhwh their God will save them; On that day, his people (will be) as sheep,

Indeed, gemstones of a crown Shining upon his land.

This strophe continues the military imagery present near the end of the previous strophe; however, there is a change in person for Yhwh (first person in Strophe II to third person here) and the Divine Warrior imagery becomes more pronounced in vv. 14-15a. The first colon of each verse contains some form of the tetragrammaton, each time with a variation (i.e., “Yhwh” in v. 14, “Yhwh Seba’oth” in v. 15, and “Yhwh their God” in v. 16); each of these cola also expresses Yhwh’s protection of his people (“appear over” in v. 14;

“will protect” in v. 15; and “will save them” in v. 16). As part of this protection, Yhwh’s

“arrow” goes out “as lightning” (v. 14). Lightning (qrb) is one of Yhwh’s weapons (e.g., 2 Sam 22:15 // Ps 18:15; Pss 77:19; 144:6; Ezek 21:20) and “arrow(s)” (#x) is sometimes used in contexts that would be suggestive of lightning (e.g., 2 Sam 22:15; Pss 7:14; 77:17).

However, references to Yhwh’s “arrows” alone are often more ambiguous (e.g., Deut 32:23,

42; Ps 38:3; Job 6:4; Hab 3:11). However, ANE deities are often portrayed with lightning in the form of either arrows or spears in ANE iconography, even in the case of deities that were 227 not “storm-gods” per se.62 Thus, the image of Yhwh’s “arrows” could implicitly be tied to lightning even without a more explicit connection. Also, the mention in v. 15 that Yhwh will come in the “storms of the south” (!myt twr[s) does provide a context for viewing the

“arrow” as lightning. Although this is the only place in the MT where Yhwh is described as blowing a ram’s horn (rpwv), a blast from a rpwv is heard during the theophanies on Sinai in Exodus 19–20.63 In a military context, the rpwv is used to signal battle, particularly in

Joshua and Judges.64

EXCURSUS: “YHWH SEBA’OTH”

The title “Yhwh Seba’oth” (twabc hwhy) is quite prevalent in Zechariah (where it is used 53 times), which ranks third among all books in the MT in the use this of title both with regard to number of times the phrase is used, as well as the concentration of the title within an individual book based on the book’s approximate word count.65 The statistics are summarized in the tables below:

62 Hanson (“Zechariah 9,” 52) ties the imagery of arrows going out as lightning and the southern storm-wind both to the battle between Marduk and Tiamat in the Enuma Elish myth and to that of Ba‘al and Yam in Ugaritic mythology. As noted in Chapter I, D. Schwemer (“The Storm-gods of the Ancient Near East: Summary, Synthesis, Recent Studies, Part I,” Journal of Ancient Near Eastern Religions 7 (2007) 121-68, here 123-29) considers the following gods to be mistakenly classified as “storm-gods” in the secondary literature: Enlil, Ninurta (Ningirsu), Marduk, Anzu(d)-Anzû, Dagān, and Itūrmēr (not to be confused with the actual storm-god W/Mēr). See also Meyers and Meyers, Zechariah 9–14, 150.

63 Specifically, Exod 19:16, 19; 20:18; cf. Ps 47:6. Conrad (Zechariah, 163) notes the possible connection between the rpwv and thunder, given the storm imagery used in the context of Zechariah 9.

64 For examples, see Joshua 6; Judg 3:27; 6:34; 7:18-22; 1 Sam 13:3; Jer 4:5; Zeph 1:16. The rpwv was also used to sound a warning (e.g., Jer 6:1; Ezek 33:3), as an appeal to the people to pay attention (e.g., 1 Kgs 1:34; Isa 18:3; 27:13), or in the context of celebrating an important event and/or of praising Yhwh (e.g., 2 Sam 6:15; Ps 98:6).

65 The above statistical analysis was done using Bibleworks 9.0 (Norfolk: Bibleworks, LCC, 2011). 228 Top Ten Highest Concentrations within Times Appears in Book66 twabc hwhy Individual Book (Uses / Words in Book) Rank Book # of Uses Rank Book % 1 Jeremiah 77 1 Malachi 2.718% 2 Isaiah 62 2 Haggai 2.303% 3 Zechariah 53 3 Zechariah 1.671%

4 Malachi 24 4 Nahum 0.354%

5 Haggai 14 5 Isaiah 0.337% 6 Psalms 8 6 Jeremiah 0.323% 7 1 Samuel, 2 Samuel 5 7 Zephaniah 0.258% 8 1 Chronicles 3 8 Habakkuk 0.147% 9 Micah 0.071% 9 Nahum, Zephaniah 2 10 Psalms 0.041% 1 Kings, 2 Kings, 10 1 Micah, Habakkuk

Isaiah ranks second in number of times the phrase is used with 62 occurrences (all but six in

Isaiah 1–39), only nine more than Zechariah, while Jeremiah ranks first with 77 uses. It is also noteworthy that the books surrounding Zechariah rank fourth (Malachi, 23 uses) and fifth (Haggai, 14 uses) in the MT. Within the rest of the Twelve Prophets, twabc hwhy occurs twice each in Nahum and Zephaniah, and once each in Micah and Habakkuk. With regard to the frequency that the phrase appears within an individual book, Malachi ranks the highest, followed by Haggai then Zechariah. However, it is interesting that all but nine of the

53 uses of twabc hwhy in Zechariah occur in Zechariah 1–8.67 If we use the word counts done by Radday and Wickmann to analyze Zechariah 1–8 and Zechariah 9–14 separately,

66 Only occurrences of the exact phrase twabc hwhy are represented in the figures above. However, it should be noted that the longer form twabc yhla hwhy (“Yhwh, God of Hosts”) has the following occurrences: once each in 2 Samuel and Psalms; twice in 1 Kings; five times in Jeremiah; and six times in Amos.

67 The nine verses in “Deutero-Zechariah” (Zechariah 9–14) in which this title appears are 9:15; 10:3; 12:5; 13:2, 7; 14:16, 17, 21 (twice). For other studies that include statistical analyses of twabc hwhy, see W. H. McClellan, “Dominus Deus Sabaoth,” CBQ 2 (1940) 300-307; T. N. D. Mettinger, “Yhwh Sabaoth: The Heavenly King on the Cherubim Throne,” in Studies in the Period of David and Solomon and Other Essays (ed. T. Ishida; Winona Lake, IN: Eisenbrauns, 1982) 109-38.

229

Zechariah 1–8 would rank second in frequency between Malachi and Haggai, with 2.527%.68

Although the frequency for Zechariah 9–14 alone would only be 0.652%, this would still fall between Haggai and Nahum; however, its percentage would significantly drop, placing it much closer to the frequency found in Nahum.

The statistical connection between Haggai and Zechariah 1–8 is not surprising, given the theory that at one point they circulated as a separate collection. More surprising is the fact that Malachi also shows a high percentage of uses of twabc hwhy, slightly higher than

Zechariah 1–8 and Haggai, and significantly higher than Zechariah 9–14, with which

Malachi is often connected, given the use of afm in superscriptions in Zech 9:1 and 12:1, and Mal 1:1 to begin an oracle. However, further investigation of the possible significance or implications of this observation is beyond the scope of the present study.

[END OF EXCURSUS]

After the declaration that Yhwh Seba’oth will protect them, Zech 9:15 mentions that they (presumably Judah and Ephraim) will consume and subdue (with?) sling stones. Both bows/arrows and slings/sling stones were long-range weapons in antiquity but the former was considered superior to the latter.69 Lawlor notes that slingers are depicted alongside archers on the reliefs of Sennacherib’s palace (late eighth – early seventh century B.C.E.), Herodotus

(fifth century B.C.E.) mentions slingers in the Greek military (Hist. 7.158), and Roman armies

68 Radday and Wickmann, “Unity of Zechariah,” 31. The total number of words in Zechariah in Radday and Wickmann’s study is 3122, whereas Bibleworks counts 3171 words; however, this does not significantly affect the statistics, given that the frequency percentage for Zechariah using Radday and Wickmann’s numbers would be 1.633% (compared to 1.671% using Bibleworks). Radday and Wickmann counted 1741 words for Zechariah 1–8 and 1381 for Zechariah 9–14.

69 A. R. Schulman, “Military Organization in Pharaonic Egypt,” in Civilizations of the Ancient Near East, vols. 1-2 (ed. J. M. Sasson; Peabody: Hendrickson, 2006) 1. 289-301, here 1. 290-91. 230 hired foreign mercenaries as slingers.70 It is unclear whether the sling stones in Zech 9:15 are the means by which Yhwh’s people will subdue their enemies or if they function rather as the direct object of the verbs and, hence, belong to the people’s enemy. If slings stones are the means (“with sling stones”), the prophet/author could be connecting the passage to David’s use of a sling stone against Goliath (1 Sam 17:40-50). However, it is also possible that this verse creates a contrast between sling stones and bows/arrows in light of the previous strophe’s claim that Judah and Ephraim will be Yhwh’s bow (or possibly arrow in the case of

Ephraim; v. 13).

