2. 'Anxiety, uncertainty and fear in our land': Fiji's road to military coup, 20061 Brij V. Lal Introduction If civilization is to survive, one is driven to radical views. I do not mean driven to violence. Violence always compromises or ruins the cause it means to serve: it produces as much wrong as it tries to remedy. The State, for example, is always with us. Overthrow it and it will come back in another form, quite possibly worse. It's a necessary evilÐa monster that continually has to be tamed, so that it serves us rather than devours us. We can't do without it, neither can we ever trust it.2 Fiji experienced the whole gamut of emotions over the course of a fateful 2006. The year ended on an unsettled note, as it had begun. Fiji was yet again caught in a political quagmire of its own making, hobbled by manufactured tensions, refusing to heed the lessons of its recent tumultuous past, and reeling from the effects of the coup. Ironies abound. A Fijian army confronted a Fijian government, fuelling the indigenous community's worst fears about a Fijian army spilling Fijian blood on Fijian soil. The military overthrow took place 19 years to the day after frustrated coup-maker of 1987 Sitiveni Rabuka had handed power back to Fiji's civilian leaders, Ratu Sir Penaia Ganilau and Ratu Sir Kamisese Mara, paving the way for the eventual return to parliamentary democracy. The 2006 coup, like the previous ones, deposed a democratically elected government. Perhaps more importantly, it peremptorily sidelined the once powerful cultural and social institutions of the indigenous community, notably the Methodist Church and the Great Council of Chiefs (GCC)3 ± severing with a startling abruptness the overarching influence they had exercised in national life.
Melanesia in Review: Issues and Events, 2000 Reviews of Papua New Guinea and tion of May 1999, became more overt West Papua are not included in this in the early months of 2000. Fijian issue. political parties, led by the former governing party, Soqosoqo ni Vakavu- Fi j i lewa ni Taukei (sv t), held meetings For the people of Fiji, the year 2000 around the country to discuss ways to was the most turbulent and traumatic oppose if not depose the government in recent memory. The country and thereby return to power. These endured an armed takeover of parlia- meetings helped fuel indigenous Fijian ment and a hostage crisis lasting fifty- unease and animosity toward Chaud- six days, the declaration of martial hry’s leadership. Signaling its move law and abrogation of the 1997 con- toward a more nationalist stance, the stitution, and a bloody mutiny in the sv t terminated its coalition with the armed forces. These events raised the Indo-Fijian–based National Federa- specter of civil war and economic col- tion Party in February, describing the lapse, international ostracism, and a coalition as “self-defeating.” future plagued with uncertainty and In March, the Taukei Movement ha r dship. Comparisons with the coups was revived with the aim, according of 1987 were inevitable, but most to spokesman Apisai Tora, of “rem o v - observers would conclude that the ing the government through various crisis of 2000 left Fiji more adrift legal means as soon as possible” (Sun, and divided than ever before. 3 May 2000, 1). In 1987 the Taukei The month of May has become Movement had spearheaded national- synonymous with coups in Fiji.
History of Inter-Group Conflict and Violence in Modern Fiji
View metadata, citation and similar papers at core.ac.uk brought to you by CORE provided by Sydney eScholarship History of Inter-Group Conflict and Violence in Modern Fiji SANJAY RAMESH MA (RESEARCH) CENTRE FOR PEACE AND CONFLICT STUDIES UNIVERSITY OF SYDNEY 2010 Abstract The thesis analyses inter-group conflict in Fiji within the framework of inter-group theory, popularised by Gordon Allport, who argued that inter-group conflict arises out of inter-group prejudice, which is historically constructed and sustained by dominant groups. Furthermore, Allport hypothesised that there are three attributes of violence: structural and institutional violence in the form of discrimination, organised violence and extropunitive violence in the form of in-group solidarity. Using history as a method, I analyse the history of inter-group conflict in Fiji from 1960 to 2006. I argue that inter- group conflict in Fiji led to the institutionalisation of discrimination against Indo-Fijians in 1987 and this escalated into organised violence in 2000. Inter-group tensions peaked in Fiji during the 2006 general elections as ethnic groups rallied behind their own communal constituencies as a show of in-group solidarity and produced an electoral outcome that made multiparty governance stipulated by the multiracial 1997 Constitution impossible. Using Allport’s recommendations on mitigating inter-group conflict in divided communities, the thesis proposes a three-pronged approach to inter-group conciliation in Fiji, based on implementing national identity, truth and reconciliation and legislative reforms. ACKNOWLEDGMENTS This thesis is dedicated to the Indo-Fijians in rural Fiji who suffered physical violence in the aftermath of the May 2000 nationalist coup.
