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Download (8Mb) A Thesis Submitted for the Degree of PhD at the University of Warwick Permanent WRAP URL: http://wrap.warwick.ac.uk/112018/ Copyright and reuse: This thesis is made available online and is protected by original copyright. Please scroll down to view the document itself. Please refer to the repository record for this item for information to help you to cite it. Our policy information is available from the repository home page. For more information, please contact the WRAP Team at: [email protected] warwick.ac.uk/lib-publications Margaret Torres AlfARGKISM OLD AlfD Xg;.1 The Reconstruction of the Confederación Racional del Trabajo, 1976-1979. Vol. 1 Ph.D. thesis. Department of Sociology Warwick University, Coventry. Submitted in July. 1987. Acknowledgements . I would like to sincerely thank all my friends and house­ mates for the financial and emotional support they have given me over the past years. A very special thanks goes to Ann and Michael Luck, Lucy and my sister Pat, who always had faith in me, and my supervisor, Simon Frith, whose comments, encouragement and understanding have proved invaluable. I would also like to thank the many C!iT militants who willingly gave up their time to talk to me, and without whose help my research would not have been possible. Lastly I would like to thank my daughter Louise, whose presence forced me to organise my thoughts on paper, and whose love has sustained me through the difficulties. Margaret Torres. London, 1987 SUMMARY The major objective of my thesis was to understand why sectors of the reconstructed anarcho-syndicalist trade union, the Confederación Nacional de£Trabajo, were addressing concerns which were identical to sectors of the Marxist Left in other countries of Europe, For my views on anarchism had been informed by a Marxist interpretation of anarchism, which rested on the assumption that anarchism was an agrarian, and/or a petit bourgeois philopsopy which could have little relevance in advanced industrial societies. This anomaly - my experience of anarchist militants within the CUT, and the vision of anarchism expounded by "classical" Marxism - led me to undertake an histor­ ical study of the Spanish anarchist movement and a theoretical study of Marxist and anarchist thought. Moreover, in order to understand the demands of the anarchists and the CNT during the 1960's and 1970’s, I had to thoroughly study the developments which had taken place within the workers’ and student movements during the Francoist period, and the nature of the CUT organ­ isation in exile, factors which would bear heavily on the CNT's attempt at reconstruction. Through extensive interviewing and the use of documents, I tried to piece together the process of anarchist re-emergence in Spain from the mid-1960's, and the nature of the reconstruction of the CUT during the political transition to democracy in Spain in 1976-1979. The overall theme of my thesis centres on the relationship between Marxism and anarchism, and their relationship to historical development and tradition. By emphasising the importance of historical tradition - the political aspect most sorely underestimated in both Marxist and anarchist thought - I hope my thesis will contribute towards the possibility of a more realisable socialist utopia. CONTENTS■ Introduction. Chapter 1. The Historic Spanish Anarchist movement. 1868y1939 The nature of the historic anarchist movement in Spain and its ideological complexity, placed within the context of Spanish historical development. Chapter 2. The Confederación Nacional def_.Traba.1o in the 1940*s. The effects of post-Civil V.'ar repression upon the CNT, and the "ossification" of anarchist thought in exile. Chapter 3. The Francoist regime and the Workers1 Movement. The industrial "boom" which occurred under the Francoist dictatorship, and the type of worker- and student movements which developed during this period. Chapter 4. Anarchist Orthodoxy versus neo-anarchism: the re-birth of anarchism in Spain. 1960-1976 The character of anarchist re-emergence in Spain from the 1960*s, and the development of the Grupos Obreros Autónomos (Workers' Autonomous Groups) in Barcelona, Madrid and other Spanish cities from the late 1960's. Chapter 5. The Reconstruction of the CNT during the Political Transition to Democracy. 