The meaning of the second bicolon in v. 15 is somewhat obscure due to possible textual corruption. The general sense is indicative of a victory celebration, given that Yhwh’s people will drink and be full, like bowls or corners of an altar. The reference to !yy (“wine”) could be intended as a play-on-words with !wy (“Yavan” [Greece]) in the previous strophe. The word translated as “corners” (twywz) appears elsewhere in the MT only in Ps 144:12 where it refers to (corner?) pillars of a palace or temple. A bowl (qrzm) is listed as one of the utensils associated with an altar in Exod 38:3 and Numbers 7. The altar (xbzm), of course, is associated with sacrifice and offerings to Yhwh. Hanson interprets the passage as reflecting a fertility rite in which offering the enemies’ blood as part of a sacrifice restores the land’s fertility.71 Accepting the emendation to “blood,” some scholars have noted a potential

70 J. L. Lawlor, “Sling,” in New Interpreter’s Dictionary of the Bible, vol. 5 (Nashville: Abingdon, 2009) 308.

71 Hanson, “Zechariah 9,” 52-53 (this interpretation requires the emendation of wmh to “blood”; see n. z in the “Text, Syntax, and Translation” section above). Schellenberg (“One in the Bond of War,” 107-8) correctly notes that Hanson fails to provide evidence in the MT for this rite (see also R. L. Smith, Micah – Malachi, 260); thus, she suggests that the MT’s text should be retained and the passage understood as referring to a victory feast as does Isa 25:6. On the other hand, Merrill (Haggai, 230-31) thinks that “flesh” and “blood” are clearly implied in this passage (thus, eating the enemies’ flesh and drinking their blood), given the sacrificial imagery of the altar; cf. Conrad, Zechariah, 163. 231 mythological connection to Anath’s victory banquet during which Ba‘al’s body and blood are consumed.72 On the other hand, Sweeney suggests that the imagery is that of victorious warriors throwing wine (not blood) upon the altar, thus symbolizing Yhwh’s protection.73

The strophe closes with the promise that Yhwh will save his people (v. 16). It incorporates a shepherd motif, given the apparent reference to Yhwh’s people as “sheep”

(!ac). Like the previous verse (v. 15), v. 16 is not entirely clear and could involve some textual corruptions. However, a general understanding of the last bicolon (which could be treated as a single colon) is that Yhwh’s people are being likened to gemstones of a crown that shine upon Yhwh’s land (cf. Isa 62:3); Sweeney likens this imagery to the description of the diadem of the high priest who was responsible for the sacrificial blood rite at Yhwh’s altar.74 Mitchell notes that the combination of the crown imagery with that of the flock could be reflective of an agrarian sociohistorical context – i.e., “one of the little plains of Palestine, dotted with sheep, white and brown, grazing under a brilliant oriental sun.”75

4. Storm-/Warrior-god Theophanic Motifs and Vocabulary

There are some motifs and vocabulary in Zech 9:9-16 that are related to the storm- and/or warrior-god motif. The pericope includes some basic traditional theophanic motifs that are concentrated in v. 14, specifically the allusion to Yhwh as coming from the south/Teman and the mention of Yhwh’s arrow going out as lightning. However, the passage

72 Larkin, Eschatology, 79. Against the interpretation of this passage as reflective of a victory banquet, see Redditt, Haggai, 117.

73 Sweeney, Twelve Prophets, 667.

74 Ibid.

75 Mitchell, “Haggai and Zechariah,” 281. 232 also reflects an interesting modification of the motif whereby human beings function as

Yhwh’s weapons (v. 13); in older poetic theophanic motifs, even those directed against a historical enemy (e.g., Exodus 15 against the Egyptians), the focus tends to be the deity’s actions (and use of his own weapons), not human participation in the salvific acts.

4.1. Effects upon Nature

There is only one reference to the deity’s effect upon nature in Zech 9:9-16. It occurs in v. 14 which describes Yhwh coming from the “whirlwind/storm of the south [Teman]”

(!myt twr[s). This imagery fits well with the storm-god motif, as well as the traditional connection of Yhwh with the southern region.76 However, unlike earlier traditional theophanies, there is no description of the earth or mountains shaking/quaking or of any other direct effect upon nature aside from the statement that Yhwh comes in the whirlwinds/storms of the south. Thus, presumably, Yhwh causes the whirlwinds/storms, but no other effect upon the land is described here.

4.2. Effects upon Humans

As with the effects upon nature, the deity’s effects upon humans in this passage are noticeably different than in earlier, more traditional theophanic images. For example, there is no description of fear that normally accompanies a theophanic experience. Rather, the first effect possibly related to humans is the statement in Zech 9:10 that Yhwh will cut off (trk) the war chariot (bkr), horse (sws), and bow of war (hmxlm tvq) (i.e., implements of war) from Ephraim and Jerusalem; if this is interpreted as an expulsion of an enemy military

76 The word for “south” is !myt, which can also be interpreted as the proper name, “Teman” (e.g., as in Hab 3:3). 233 force, then humans would be directly affected, but it is possible to interpret it more neutrally

– i.e., that Yhwh will expel all weapons (including Judean ones), thus ushering in the era of peace proclaimed by the coming king, an era in which weapons will no longer be needed.

The latter interpretation is less likely when the verse is read with the following strophe, which mentions that Yhwh will make Judah and Ephraim as a bow (tvq) (and arrow?), with the “sons of Zion” against the “sons of Yavan (Greece)” and Yhwh’s wielding Zion as a warrior’s sword (rwbg brx). Thus, in the second strophe, it is people who will function as the deity’s weapons against their human enemy. This is highly unusual in a poetic theophanic account, in which the focus tends to be on the deity’s actions alone; however, the imagery resonates well with the understanding of divine assistance during the battles recorded in

Joshua and Judges. The final description of an effect upon humans is the victorious celebration by Yhwh’s people in v. 15 as a result of Yhwh’s protection (here, the effect is more indirect).

4.3. God’s Anger / Wrath

Any mention of Yhwh’s anger or wrath is absent in Zech 9:9-16. However, one use of

@a (“anger”) in Zechariah is found nearby in 10:3.

4.4. God’s Weapons / Battle Motifs

As noted above in the “Effects upon Humans” section, the second strophe uses unusual imagery for Yhwh’s weapons in that Yhwh declares that Judah and Ephraim will be his bow (tvq) and Yhwh will wield the “sons of Zion” as a warrior’s sword (rwbg brx).

However, the third strophe reverts back to more traditional theophanic imagery, in which 234 Yhwh’s arrow (#x) is described as being like lightning (qrb), thus evoking a possible storm-god motif in addition to the warrior-god motif. Several weapons of the enemies are also mentioned: bkr (“chariot”), sws (“horse”), and tvq (“bow”) in v. 10, and possibly [lq-ynba (“sling-stones”) in v. 15 (if taken as the direct object). Thus, the storm-god motif is briefly incorporated into the pericope.

4.5. God as Savior, Rock, etc.

The only salvific epithet for Yhwh used in the pericope is the title twabc hwhy (“Yhwh Seba’oth”). However, vis-à-vis the common military connotation of twabc,

McClellan argues that the title involves a genitive of attribution resulting in a meaning

“Yhwh whose nature it is to be served,” based on his observation that the root abc does not always refer to military service but may allude to some form of compulsory service in general (e.g., temple service [Exod 38:8]).77 On the other hand, Mettinger agrees with von

Rad who suggests that the search for the meaning of this title is “due to the false supposition that an element of cultic epiklesis as old as this is in all circumstances capable of rational explanation.”78

4.6. Place Names

Most of the place names in Zech 9:9-16 are used as references to Yhwh’s people:

Jerusalem (vv. 9, 10), Judah (v. 13), Ephraim (vv. 10, 13), and Zion (vv. 9, 13). Similarly, the term Yavan (“Greece”) is used to designate their enemy, albeit in a colon sometimes

77 McClellan, “Dominus Deus,” 306-7.

78 Mettinger, “Yhwh Sabaoth,” 111; G. von Rad, Old Testament Theology, vol. 1 (trans. D. M. G. Stalker; New York: Harper & Row, 1967) 19. 235 considered a later gloss or interpolation (v. 13). The only other possible references to places are “River” (Euphrates) in v. 9 and perhaps “Teman” in v. 14 (although the more general meaning “south” is probably to be preferred here). Several place names, including Tyre (vv.

2-3), are listed in the oracle against the nations in Zech 9:1-8, just prior to the passage that is our focus.