Converging Currents Custom and Human Rights in the Pacific
September 2006, Wellington, New Zealand | STUDY PAPER 17 CoNvERgiNg CURRENTS Custom and human rights in the paCifiC The Law Commission is an independent, publicly funded, central advisory body established by statute to undertake the systematic review, reform and development of the law of New Zealand. its purpose is to help achieve law that is just, principled, and accessible, and that reflects the heritage and aspirations of the peoples of New Zealand. The Commissioners are: Right Honourable Sir geoffrey Palmer – President Dr Warren Young – Deputy President Honourable Justice Eddie Durie Helen Aikman qC The Manager of the Law Commission is Brigid Corcoran The office of the Law Commission is at 89 The Terrace, Wellington Postal address: Po Box 2590, Wellington 6001, New Zealand Document Exchange Number: sp 23534 Telephone: (04) 473–3453, Facsimile: (04) 914–4760 Email: com@lawcom.govt.nz internet: www.lawcom.govt.nz National Library of New Zealand Cataloguing-in-Publication Data New Zealand. Law Commission. Custom and human rights in the Pacific / Law Commission. (Study paper, 1174-9776 ; 17) iSBN 1-877316-08-3 1. Customary law—oceania. 2. Human rights—oceania. 3. Civil rights—oceania. i. Title. ii. Series: Study paper (New Zealand. Law Commission) 340.5295—dc 22 Study Paper/Law Commission, Wellington 2006 iSSN 1174-9776 iSBN 1-877316-08-3 This study paper may be cited as NZLC SP17 This study paper is also available on the internet at the Commission’s website: www.lawcom.govt.nz <http://www.lawcom.govt.nz> LawCommissionStudyPaper He Poroporoaki The New Zealand Law Commission acknowledges with deep regret the passing of two notable Pacific leaders shortly before the printing of this study, the Maori queen and the King of Tonga.
Reflections on the First Anniversary of Fiji's 2006 Coup
30. One hand clapping: Reflections on the first anniversary of Fiji’s 2006 coup Brij V. Lal The tyranny of a prince in an oligarchy is not so dangerous to the public welfare as the apathy of a citizen in a democracy. Montesquieu Acquiescence is the friend of illegality. Justice Roger Coventry The first anniversary of Fiji's December 2006 coup passed uneventfully, without any rallies, protest marches or vigils ± merely an exhausted, scarcely audible mutter from the populace hankering for some semblance of normality. A Fijian political activist once likened Fiji to a swimming duck: All calm on the surface but furiously churning underneath. Just how much turbulence there was among indigenous Fijians is difficult to gauge, but its existence was beyond doubt. To forestall any organized opposition, the interim administration slapped on several states of emergency. Overall, 2007 remained a depressing and miasmic year, with much movement but little change. The military's much heralded `clean-up' campaign, the principal reason for the coup, was stalled, mired in controversy about its legal validity and true purpose. No one was successfully prosecuted for the misdemeanours for which they had been unceremoniously sacked from office. The judiciary, to everyone's disappointment, remained as divided and demoralized as ever. The constitution remained intact, but often `ignored or bypassed as deemed necessary'.1 International vigilance, manifested in travel bans on members of the interim administration, remained despite official pleas for sympathetic understanding and assistance. Fundamental changes to the electoral system were mooted, including a common non-racial electoral roll, a common name for all citizens, and reform of important institutions of indigenous governance, but there was reservation among many who were already distrusting of the interim administration's motives and its counterproductive confrontational approach to sensitive issues.