1976-1979. The nature of the political transition to democracy in Spain accompanied by high levels of working class protest, which slowly gave way to "desencanto". The reconstruction of the CNT has to be placed within this context and state policies vis-a-vis the CNT, plus the "political" role played by the exiled CNT bureaucracy. Factional struggles finally led to a split within the organisation, sealed at the December 1979 Congress of the CNT. Conclusions. GLOSSARY of SPANISH TBRI.iS C.N.T. Confederación Nacional del Trabajo, (The National Confederation of Labour), the anarcho-syndicalist trade union, founded in 1911. cenetista. A member of the C.N.T. F.A.I. Federación Anarqista Ibérica. (The Iberian Anarchist Federation), founded in 1927. faista A member of the F.A.I. P.S.O.E. Partido Socialista Obrero Español. (The Spanish Socialist Workers' Party), founded in 1879. U.G.T. Unión General de Trabajadores. (General Workers* Union), the Socialist trade union, founded in 1888. P.O.U.M. Partido Obrero de Unificación Marxists. (Unified Marxist Workers’ Party), formed by left Communist dissidents from the BOC, (Bloc Ober y Can perol) and Izquierda Com­ unista in 1935. F.S.U.C« Partit Socialist Unificat de Catalufiya (The Unified Catalan Socialist Party). The Catalan Communist Party. C.E.D.A• Confederación Española de Derechas Autónomas. (The Spanish Confederation of Autonomous Right groups), founded in 1933. Generalität The Catalan parliament Treintistas. Literally "The Group of Thirty". This name was given to the group around Peiró, Pestaña and Lopez, who drew up a thirty-point prog­ ramme at the beginning of the Republic. The "Treintista" manifesto called for more res­ ponsible trade union action, in the context of a dialogue with the Republican regime. It also heavily critised P.A.I. interference in C.N.T. affairs. F.S.L. Federación Socialista Libertaria (The Libert­ arian Socialist Federation). The "specific" organisation set-up by the Treintistas in 1933-1934. The "official” C.K.T. The C.N.T. organisation in exile. "caciquismo The Spanish political system within which the "caciques" (normally a large landowner in the countryside and the Civil Governor in the towns), organised their respective districts politically for the government in exchange for certain privileges. Ramblas. A central promenade in Barcelona. pueblo. A village, a people or a nation. Often used for the "common people". convenio. The yearly wage agreement. "desencanto". Literally, "desenchantment". A term used to describe the growing lack of interest in politics which occurred after the summer '77 elections in Spain Grupos Obreros Autónomos. Autonomous Workers* Groups. c.c.o.o. Comisiones Obreras (The Workers* Commisions ). F.O.C. Front Obrer de Catalunya (The Catalan Workers* Front), the Catalan branch of the F.L.P. (Frente de Liberación Popular), The Popular Liberation Front. H.O.A.C. Hermandades Obreras de Acción Católica. (Catholic Action Workers' Fraternity). » Juventud Obrera Católica. (The Young Workers' Catholic Association). INTRODUCTION My interest in the Spanish worker's movement dates from the mid-1970's, when I lived for a few years under the decomposing Francoist regime. These were years of great opposition and intense political discussion, when many of us felt that the revolution was at hand. This perhaps is one of the distinguishing characteristics of Spanish political society : at times, like the mid-seventies, it seems like the structures of the old regime can be overthrown with just another great push, only to discover that they have enormous solidity, and that ultimately the armed forces can be counted on to uphold them. My knowledge of the Spanish libertarian movement at that time was minimal. I was of course impressed by the anarchist collectives during the Civil War, and convinced that the anarchist movement was the most important revolu­ tionary movement in Spanish working class history. But my Marxist prejudice took its classical form. Had it not been proved that anarchism, as a political ideology of ^the working class, had serious limitations, by joining the Popular Front government during the Civil War, and not seizing power ? Had the events of the Civil War not shbwn that "anti-politicism" was just another petit bourgeois cop-out ? But at the same time the Spanish anarchist movement held a strange fascination for me. After all, it had succeeded in remaining a powerful working class movement till the 1930's, when anarchism in the rest of Europe had been reduced to small, insignificant groups. Moreover, my contacts with "older generation" anarchists in Valencia province had left a strong personal impression on me. Their generosity, optimism and zest of life contrasted dramatically with the "old age syndrome" of bourgeois society. So, while I could accept that anarchism had some validity as a "personal philosophy", I did not believe it had much to offer the working class movement and socialist revolutionary politics. I had decided to do something on Spanish working class history for my Ph.D., so when my first supervisor, Jose M. Maravall, suggested I look at the C.N.T. during the repression of the 1940's, the idea attracted me. I wanted to do this, as far as possible, by talking to C.N.T. militants themselves and how they had experienced it. So I set-off for Spain in May, 1978 to interview as many militants as possible and get their impressions. My first field-work stay, from May to September, 1978, was to be decisive in changing not only the type of thesis which I would eventually write, but my rather limited and prejudiced views on Spanish anarchism.
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