5. Summary

There are good reasons to accept the existence of Deutero-Zechariah and thus placing the composition (or possible reworking of older material) of Zech 9:9-16 sometime after

Proto-Zechariah (Zechariah 1–8); even the brief excursus on the distribution of the use of the divine title twabc hwhy (“Yhwh Seba’oth”) supports this supposition (i.e., the title is used so frequently in Zechariah’s first eight chapters [44 times; 2.527%] that it would be odd for a single author to suddenly reduce its use so drastically in the last six chapters [9 times;

0.652%]). However, the question remains whether, supposing the reference to Greece (!wy) in

9:13 to be original in the text, its presence reflects the most obvious choice – i.e., sometime during or just prior to the Hellenistic period (starting in the late fourth century B.C.E.) – or rather a Judean reaction to the Greco-Persian conflicts of the fifth century B.C.E. and an expression of Judean loyalty to the Persian Empire. Both suppositions are plausible and those scholars summarized in the “Authenticity and Dating” section have provided good reasons to support (or reject) both possible dates. In any event, Zech 9:9-16 is very likely to be later than Habakkuk 3 and somewhat likely to postdate Mic 7:7-20 (if, in fact, the latter is exilic – early postexilic). 236

As noted by J. O’Brien, the divine warrior imagery functioned in different ways in different periods of Israel’s history (cf. Nahum 1, Habakkuk 3, and Zechariah 9); she also points out that fewer mythological images are invoked in Zechariah 9 than in Habakkuk 3.79

The most traditional theophanic description in the former text occurs in Zech 9:14 – the deity coming from the south with his arrow likened to lightning. However, within this specific context, there is no direct enemy against whom the deity is fighting – no reference to smashing heads or mountains, smiting enemies, or driving his chariot while raging against the sea. Rather, it is Yhwh’s people in who will subdue and consume (v. 15), having been turned into Yhwh’s weapons (v. 13). Thus, instead of the deity alone fighting the battle, the role of the people is also highlighted (albeit with the deity’s power making them victorious, just as the king mentioned in v. 9 is “saved/victorious” by the power of Yhwh). This depiction aligns more closely with the interpretation of holy war in the prose of Joshua and

Judges than in traditional theophanic poetry, an observation made even more interesting given the mention of the coming king riding a donkey in Zech 9:9 (as is used by the sons of some of the judges in the book of Judges; see above).

Some scholars, such as O’Brien, also have noticed a different application (e.g., fewer mythological aspects) of the divine warrior motif in Zechariah 9 than is found in older theophanies (such as Habakkuk 3). However, this study will focus on the similarities and differences in more detail, and in comparison with a text (Mic 7:7-20) that is not usually included in theophanic comparisons. This more detailed analysis of the three passages (Mic

7:7-20, Habakkuk 3, and Zech 9:9-16) will occur in the next, and final, chapter (Chapter VI).

79 J . M. O’Brien, Nahum, Habakkuk, Zephaniah, Haggai, Zechariah, Malachi (Abingdon Old Testament Commentaries; Nashville: Abingdon Press, 2004) 238, 241-42; see also Meyers and Meyers, Zechariah 9–14, 150. Chapter VI

Conclusion: Cross-analysis of the Theophanic Texts

This final chapter will focus on a cross-analysis of the three texts of interest (Mic 7:7-

20; Habakkuk 3; and Zech 9:9-16). First, I shall provide an overview regarding theories and methodologies for detecting intertextuality and inner-biblical allusions. Then, the texts will be analyzed for direct verbal connections (e.g., quotations) followed by use of a common motif – i.e., the storm-/warrior-god motif. I shall conclude this chapter with a summary of the findings of this investigation.

1. Intertextuality and Inner-Biblical Allusions

Intertextual studies have become a popular topic among biblical scholars despite some ambiguities and inconsistencies regarding the definition and application the term

“intertextuality.”1 For purposes of the current study, the term “intertextuality” will be used in

1 A fuller discussion regarding the definition and application of the terms “intertextuality,” “inner- biblical allusion,” and/or “inner-biblical exegesis” is beyond the scope of this study. For more information, see R. J. Bautch, “Intertextuality in the Persian Period,” in Approaching Yehud (ed. J. L. Berquist; SBLSS 50; Atlanta: Society of Biblical Literature, 2007) 25-35; T. K. Beal, “Ideology and Intertextuality: Surplus of Meaning and Controlling the Means of Production,” in Reading Between Texts: Intertextuality and the Hebrew Bible (ed. D. N. Fewell; Literary Currents in Biblical Interpretation; Louisville: John Knox, 1992) 27-39; J. Day, “Inner-biblical Interpretation in the Prophets,” in “The Place is Too Small for Us”: The Israelite Prophets in Recent Scholarship (ed. R. P. Gordon; Sources for Biblical and Theological Study 5; Winona Lake, IN: Eisenbrauns, 1995) 230-46; C. Edenburg, “Intertextuality, Literary Competence and the Question of Readership: Some Preliminary Observations,” JSOT 35 (2010) 131-48; T. R. Hatina, “Intertextuality and Historical Criticism in New Testament Studies: Is there a Relationship?” Biblical Interpretation 7 (1999) 28-43; J. M. Leonard, “Identifying Inner-Biblical Allusions: Psalm 78 as a Case Study,” JBL 127 (2008) 241-65; H. Koehl-Krebs, “L’intertextualité comme méthode d’investigation du texte biblique: L’exemple de Malachie 3,20,” BN 121 (2004) 61-76; G. D. Miller, “Intertextuality in Old Testament Research,” Currents in Biblical Research 9 (2011) 283-309; R. L. Schultz, “The Ties that Bind: Intertextuality, the Identification of Verbal Parallels, and Reading Strategies in the Book of the Twelve,” in Thematic Threads in the Book of the Twelve (ed. P. L. Redditt and A. Schart; BZAW 325; Berlin/ New York: de Gruyter, 2003) 27-45, esp. 27-33; P. Tull, “Intertextuality and the Hebrew Scriptures,” Currents in Research: Biblical Studies 8 (2000) 59-90; K. W. Weyde, “Inner-Biblical Interpretation: Methodological Reflections on the Relationship between Texts in the Hebrew Bible,” SEÅ 70 (2005) 287-300. 237 238 the broad sense to refer to linguistic and/or thematic connections between two or more texts in which one text may or may not have influenced the other(s). Although there has been a recent upsurge of interest in intertextual studies of prophetic literature, discussion of how one prophetic text relates to a similar prophetic text can be found as early as in the Talmud; however, it was not until the works of H. Ewald, A. Küper, and C. P. Caspari in the nineteenth century that the issue of prophetic quotation was more thoroughly addressed.2

Caspari identified seven ways to account for the similarity between passages: 3

1. … the similarity of subject which both prophets are addressing in their respective

prophecies, as well as the fact that the prophet’s conceptual, imagistic and

linguistic world is relatively limited in scope, often resulting in the use of the

same expressions.

2. The author of A, having read B’s prophecies, unconsciously or intentionally

employed the appropriate concepts, images and expressions of the latter which

remained in his memory in presenting the substance of his prophecy.

3. B read A’s prophecies and borrowed concepts, images and expressions from the

latter.

4. An oracle of an older prophet formed the basis for the prophecies of both

prophets, each drawing upon it independently.

2 R. L. Schulz, The Search for Quotation: Verbal Parallels in the Prophets (JSOTSup 180; Sheffield: Sheffield Academic Press, 1999) 20-23.

3 Ibid., 23; the list is reproduced from Schulz’s summary of Caspari’s work (“Jesajanische Studien. I. Jeremia ein Zeuge für die Aechtheit von Jes. C. 34 und mithin auch für die Aechtheit von Jes. c. 33, c. 40–60, c. 13–14, 23 und c. 21, 1-10,” Zeitschrift für die Gesamte Lutherische Theologie und Kirche 6 [1845] 1-73, here 4- 8), which was unavailable to me. 239

5. The passage was introduced from an earlier oracle into a later prophecy through

revision and interpolation.

6. The passage was interpolated into an earlier prophecy from a later prophecy.

7. Both passages are by the same prophet.

These possible relationships between similar texts will be kept in mind during the cross- analysis of the three passages of interest in this study, though it is quite possible that the similarities are merely due to the three authors drawing from a similar theophanic motif that, as noted in Chapter I, was common in the ANE (and, thus, would fit with #1 in Caspari’s list above).

Nevertheless, attention will also be given to detecting possible verbal parallels in these passages. R. L. Schulz has developed some criteria to assist in detecting quotations of one text in another, employing both diachronic and synchronic analyses:4

1. Verbal and syntactical correspondence: both vocabulary and syntax are examined

together to distinguish a quotation from a common motif, theme, image, or key

concept, though one must also keep in mind the possibility of phrasing that is

merely formulaic, idiomatic, or proverbial (which naturally will generate very

close verbal and syntactical correspondence).

2. Contextual awareness, including interpretive use: knowledge of the quoted

context is assumed by the speaker/author where awareness of the source is

essential for understanding or interpreting the passage in which the material is

quoted, or which may indicate reinterpretation or even rejection of the original

saying on the part of the later author.

4 Schulz, Search for Quotation, 222-39; criteria summarized below. 240

3. Diachronic analysis: given the chronological aspect inherent in quotation (the

quoted text/saying had to precede the quoting text), one must consider historical

factors that may have produced or influenced the use of quotation (e.g.,

comparing the Sitz im Leben of the two texts) as well as the literature in which the

quotation is embedded to try to determine, if possible, which source is quoting

which, when, and for what reason.

4. Synchronic analysis: one should consider the function and interpretation of the

quotation within its canonical location (internally and externally) as well as its use

as a rhetorical device and the resulting effect upon the reader.

5. Multi-functionality: one must be aware of the various ways in which the quotation

may function simultaneously as a rhetorical device (e.g., oral function vs. function

within the canonical text).