Melanesia in Review: Issues and Events, 2002 Reviews of West Papua and Solomon mined, circumvented and ignored by Islands are not included in this issue. the highest in the land including those who were sworn in to uphold it” Fiji (Times, 19 May, 10). During the final The political and economic highlights months of 2002, the Fiji Labour Party in Fiji in 2002 have again brought and some quasi-political civil society into sharp focus a lesson painfully movements like the Citizens Constitu- learned after the 1987 military coups: tional Forum (ccf) questioned why it takes years to recover from the neg- some members of Parliament had been ative ramifications of any national permitted to continue serving in Prime political upheaval. The economic and Minister Qarase’s cabinet despite sociopolitical fallout of the May 2000 videotaped evidence of their close civilian coup in Fiji continued to involvement in the May 2000 civilian impact major events in both the uprising. The extensive video footage politico-legal and economic domains of siege activities at the Veiuto Parlia- of the nation during the year. The mentary Complex emerged during the path to economic recovery and socio- first treason trial of Josefa Nata and political normalcy was generally shaky Timoci Silatolu, which commenced on and fraught with difficulties. The local 26 November and featured deposed tabloids regularly featured major Prime Minister Mahendra Chaudhry scams within the civil service, exacer- as a key state witness (Post, 27 Nov, bated by gross fiscal mismanagement 2; Times, 29 Nov, 1). Following the by the state and a general lack of 14 November conviction of fifteen political goodwill between the major former Counter Revolutionary War- political parties—the ruling Soqosoqo fare Unit soldiers who had been found Duavata ni Lewenivanua (sdl) and guilty of the November 2000 mutiny the opposition Fiji Labour Party (flp).
The Complexities of Fiji's Four Coups Sanjay Ramesh
The Complexities of Fiji’s Four Coups 125 Brij Lal (1988, 1992) saw the defeat of the Alliance Party that ruled Fiji from 1970 to 1987 as the principal cause of the coup. He argued that the Alliance Party led by indigenous chiefs did not want to relinquish 1987 to 2007: The Complexities of Fiji’s Four Coups power to an indigenous Fijian commoner or to the trade union members of the Fiji Labour Party. Victor Lal (1988) analysed the possibility of for- Sanjay Ramesh eign involvement in the Fiji coup and contextualised the events of May 1987 within the cold war political framework. Victor Lal argued that the Central Intelligence Agency (CIA) had worked with the indigenous Fijian Introduction pro-western military and indigenous nationalists to undermine the newly elected government in 1987. Robert Robertson and Akosita Tamanisau Fiji politics is often conceptualised as two distinct ethnic groups, (1988) and William Sutherland (1992) argued that the rise of the FLP- one indigenous and the other migrant, warring within the bosom of a sin- NFP coalition was an expression of multiethnic class aspiration which al- gle state. However, the December 2006 non-racial coup raises questions legedly threatened the neo-traditional chiefly political hegemony whereas about the ‘ethnicist’ arguments of the past. It shows that previously ethnic Michael Howard (1991) and Stephanie Lawson (1991) highlighted that race analysis was used to mask indigenous power struggles. This paper the eastern chiefs – the eastern chiefly oligarchy - were not prepared to provides an account of Fiji since the first coup in Fiji on 14 May 1987 relinquish their traditional political authority to a commoner indigenous and shows how race was used by the various Fiji governments and in- Fijian.