Another noteworthy study, building upon the qualitative and quantitative criteria for intertextuality developed by M. Pfister for literature, is D. Markl’s intertextual study of

Habakkuk 3.5 Markl narrows Pfister’s six qualitative criteria to five that he finds applicable to rating intertextual references within biblical studies: (1) Referentialität – the more strongly the pretext is used as a theme rather than merely employed, the more likely there is an intertextual connection; (2) Kommunikatavität – the clearer the author of the intertextual reference communicates transparency, indicating a conscious use; (3) Strukturalität – the more the structural function of the old is carried over to the new context; (4) Selektivität – the more terse the linguistic shape of the intertextual reference; and (5) Dialogizität – the

5 D. Markl, “Hab 3 in intertextueller und kontextueller Sicht,” Bib 85 (2004) 99-108; M. Pfister, “Konzepte der Intertextualität,” in Intertextualität: Formen, Funktionen, anglistische Fallstudien (ed. U. Broich and M. Pfister; Tübingen: Niemeyer, 1985) 1-30. 241 stronger the original and new contexts stand in semantic and ideological tension.6

Quantitative criteria include density and frequency on the one hand, and number and distribution on the other.7

Finally, J. Nogalski has done much work regarding intertextuality in the Twelve

Prophets specifically.8 He identifies at least five types of intertextuality in the Twelve

Prophets: (1) quotations – reuse of a pre-existing phrase, sentence, or paragraph, including cases in which an author quotes the source imprecisely perhaps due to citing from memory or intentionally altering the text to fit the new context; (2) allusions – “one or more words whose appearance intends to elicit the reader’s recollection of another text (or texts) for a specific purpose” (italics Nogalski’s; p. 109); (3) catchwords – use/reuse of significant words between texts, creating internal logic within the Twelve Prophets; (4) motifs – or themes, which are devices for story-telling or conveying meaning; and (5) framing devices – a broad category that in the case of the Twelve Prophets includes at least “superscriptions, genre similarities, structural parallels, juxtaposition of catchwords, and canonical allusions” (p.

119). However, Nogalski admits that some types overlap and some are more objectively recognizable than others.

Thus, my comparative analysis will use a multifaceted approach in cross-analyzing the theophanic accounts of interest in Micah 7, Habakkuk 3, and Zechariah 9 utilizing both diachronic and synchronic analyses as needed. First, I shall investigate any direct textual

6 Markl, “Hab 3,” 100.

7 Ibid.

8 J. Nogalski, “Intertextuality and the Twelve,” in Forming Prophetic Literature: Essays on Isaiah and the Twelve in Honor of John D.W. Watts (ed. J. W. Watts and P. R. House; JSOTSup 235; Sheffield: Sheffield Academic Press, 1996) 102-24. 242 connections between two or among all three passages. However, the bulk of the analysis will focus on the use of the storm-/warrior-god motif as the primary basis of comparison.

2. Cross-analysis of Mic 7:7-20, Habakkuk 3, and Zech 9:9-16

There are very few direct linguistic connections among all three passages. For example, although at least six names or epithets for the Israelite God are used in the three passages, the only two names that appear in more than one passage are the tetragrammaton hwhy (“Yhwh”) and the common term ~yhla (“Elohim”), both of which appear in all three passages; however, ~yhla is more common in Mic 7:7-20 (four times) than in the other two passages in which it only appears once. The number of possible direct connections increases a little when comparing just two of the passages at a time. Thus, I will first address any direct textual connections that do not specifically pertain to a storm- or warrior-god imagery.

However, the majority of connections between these passages are to be found in the shared use of the storm- and/or warrior-god motif.

2.1. Quotations and Non-Theophanic Linguistic Similarities

One of the most obvious linguistic connections occurs in Mic 7:7 and Hab 3:18. God as a saving figure is not unique but, as noted in Chapter III, the phrase y[vy yhla (“God of my salvation”) is used only four times in the TANAKH, twice without a preposition (Pss

25:5; 27:9) and twice with a preposition (Mic 7:7 with l, in Hab 3:18 with b). It is also found once with the plene spelling (yhwla) in Ps 18:47. Thus, this construct chain is quite rare and appears outside of Mic 7:7 and Hab 3:18 only in the Psalms. 243

The phrase functions in both Mic 7:7: and Hab 3:18 with a first-person speaker/prophet as a way of proclaiming faith in Yhwh despite unfavorable circumstances spoken of in the preceding contexts. The only differences are the verbs chosen. However, the phrase is used near the end of Habakkuk 3, whereas in Micah 7, it forms a bridge between

Mic 7:1-6 and 8-20, thus beginning the pericope in Mic 7:7-20. Let us compare the two verses:

y[vy yhlal hlyxwa hpca hwhyb ynaw Mic 7:7

But as for me, I shall watch for Yhwh; I shall wait for the God of my salvation.

y[vy yhlab hlyga hzwl[a hwhyb ynaw Hab 3:18

But as for me, I shall exult in Yhwh; I shall rejoice in the God of my salvation.

The structure of the two verses is exactly the same. The first colon consists of a first-person pronominal subject with adversative w (ynaw), followed by the preposition b (“in”) with hwhy

(“Yhwh”), and a first-person verb. The second colon begins with a first-person verb, followed by a preposition (l [“for”] in Mic 7:7; b [“in”] in Hab 3:18) with ~yhla (“God”) as part of a construct chain y[vy yhla (“God of my salvation”).

If we were to accept the traditional authors/dating of the texts, then Habakkuk could have been quoting, or at least imitating, Micah. However, the relative dating established in

Chapters II–IV places Habakkuk 3 as most likely the oldest of the three passages (granted, this is more certain with regard to Hab 3:3-15 and less so with the “framing” elements in the rest of Habakkuk 3, of which v. 18 is a part). It is noteworthy that the verbs used in Mic 7:7 are “watch” (hpc) and “wait” (lxy); the imagery of “watching” (hpc) [and implicitly waiting] specifically for Yhwh is a strong theme in Hab 2:1, which is one of only two other verses in which the first person piel imperfect hpca (“I will keep watch”) is used in the 244 entire TANAKH (the third is in Ps 5:4).9 Thus, it seems plausible that when a redactor added

Mic 7:7 as a bridge to connect Mic 7:8-20 to Mic 7:1-6, the choice of the verbs could have been influenced by the theme of keeping watch in Hab 2:1 while the redactor incorporated a proclamation of faith similar to Hab 3:18. If so, this would indicate that Habakkuk 3 was part of Habakkuk before the time Mic 7:7-20 was added to Micah and that Habakkuk 3 (as a whole) predated Mic 7:7-20 or, possibly, that the framing elements of Habakkuk 3 were part of the same redactional process as was the addition of Micah 7 if the similar structure between Mic 7:7 and Hab 3:18 is the work of the same redactor (cf. Caspari’s option #7 above).

In contrast to “watching” and “waiting” for Yhwh in Mic 7:7, the prophet/author of

Hab 3:18 “exults” (zl[) and “rejoices” (lyg) in Yhwh, which is similar to the pairing of lyg with another synonym meaning “rejoice/exult” (xmf) in Hab 1:15 (albeit there used of God).10 Interestingly, one of the synonyms for “rejoice” (xmf) occurs as an imperative in

Mic 7:8, just after the verse beginning the pericope (v. 7) that is very similar to Hab 3:18

(which also uses two other synonyms for “rejoice” as noted above). Another pairing of synonyms for “rejoice,” which includes lyg (cf. Hab 3:18), is found in Zech 9:9 (which, like

Mic 7:7, begins a pericope):

~Ølvwry tb y[yrh !wyc-tb dam ylyg Zech 9:9

Rejoice greatly, Daughter Zion! Shout for joy, Daughter Jerusalem!

9 Although both verbs hpc and lxy appear once each elsewhere in Micah (7:4 and 5:6, respectively), they are not used with respect to keeping watch or waiting for Yhwh there (unlike hpc in Hab 2:1).

10 The pairing of zl[ and xmf specifically also occurs in Zeph 3:14. 245

However, Zechariah uses imperatives rather than first-person verbs found in Hab 3:18 and, thus, is probably drawing from a larger poetic tradition of placing two synonyms in parallel positions in Hebrew poetry.

There is a different parallel phrase among our passages, this time found in Mic 7:12 and Zech 9:10. Both use directional formulae for two seas and include “the River”

(Euphrates):

rhn-d[w *rwc ynmlw rwcm yr[ *(d[)w rwva ynml Mic 7:12 `rhh rhw ~ym ~yw

From Assyria and (to) cities of Egypt And from Tyre to the River;

And [to?] sea from sea, And [to?] mountain [from] mountain

`#ra-yspa-d[ rhnmw ~y-d[ ~ym wlvmw Zech 9:10

And his dominion [will be] from sea to sea, And from the River to the ends of the

earth.

However, there are some distinct differences. Zechariah 9 uses a fuller form of the directional formula that includes the proclitic preposition m (“from”) and the preposition d[ (“until”), thus “from sea to sea,” in contrast to Mic 7:12 which places the proclitic m on the second word, yielding “(to) sea from sea.” The use of the Euphrates River is also different; in Micah, it forms a west-east directional pair with Tyre (if one accepts the emendation of rwcm to rwc; otherwise, it would form a south-north pair with Egypt), whereas the Euphrates in

Zechariah forms a north-south pair with “ends of the earth,” which presumably would extend, not just into Egypt, but beyond Egypt. Thus, the similarities between the above passages can be attributed to their use of directional formulae in general, using several locations that are commonly found in directional formulae. However, Zechariah envisions a 246 more universal set of boundaries that goes beyond those mentioned in Micah, thus perhaps indicative of a different Sitz im Leben.

The linguistic similarities mentioned above capture most of the similarities not specific to a storm- and/or warrior-god motif that could potentially be illuminating in relating the texts to one another. Next, I shall analyze the use of the storm-/warrior-god motif in these passages and how the motif functions in each of the passages.

2.2. The Storm-/warrior-god Motif

In this section, I shall compare the use of the storm-/warrior-god motif on the basis of its function, centrality/frequency within the given passage, and the specific contents of the motif (mythological elements, effects upon nature or humans, God’s anger/wrath, God’s weapons/battle motifs, God as Savior/Rock [etc.], and use of place names). I use the tentative relative dates proposed in chapters II – IV for each of the passages (Habakkuk 3, Mic 7:7-20, and Zech 9:9-16) as the basis for the order in which I discuss the passages in the first few sections. In the remaining sections, I discuss the passages in whichever order seems most logical given the section heading.

2.2.1. Function of the Storm-/warrior-god Motif

As noted by O’Brien, divine warrior imagery functioned in different ways during different periods of Israel’s history.11 Within Habakkuk 3, the storm-/warrior-god motif is found primarily in vv. 3-15 where its function can vary depending upon whether one views it

11 J . M. O’Brien, Nahum, Habakkuk, Zephaniah, Haggai, Zechariah, Malachi (Abingdon Old Testament Commentaries; Nashville: Abingdon Press, 2004) 238, 241-42; see also C. L. Meyers and E. M. Meyers, Zechariah 9–14 (AB 25C; New York: Doubleday, 1993) 150. 247 diachronically on its own or synchronically within the context of the framing devices in v. 2 and vv. 16-19. On their own, the theophanies in vv. 3-15 very closely resemble mythologically-based theophanies in other ANE cultures and vv. 8-15 specifically exhibit imagery reminiscent of the ANE motif of a storm-/warrior-god battling against the sea (or sea-serpent/dragon), which is also used in the Song of Moses in Exodus 15 celebrating

Yhwh’s victory over the Egyptians at the Reed Sea. However, the nations also appear in both vv. 3-7 and vv. 8-15 as affected by the deity, while v. 13 mentions that the deity has gone forth for the salvation of his people and his anointed one against their enemies. Thus, by itself, Hab 3:3-15 functions primarily as a hymn of victory for the deity, who alone brings about salvation without any implication that the people have previously been defeated by the enemy over whom they are now victorious. When read synchronically within the context of the framing elements, vv. 3-15 function to recall the deity’s former deeds as part of a petition to the deity to make them known again and have mercy (v. 2) while the prophet/author, despite dismal conditions, faithfully waits for the deity to bring about destruction upon the enemies who are attacking the prophet/author and his people (vv. 16-19).

The context within Micah is a little different in that v. 7 begins with an affirmation of faith in Yhwh that the deity will restore his people who already have been defeated by the enemy. The shame of the people’s defeat is interpreted as a result of the wrath/anger of

Yhwh, which his people will bear until he decides to have mercy and vindicate them.

However, in the end, it is the nations who will feel shame and tremble before Yhwh, and

Yhwh’s people will be restored as part of the promise to the patriarchs. As in the synchronic reading of Habakkuk 3, there is a recollection of former divine deeds in Micah that provides a basis for how the deity might act in the future to restore his people; however, in Mic 7:15, 248 there is an explicit mention of the exodus from Egypt employing traditional language of the exodus motif (e.g., acy [“come out”], often used in the hiphil of Yhwh’s “bringing out” the people from Egypt but here used in the qal because the Israelites are the subject).

In Zech 9:9-16, the storm-/warrior-god imagery functions to describe Yhwh’s freeing and protecting Judah and Ephraim. Thus, the people had been taken captive but now Yhwh will expel the (presumably enemy) military assets from the land (v. 10) and wield his people as weapons against their enemies (identified as Greece in v. 13). As noted in Chapter V, the mention of Yhwh’s people as having a military role in the deity’s salvific activity is unusual in theophanic poetry.12 Instead, the imagery has more in common with the conquest of

Canaan in Joshua and the military victories in Judges against real enemies; as Craigie puts it,

“God was not primarily to be seen in miraculous events, but simply in his working through the human activities of his chosen people.”13 This is not to suggest that conquest-related prose and theophanic poetry are antithetical; rather, the two could be viewed as complementary. The prose records the victories of Yhwh’s people, with the understanding that it is only by the power of Yhwh himself that they are victorious. Traditional theophanic poetry recognizes and celebrates that power of Yhwh, often using familiar ANE storm- and warrior-god motifs. Thus, Zechariah 9 has combined the language of poetry with the understanding of the prose conquest narratives that it is the deity’s power alone that brings about salvation.

12 G. von Rad (Holy War in Ancient Israel [trans. M. J. Dawn; Grand Rapids: Eerdmans, 1991] 111- 14) also notes a difference between the “traditional” motif of holy war (its involving divine terror, earthquakes, hail, and panic among the enemies [p. 111]) that is brought about by Yhwh alone versus adaptations of the motif that include military participation of Israel.

13 P. C. Craigie, The Problem of War in the Old Testament (Grand Rapids: Eerdmans, 1978) 40. 249

2.2.2. Centrality of the Storm-/warrior-god Motif

There is a difference in the centrality or prevalence of the storm-/warrior-god motif in each of the passages. Habakkuk 3 relies heavily on the motif, most prominently in vv. 3-15, but also found in its use of the root zgr (“tremble,” “quake”), often employed in theophanic poetry as part of a storm-/warrior-god motif (e.g., Exod 15:15; 2 Sam 22:8 // Ps 18:8; Ps

77:17, 19) in the framing elements (Hab 3:2, 16). In contrast, Micah 7 only briefly utilizes storm-/warrior-god vocabulary and motifs, particularly in v. 17 where it describes the reaction of the nations, using ary (“be afraid”), dxp (“dread”), and zgr (“tremble,”

“quake”), but also in the application of the motif in v. 19 with abstract concepts as the

“enemies” (e.g., Yhwh will subdue/tread upon [vbk] Israel’s iniquities and throw [$lv] their sins into the depths of the sea). Like Micah 7, Zechariah 9 only briefly uses storm-

/warrior-god imagery; the most traditional use is found in v. 14 (deity’s arrow as lightning;

Yhwh coming from the south), while a modification of the motif is found in v. 13 in which

Yhwh uses his own people as his weapons against their enemies. Thus, the storm-/warrior- god motif is central/predominant only in Habakkuk 3; the other two passages include the motif to a lesser degree, doing so sometimes in a traditional manner but often with modifications.

2.2.3. Mythological Elements

O’Brien notes that there are fewer mythological images invoked in Zechariah 9 than in Habakkuk 3.14 In fact, the only “mythological” elements in Zechariah 9 are in v. 14 – i.e., deity’s arrow as lightning and deity coming from the storm winds of the south. However,

14 O’Brien, Nahum, 150. 250 neither in Zechariah 9 nor Micah 7 are natural phenomena personified or reminiscent of attendant deities for Yhwh. In fact, Micah lacks any mythological references. In contrast,

Habakkuk 3 (specifically, vv. 3-15) frequently mentions natural phenomena that could be interpreted as representing ANE deities given the names used for these phenomena:

Deber/pestilence (rbd) and Resheph/plague (@vr) in v. 5; Yam/sea (~y) in v. 8; Shamash/sun (vmv) in v. 10/11, and Yareaµ/moon (xry) in v. 11.15 This usage indicates strong influence from ANE mythology, even if the words lost their divine connotations over time (perhaps even by the time the framing elements in Habakkuk 3 were added). It is noteworthy that this influence does not appear at all in either Micah 7 or Zechariah 9, a state of affairs which is perhaps indicative of a time when the Israelite religion was moving (or had moved) toward a truly monotheistic (as opposed to henotheistic) theology.

2.2.4. Effects upon Nature and/or Humans

A common theophanic effect upon nature and humans is trembling/quaking/shaking, often in fear (at least for humans). Habakkuk 3 mentions at least a dozen effects of Yhwh’s appearance upon nature (all in vv. 3-15; see Appendix B). In contrast, the only effect cited upon nature in Micah 7 is the mention of the earth being desolate (v. 13) and the only such reference in Zechariah 9 concerns the deity’s coming in a storm-wind of the south (v. 14). In neither Micah 7 nor Zechariah 9 is there any mention of anything in nature shaking, quaking, being smashed, or any other similar effect resulting from the deity’s actions or presence.