CAMPAIGNING FOR FREEDOM OF INFORMATION IN FIJI: Lunchtime Speech to the World Association of Christian Communication Reverend Akuila Yabaki Executive Director Citizens’ Constitutional Forum Freedom of information is a familiar-sounding concept to which most people instinctively subscribe. In fact, it is a fundamental human right which has been recognised by the United Nations since its inception in 1945. However, the legal implications of freedom of information are not widely understood – especially in countries which do not have a freedom of information law. This applies to all of the Pacific island nations, including Fiji. Successive Governments in Fiji have expressed their support for the concept of freedom of information. In fact, I have been told that the SVT Government led by Rabuka through the 1990s laid the groundwork for an FOI law; but no Bill ever appeared. The Fiji Labour Party Government led by Mahendra Chaudhry from 1999 to 2000 prepared an exposure draft of an FOI Bill, which was released to the public for comment. However, the May 2000 coup intervened before the Bill could be introduced into Parliament. 1 The current SDL/CAMV Coalition Government, led by Laisenia Qarase, has also said that an FOI Bill is on its list of legislative priorities. However, it has not set a date for introducing the Bill into Parliament. In an effort to re-start public debate on this issue, and put pressure on the Government to act, the Citizens’ Constitutional Forum prepared a discussion paper and draft Bill on freedom of information earlier this year. This document was launched by the Leader of the Opposition, the Hon Mick Beddoes MP, at a workshop we co-hosted with the Journalism Programme at the University of the South Pacific on September 30.
Accountability and Anticorruption in Fiji's Cleanup Campaign
PACIFIC ISLANDS POLICY 4 Guarding the Guardians Accountability and Anticorruption in Fiji’s Cleanup Campaign PETER LARMOUR THE EAST-WEST CENTER is an education and research organization established by the U.S. Congress in 1960 to strengthen relations and understanding among the peoples and nations of Asia, the Pacific, and the United States. The Center contributes to a peaceful, prosperous, and just Asia Pacific community by serving as a vigorous hub for cooperative research, education, and dialogue on critical issues of common concern to the Asia Pacific region and the United States. Funding for the Center comes from the U.S. government, with additional support provided by private agencies, individuals, foundations, corporations, and the governments of the region. THE PACIFIC ISLANDS DEVELOPMENT PROGRAM (PIDP) was established in 1980 as the research and training arm for the Pacific Islands Conference of Leaders—a forum through which heads of government discuss critical policy issues with a wide range of interested countries, donors, nongovernmental organizations, and private sector representatives. PIDP activities are designed to assist Pacific Island leaders in advancing their collective efforts to achieve and sustain equitable social and economic development. As a regional organization working across the Pacific, the PIDP supports five major activity areas: (1) Secretariat of the Pacific Islands Conference of Leaders, (2) Policy Research, (3) Education and Training, (4) Secretariat of the United States/Pacific Island Nations Joint Commercial Commis- sion, and (5) Pacific Islands Report (pireport.org). In support of the East-West Center’s mission to help build a peaceful and prosperous Asia Pacific community, the PIDP serves as a catalyst for development and a link between the Pacific, the United States, and other countries.
FIJI EXECUTIVE SUMMARY Fiji is a republic under a military-led government since armed forces commander Commodore Josaia Voreqe (Frank) Bainimarama overthrew the elected government in a bloodless coup in 2006. In 2009 the interim government headed by Prime Minister Bainimarama abrogated the constitution, imposed a state of emergency, and continued its rule by decree, a situation that remained at year’s end. During the year the country had no constitution or parliament. Security forces did not report to civilian authorities. The leading human rights problems during the year included the government’s continued denial of citizens’ right to change their government peacefully; the government’s targeting of opponents and human rights and labor activists for harassment, arbitrary arrest, and abuse; and continued enforcement of the wide- ranging Public Emergency Regulations (PER) issued in 2009. The PER imposed a state of emergency that remained in force at year’s end, giving the military and police power to arrest and detain persons without a warrant and limiting freedoms of speech and press, assembly, association, and movement. The PER also give military and police authority to use whatever force they deem necessary to enforce PER provisions, resulting in impunity for abuses. Freedom of the press was further restricted by a 2010 media decree. By year’s end the government had begun taking steps to ease enforcement of the PER and the media decree. The Essential National Industries Decree implemented in September severely restricts trade union and collective bargaining rights for workers in designated industries and corporations deemed essential to the national economy.