With regard to humans, Habakkuk 3 mentions both reactions indicating fear (vv. 2, 6,

7, 16), as well as the trampling of the nations in v. 12 and slaughter of the enemy by the deity

15 For further discussion about the density of mythological language in Habakkuk 3, see P. D. Miller, The Divine Warrior in Early Israel (HSM 5; Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1973) 118-21. 251

(vv. 13-14). It is interesting that the descriptions of fear in Habakkuk 3 primarily occur in verses thought to constitute framing elements for the primary theophanies in vv. 3-15 (if v. 7 is understood as containing framing elements); in contrast, the only description of the deity fighting/killing a human enemy is in vv. 3-15. The primary effect upon humans in Micah 7 is that the nations and enemies will be ashamed and afraid (vv. 10, 16, 17), although the feminine enemy is also described a “trampled place” in v. 10 (where it is not clear by whom she has been trampled; cf. Hab 3:12). In contrast to both Habakkuk 3 and Micah 7, Zechariah

9 does not mention anyone reacting in fear to the presence or actions of the deity. Rather, the effects upon humans are limited to the metaphor of Yhwh using his people as weapons against the Greeks (v. 13) and the following victory celebration by Yhwh’s people (v. 15).

There is also no description of a direct attack of the deity upon humans in Zechariah 9; the mention of Yhwh’s arrow/lightning in v. 14 does not have a direct object and it is the “sons of Zion” (humans) who function as the deity’s “weapons” against Greece and, hence, are the ones who are actually going to strike/attack the enemy.

It should also be noted that other vocabulary often used of nature or humans in theophanies occurs in Micah 7; however, it is applied to abstract concepts rather than either mythological or human enemies. Thus, instead of “trampling” nations (cf. vwd in Hab 3:12) or “casting” the enemy into the depths of the sea (cf. hmr in Exod 15:1), Mic 7:19 describes Yhwh “treading upon” (vbk) his people’s iniquities and “throwing” ($lv) their sins into the depths of the sea.

252

2.2.5. God’s Anger/Wrath

Another frequent feature of theophanies is mention of the deity’s wrath or anger, for which several different synonyms may be used. In Habakkuk 3, Yhwh’s anger/wrath (@a and hrb[) is directed against the rivers and sea in v. 8, mentioned in v. 12 (@a and ~[z) as

Yhwh marches upon the land and tramples the nations, and there is a possible reference to

God’s wrath (zgr) in general in v. 2, depending upon one’s interpretation of that term. Thus,

Yhwh’s wrath features predominantly in the second theophany (vv. 8-15), but may also be mentioned in the opening framing device in v. 2 where zgr is juxtaposed with having compassion (~xr). The most common Hebrew word for anger, @a, also appears in Micah 7, specifically in v. 18 which juxtaposes Yhwh’s anger with his steadfast love (dsx). Another reference to Yhwh’s anger occurs in Mic 7:9; however, in this case it is the speaker, representing Yhwh’s people, who has been the object of Yhwh’s @[z (stormy rage) as a punishment for sinning against Yhwh. Thus, anger/wrath occurs less prominently in Micah 7 than in Habakkuk 3, but is still present; however, in Micah, Yhwh’s anger/wrath is directed at people only, whereas in Habakkuk 3 both the land and nations are its targets. In contrast, no word for Yhwh’s anger occurs in Zech 9:9-16.

2.2.6. God’s Weapons/Battle Motifs

Given the centrality of the storm-/warrior-god motif in Habakkuk 3 compared to the other two passages, it is not surprising that Habakkuk 3 mentions the deity’s weapons and related items most frequently among the three passages, albeit almost entirely in Hab 3:8-15.

The deity’s weaponry mentioned in Habakkuk 3 includes: chariot (hbkrm) and horse (sws) in v. 8; bow (tvq) and rod/shaft (hjm) in v. 9; lightning (qrb), spear (tynx), and arrow 253 (#x) in v. 11; rod/shaft (hjm) in v. 14 (albeit this time the rods/shafts of the enemies are turned against them by the deity if one follows the MT); and another mention of the deity’s horse (sws) in v. 15. Also, one possible interpretation of the “two horns” (~ynrq) in v. 4 is that it reflects the image of an ANE deity with a two-pronged lightning bolt. In contrast, several of the same types of weapons when mentioned in Zechariah 9 are those of the enemy and not the deity: bkr (“chariot”), sws (“horse”), and tvq (“bow”) in v. 10, and possibly [lq-ynba (“sling-stones”) in v. 15. The one traditional theophanic weapon mentioned in Zechariah 9 is Yhwh’s arrow (#x) that is likened to lightning (qrb) in v. 14. However,

Zechariah 9 also includes a modification of the storm-/warrior-god motif in that the deity uses Judah and Ephraim as his weapons, namely, a bow (tvq) and sword (brx). No weapons of the deity are mentioned at all in Mic 7:7-20.

2.2.7. God as Savior, Rock, etc.

Although the only two names for God found in all three passages are the commonly used tetragrammaton hwhy (Yhwh) and ~yhla (“God”), Yhwh’s salvific role is reflected in all three passages with the use of the root [vy (“save”). In both Mic 7:7 and Hab 3:18, the prophet/author calls Yhwh the “God of my salvation” (y[vy yhla).16 In Zech 9:16, the prophet/author declares that Yhwh their God (~hyhla hwhy) will “save” them, using the verb [vy. The salvific nature of God is, of course, not unique to theophanic accounts, but is quite common in them.

16 See also the discussion above in the section titled “Quotations and Non-Theophanic Linguistic Similarities” regarding the similarly structured bicola in which the phrase appears. 254

2.2.8. Place Names

The only place name used in common by two of the three passages is Teman (!myt), which also means “south.” It occurs in Hab 3:3 as a proper name, while in Zech 9:14 it is used of the originating location of a storm wind, which could be interpreted either as the proper name or more generally as “south.” Either way, both passages describe the coming of the deity from the south/Teman, which is common in theophanies involving Yhwh and is sometimes connected to the Sinai tradition as well.

3. Summary of Findings

The storm-/warrior-god motif was commonly employed in ANE writings, both with regard to mythological accounts of deities battling one another (e.g., Ba‘al vs. Yam in

Ugaritic texts) and with respect to their fighting against their people’s enemies (e.g., the

Hittite storm-god helping to defeat the enemy of Muršiliš in Annals of Muršiliš II 17.16-19).

Common storm-god imagery includes lightning, hail, and thunder. Common warrior-god imagery includes typical military assets, such as arrows, bows, spears, chariotry, and horses.

Often, however, the two motifs are merged in such a way that their boundaries become blurred (e.g., sometimes “arrows” can refer to lightning) and some gods are portrayed as using atmospheric weapons similar to those of storm-gods (especially lightning), even if the god was not a “storm-god” per se (e.g., Marduk).

The three passages investigated in this study are important for the use of the storm-

/warrior-god motif in the Twelve Prophets, both individually and in comparison with one another. Habakkuk 3 is indispensable because it contains a traditional theophanic description, as identified by Jeremias, which involves the coming of the deity from the south and the 255 effects upon nature as a result of that coming.17 Although there are other traditional theophanies in the Twelve Prophets (e.g., Amos 1:2, Nahum 1, Mic 1:3-4), several of which I considered for use in this study, using Habakkuk 3 has the following advantages over the others: (1) the theophanic language is used consistently throughout the core material in vv. 3-

15 and related vocabulary is used intermittently in the framing elements (vv. 2, 16-19); (2) it uses both storm- and warrior-god imagery; and (3) the heavily mythological character of Hab

3:3-15 links it to similar motifs in other ANE texts, especially the battle of a storm-/warrior- god against the sea (or sea-serpent), and lends credibility to the proposed antiquity of this psalm. Thus, Habakkuk 3 provides an early example of the appropriation of the ANE storm-

/warrior-god motif into Israelite religion.

Although scholars have previously noted the linguistic similarities between Hab 3:18 and Mic 7:7, Mic 7:7-20 is important because it is often neglected in theophanic studies precisely because it does not exhibit a traditional theophanic structure. However, the reference to casting sins into the sea (Mic 7:19) is reminiscent of Yhwh’s victory over the

Egyptians at the Reed Sea in Exodus 15, which also uses the battle-against-the-sea motif (as does Habakkuk 3). The difference is that Micah 7 has applied the imagery to an abstract concept (i.e., sin) and carefully avoids any implication that God has a physical form (e.g., the text says that Jerusalem’s enemy will be trampled [Mic 7:10] but does not say how or by whom). Thus, Mic 7:7-20 is important for this study because: (1) it uses an adaptation of the same battle-against-the-sea motif found in Habakkuk 3; (2) the linguistic similarities between

Habakkuk 3 and Micah 7 (most notably, Hab 3:18 and Mic 7:7, as well as their common use of the root zgr) merit attention since these could indicate either a common redactor/author or

17 J. Jeremias, Theophanie: Die Geschichte einer alttestamentlichen Gattung (WMANT 10; Neukirchen-Vluyn: Neukirchener Verlag, 1965) 15. 256 at least intertextual awareness of one text by the other; and (3) it has largely been neglected in previous theophanic studies.

Finally, Zech 9:9-16 is vital for this study because it, too, reveals important (albeit brief) connections to Habakkuk 3, while also manifesting yet another application of the storm-/warrior-god motif that is different from a traditional theophany (as occurs in

Habakkuk 3) or from an abstract use of that motif (as in Micah 7). Zechariah 9 stands out from other similar passages in that it is the only other passage in the Twelve Prophets besides

Habakkuk 3 that utilizes the imagery of God coming from Teman (or the “south”) specifically. In addition, Zechariah 9 also includes references to God’s arrows likened to lightning (v. 14; cf. Hab 3:11), a traditional storm-/warrior-god image, as well as other weapons used by the deity. However, in contrast to traditional theophanic poetry, Yhwh’s people function metaphorically as the deity’s weapons in Zech 9:13, rather than the deity acting alone using his own military arsenal. Also, Zechariah 9 lacks any indication that the author has in mind the battle-against-the-sea motif found in Habakkuk 3 and modified in

Micah 7.

Thus, an analysis of Mic 7:7-20, Habakkuk 3, and Zech 9:9-16 reveals three different uses of a storm-/warrior-god motif. A relative dating of the passages indicates that Hab 3:3-

15 contains the oldest material, which has its foundation in traditional theophanic imagery, including several mythological points of contact (e.g., the personifications of natural phenomena could be interpreted as references to ANE deities instead). Both nature and humans react to the presence and actions of the deity, especially in fear and trembling. The actions of the deity imply some kind of physical form which causes the earth to quake at his coming from the south and by which the deity brings about victory. The passage is more 257 mythological than historical, albeit not without historical aspects, given that Yhwh’s anger against the sea could allude to the splitting of the Reed Sea during the exodus from Egypt.

Within the primary theophanic material in Hab 3:3-15, there is no indication that the deity’s people have suffered a previous defeat or are in need of restoration. Yhwh is simply victorious over nature and the nations. Thus, the use of the storm-/warrior-god motif in Hab

3:3-15 conforms well to the oldest type of use of that motif in the OT.

Another use of the storm-/warrior-god motif can be detected both in the outer framing devices in Habakkuk 3 (i.e., vv. 2, 16-19) and in Mic 7:7-20. There is still a reaction of fear by humans (e.g., the prophet/author or the nations) and vocabulary common to theophanic experiences (e.g., zgr). However, there is no coming of the deity which causes the earth to quake, no weapons, and no battle against nature or enemies. Instead of trampling the nations or land, Yhwh metaphorically defeats iniquity and sin in Micah 7. Thus, any implication that

Yhwh could have a physical form is avoided in Hab 3:2, 16-19, and Mic 7:7-20 even though the theophanic vocabulary is still present and Yhwh is portrayed as acting alone (without any military role for his people). This observation, combined with the similarities in content and structure between Mic 7:7 and Hab 3:18 (noted above), could indicate that these verses stem from an author(s)/redactor(s) or school of thought that sought to divorce the storm-/warrior- god motif from the polytheistic/henotheistic connotations present in its mythologically-based origin (cf. Hab 3:3-15). The avoidance of any implication that God has a physical form in

Micah 7 is perhaps somewhat similar to what the author of 1 Kgs 19:9-18 had in mind in describing Elijah’s theophanic encounter in which the author carefully distinguishes the true theophanic experience from the natural phenomena that were traditionally associated with a storm-god (wind, earthquake, fire). 258

A third use of the storm-/warrior-god motif occurs in Zech 9:9-16. As with the previous use (i.e., in Hab 3:2, 16-19; Mic 7:7-20), there is no trampling of the earth or nations, or possible allusions to other deities. However, unlike the other two uses, there is also no reaction in fear to the deity’s presence or actions. Also, very few mythological elements remain; the only traditional elements of the motif are the deity’s arrow likened to lightning and the deity coming from the south. Rather than Yhwh acting alone against an enemy, Yhwh uses his own people as weapons against a historical enemy – i.e., Yhwh empowers his people to defeat the Greeks. While unusual for poetic theophanies, viewing the deity’s actions in terms of the historical military campaigns of his people corresponds well to the theology found in Joshua and Judges. In applying the storm-/warrior-god motif in this manner, the text’s language about weapons (aside from perhaps the arrow/lightning in v. 14) metaphorizes the theophany in such a way that, like the second use discussed above, a physical form of the deity is no longer necessarily implied by the use of the motif, even though the enemies whom the deity is smiting are not limited to abstract concepts (e.g., iniquity and sin) as in Mic 7:7-20.

As a result of this study, a development in the use of the storm-/warrior-god motif can be tentatively traced using the relative datings for the three passages. First, Hab 3:3-15 would represent the earliest type of OT theophany, based in a preexilic theology that is not yet monotheistic and still deeply rooted in mythology. Mark S. Smith has noted that most monotheistic references in the OT “derive from the exilic period or later.”18 This fits at least with Mic 7:7-20 in which the storm-/warrior-god motif relates to abstract concepts, completely eliminating any mythological aspects, and which I had dated to either the exilic

18 M. S. Smith, The Origins of Biblical Monotheism (New York: Oxford University Press, 2001) 153. 259 or early postexilic period in Chapter III. It is possible that the framing elements of Habakkuk

3 were added around the same time (perhaps even by the same author/redactor as Mic 7:7-

20); however it also possible that the framing elements represent one of the rare, earlier (late preexilic) attempts to move toward a monotheistic theology (perhaps by Habakkuk himself), which was then taken up by the author/redactor of Mic 7:7-20.

The reincorporation of more concrete imagery (e.g., weapons, lightning) later in Zech

9:9-16 could reflect a time in which a monotheistic theology among the Israelites/Judeans had become better established such that the storm-/warrior-god motif could be used more freely without fear that their hearers/readers would revert back to a mythological and more corporeal understanding of Yhwh. This supposition seems more plausible the closer Zech

9:9-16 is dated to the Hellenistic period; however, as noted in Chapter V, a date in the fifth- century Persian period cannot be ruled out, which would place this use of the motif in Zech

9:9-16 fairly close to the suggested date for Mic 7:7-20 and its use of the motif. It is also possible that the theological concerns reflected in the different applications of the motif in each passage are the result of different schools of thought whose existence may have overlapped within postexilic Judah.

However, the general trend proposed here would make sense; first, there is the heavily mythological and early use of the motif in Hab 3:3-15 – one extreme of a pendulum’s arc, figuratively speaking, within a theology that is polytheistic or possibly henotheistic.

Then, there is a strong reaction against the mythological, polytheistic/henotheistic elements among those who are promoting a more monotheistic theology – the other extreme of the pendulum’s arc in which the motif has been stripped of all mythological elements or implications that Yhwh has a physical form (Mic 7:7-20; possibly Hab 3:2, 16-19), thus 260 distinguishing it from “pagan” theologies. Finally, the pendulum comes to rest somewhere in the middle, in which the historical use of the motif vastly outweighs any remnants of the mythological use, but the latter has been reincorporated into the imagery without danger of readers falling back into polytheism or henotheism.

Due to the impossibility of pinpointing the precise dating of the passages (and, in doing so, confirm the relative dating proposed here), the development of the storm-/warrior- god motif I have suggested remains tentative. However, the existence of these three different uses of the motif is now more clearly recognizable. The next step would be to analyze the other theophanic passages within the Twelve Prophets (and perhaps throughout the entire

OT) to see where they fall within the figurative pendulum arc; such additional information would assist in tracing the development and application of the storm-/warrior-god motif.

Such information could also assist with at least a relative dating for the passages in which the motif appears, reveal other points of contact possibly indicative of common redactional layers, and perhaps confirm the general development proposed in this study. However, such an endeavor is beyond the scope of the current investigation. Appendix A: Theophanic Vocabulary –Nouns and Verbs

Key to Sigla:

* based on textual emendation

† not referring to the deity (e.g., bow that will be expelled by Yhwh rather than Yhwh’s bow)

Common Nouns

Related Related Heb Meaning Mic 7 Hab 3 Zech 9 Subject Object [Yhwh’s people subdue/ sling stones 15 [lq-ynba consume (with?)] !wa distress, trouble [Cushan/Midian] 7 rwa light - - 8 11 [Yhwh / - 18 Elohim] anger @a Yhwh rivers 8(x2) Yhwh nations 12 hvwb shame [cover ] enemy (f.) 10 !wrcb fortress; stronghold [Yhwh’s people return to] 12 spear - 11 lightning qrb arrow 14 rbd pestilence (Deber) [goes out before God] 5 @[z fury; wrath (stormy) Yhwh - 9 ~[z wrath; anger [Yhwh] 12 flood; downpour; water - 10? ~rz rainstorm lyx strength Yhwh - 19 tynx spear [Yhwh] - 11 #x arrow(s) Yhwh - 11 14 brx sword [Yhwh wields sons of Zion] 13 Elohim [prophet] 7 18 [Yhwh] people 13 [vy salvation [Yhwh] anointed one 13 Yhwh - 8 chariot hjm rod; shaft [Yhwh] - 9, 14 hbkrm chariot [Yhwh] - 8 261 Related Related Heb Meaning Mic 7 Hab 3 Zech 9 Subject Object smrm trampled place enemy (f.) - 10 [Eloah/ [like light splendor; brightness 4 hgn Holy One] (rwa)] brightness // position to light (rwa) 11 sws horse [war context] 8, 15 10† whirlwind; tempest; Lord Yhwh - 14 (pl.) hr[s storm hrb[ rage; fury; outburst [Yhwh] sea / Yam 8 [Eloah/ strength - 4 hz[ Holy One] [Eloah/ horns (lit.) 4? ~ynrq Holy One] [Yhwh] - 9 13 bow tvq [expelled by Yhwh] 10† raging; fury; [Yhwh] - 2? agitation; anger

zgr [prophet/ trembling - 2? people] bkr chariot; chariotry [expelled by Yhwh 10† @vr plague (Resheph) [goes out before God’s feet] 5 hmmv devastation earth / land - 13 rpwv ram’s horn (shofar) Lord Yhwh - 14 ~wht (the) deep - voice 10

Verbs

Heb Meaning Subject Object Mic 7 Hab 3 Zech 9 poor; [enemies?] 14 afflicted eat; devour lka sling stones [Yhwh’s people] 15 (?) vwb be ashamed nations - 16 be cleft (niph) earth - 9? cleft; cut to pieces [qb [Yhwh] earth 9? (piel) [prophet’s attack [people]? 16 dwg people]? them !ng defend; protect Yhwh Seba’oth [Judah/ 15 Ephraim] 262 Heb Meaning Subject Object Mic 7 Hab 3 Zech 9 vwd trample, tread (upon) [Yhwh] nations 12 tread (upon) [Yhwh] sea/Yam 15 $rd bend a bow (idiom.) [Yhwh] [Judah] 13 hmh make noise [Yhwh’s people] - 15 ~rz flood; pour rain clouds water 10? lwx writhe; tremble mountains - 10 rivers 8 be kindled, burn Yhwh’s anger hrx sea / Yam 8 nations [Yhwh] 17 be afraid [Yhwh’s ary prophet 2 deeds] be saved (niph.) king [by Yhwh] 9 [vy save Yhwh them [ppl] 16 iniquity / [Yhwh] 19 guilt tread upon; subdue vbk sling stones [Yhwh’s people] 15 (?) trk cut off/expel (hiph.) [Yhwh] chariot/bow 10 dwm shake [Eloah] earth 6 head smash [Yhwh] 13 #xm (back*) alm fill (a bow) [Yhwh] Ephraim 13 be bitter; poison *[rrm] (smear with serpent’s [Yhwh] shafts 9 gall) bqn pierce [Yhwh] head 14 rtn cause to jump/startle [Eloah] nations 6 [they/wicked storm [prophet?] 14 r[s ones?] lay bare (?) [Yhwh] bow 9? be awakened; stirred [Yhwh] bow 9? rw[ up (niph.) awaken; stir up; rouse [sons of [Yhwh] 13 (polel) Zion] back  lay bare (piel) [Yhwh] 13 hr[ neck #wp scatter [wicked ones?] [prophet?] 14 be trembling, be in (in dread of nations 17 dxp dread Yhwh) #cp be shattered mountains - 6 quiver, tingle, lips [prophet] - 16 llc tremble 263 Heb Meaning Subject Object Mic 7 Hab 3 Zech 9 d[c march [Yhwh] land 12 nations - 17 Midian/Cushan 7 tremble, quake (verb) zgr 16 [speaker] - (x2) horses 8 [Yhwh] bkr mount; ride chariot 8 king donkey 9 [Yhwh, Elohim] 19 to have compassion ~xr Yhwh - 2 xxv be humbled/lowered hills - 6 xlv free/send out (piel) [Yhwh] prisoners 11 $lv throw [Yhwh] sins 19

Names / Epithets for God

Heb Translation Mic 7 Hab 3 Zech 9 ynda Adonai 19 14 hwla Eloah 3 ~yhla Elohim 7(x2), 10, 17 18 16 rwa Light 8 [cf. 4] hwhy Yhwh 7, 8, 9, 10, 17 2(x2), 8, 18, 19 14(x2), [15], 16 twabc hwhy Yhwh Seba’oth 15 vwdq Holy One 3

Possible Mythological Deities or Personifications

Heb Translation Mic 7 Hab 3 Zech 9 rbd Deber (pestilence) 5 ~y Yam (sea) 8, 15 xry Yareah (moon) 11 @vr Resheph (plague) 5 vmv Shamash (sun) 10*/11

264 Appendix B: Theophanic Vocabulary – By Thematic Categories

Key to Sigla:

* based on textual emendation

† not referring to the deity’s own weapon (e.g., bow that will be expelled by Yhwh)

X = primarily associated with the indicated motif (e.g., “arrow” is typical of warrior-god)

(X) = secondarily associated with the indicated motif (e.g., “arrow” can be associated with

lightning, a typical weapon of a storm-god, but not all references to “arrows” as a

deity’s weapon refer to a storm-god)

Effects upon Nature Heb Meaning Subject Object Mic 7 Hab 3 Zech 9 be cleft (niph) earth - 9? cleft; cut to pieces [qb [Yhwh] earth 9? (piel) rbd pestilence (Deber) [goes out before God] 5 sea/Yam 15 tread (upon) [Yhwh] surge* of $rd 15 many waters flood, pour rain (v.) clouds water 10* flood; downpour; ~rz water - 10? rainstorm (n.) lwx writhe; tremble mountains - 10 rivers 8 be kindled, burn Yhwh’s anger hrx [sea / Yam] 8 dwm shake [Eloah] earth 6 afn raise sun* hands 10/11 whirlwind; tempest; Lord Yhwh - 14 (pl.) hr[s storm dm[ stand moon (+sun?) - 11 #cp be shattered mountains - 6 d[c march [Yhwh] land 12 xxv be humbled/lowered hills - 6 hmmv devastation earth / land - 13 ~wht (the) deep [gave its voice] 10 265

Effects upon Humans (or Related Objects) Heb Meaning Subject Object Mic 7 Hab 3 Zech 9 vwb be ashamed nations - 16 hvwb shame [cover ] enemy (f.) 10 vwd trample, tread (upon) [Yhwh] nations 12 $rd bend a bow (idiom.) [Yhwh] [Judah] 13 hmh make noise [Yhwh’s ppl] - 15 nations [Yhwh] 17 be afraid ary [prophet] Yhwh’s deeds 2 chariot; horse; cut off/expel (hiph.) [Yhwh] 10 trk bow #xm smash [Yhwh] head (back*) 13 alm fill (a bow) [Yhwh] Ephraim 13 smrm trampled place enemy (f.) - 10 bqn pierce [Yhwh] head 14 rtn cause to jump/startle [Eloah] nations 6 rw[ awaken; stir up (polel) [Yhwh] sons of Zion 13 hr[ lay bare (piel) [Yhwh] back  neck 13 be trembling, be in (in dread of nations 17 dxp dread Yhwh) llc quiver, tingle, tremble lips [prophet] - 16 nations - 17 Midian/Cush - 7 zgr tremble, quake (verb) an body - 16(x2) [prophet] zgr trembling (noun) [prophet/ppl] - 2? @vr plague (Resheph) [goes out before God’s feet] 5

Effects upon Nature / Humans Vocabulary with Abstract Concepts as Object Heb Meaning Subject Object Mic 7 Hab 3 Zech 9 iniquity / tread upon; subdue [Yhwh] 19 vbk guilt $lv throw [Yhwh] sins 19

266

God’s Anger / Wrath Heb Meaning Mic 7 Hab 3 Zech 9 @a anger 18 8(x2), 12 @[z fury; wrath (stormy) 9 ~[z wrath; anger 12 hrb[ rage; fury; outburst 8 zgr raging; fury; agitation; anger 2?

God’s Mercy/Kindness/Favor Heb Meaning Mic 7 Hab 3 Zech 9 tma truth; faithfulness 20 dsx loving kindness; faithfulness (n.) 18, 20 8, 13 (x2), salvation; deliverance 7 [vy 18 ~xr to have compassion (v.) 19 2 xlv free/send out (piel) 11

God as Savior / Rock (etc.) Heb Meaning Mic 7 Hab 3 Zech 9 rwa Light 8 [cf. 4] y[vy yhla God of my salvation 7 18 lyx Strength 19

Place Names Heb Meaning Mic 7 Hab 3 Zech 9 rwva Assyria 12 !vb Bashan 14 lmrk Carmel (“garden”) 14(?) !vwk Cushan 7 Egypt (late & poetic; 12(?) rwcm “fortified”) ~yrcm Egypt (proper name) 15 ~yrpa Ephraim 10, 13

267

Heb Meaning Mic 7 Hab 3 Zech 9 d[lg Gilead 14 ~Ølvwry Jerusalem 9, 10 hdwhy Judah 13 !ydm Midian 7 !rap Paran (Mount) 3 rhn River (Euphrates) 12 10 !myt Teman (“south”) 3 [14] rwc Tyre 12(?) !wy Yavan (Greece) 13 !wyc Zion 9, 13 ~wht (the) deep 10 twlcm depths, the deep 19

Weapons / Battle Motifs Heb Meaning Storm-god Warrior-god Mic 7 Hab 3 Zech 9 [lq-ynba sling stones (X) (X) 15† rwa light (X) 11 qrb lightning X (X) 11 14 tynx spear (X) X 11 #x arrow(s) (X) X 11 14 brx sword (X) X 13 9 (pl.), rod; shaft (X) X hjm 14 (pl.) hbkrm chariot X 8 *[rrm] poison X 9? 11 brightness (X) hgn [cf. 4] sws horse (X) X 8, 15 10† lay bare (?); 9 rw[ arouse; awake ~ynrq horns (“lit.”) 4? tvq bow (X) X 9 10†, 13 war-chariot; (X) 10† bkr chariotry

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