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ANTI-APARTHEID NI Newspaper of the Anti-Apartheid Movement. Price 5 np. March 1971. The Tory M.P's who profit from apar~theid... Page 4.

Anti-Apartheid News March 1971. Page 2 ACTION -NATIONAL AND INTERNATIONAL Britain Surrey AAM v Powell 'TE SURREY Anti-Apartheid Movement have laid a formal complaint about Enoch pvwell's immigration 'nightmare' speech at Carlhtton on February 15. Only the Attoraey-General, Sir Peter Rawlinson.can decide whether Powell should be prosecuted. The Surrey AAM claims that Powell's aeech was intended to create hatred b. tween different sections of the community here'. Their secretary, David Oldham, stated that they understood Powell to have said that he wanted to send only coloured people back to where they had come from. I' Heis saying nothing about the Americans the Canadians, the Australians and the other white immigrants who come here', he pointed out. David Oldham said that Powell's speech had to be viewed in the context of a situation where unemployment was heading for Ithe one million mark, where there was industrial unrest resulting from'the government's Industrial Relations Bill, and where the government was .intending to send arms to , and to do a deal with the Smith regime. All these tended to heighten racial tension, he stated. The Sutton branch of the Anti-Apartheid Movement had mounted a picket for Poweil's Carslsallon speech. The 200 people on the picket included members of the local Labonr, Liberal and Communist parties, local trade unionists and churchmen. About so members of the National Front were on the opposite side of the road. TGWU THE TRANSPORT and General Workers Union has taken swift action to warn its u membersagainst the Johannesburg Corporation's attempts to recruit British bus drives to work in South Africa. In a statement to the press tle Union said 'Out union could give the South African gove p rnment many examples of how bs services can be operated harmoniously by bus workers of different raes and colours. But we are certainly absolutely opposed to British bus workers being used to fill jobs apparently that the whites 'in South Africa do not want and other workers are not alno'ed to heve simply because of the colour of their skin' A STRONG resolution opposing white minority domination in Southern Africa has been set down for the Scarborough confererne of the Transport and General Workers Unio, which is being held from July 12-16. lue resolutionwhich is being put forward l 1 Branch 1128 of the TGWU, condemns .n by the British government and British companies which enables this domination to continue. The sale of arms to Suluth Africa is specifically mentioned in this connection. Tie motion also calls for the union to render moral and material assistance to the freedom fighters who are fighting in Mozamljique. It appeals to union members ,ot to transfer work to Southern Africa,and" in particularto refuse to work on the CaboraBassa dam site. Barclays THERE HAVE been moves within both the trade union and community relations fields against Barclays Bank's involvement in the Cabora Bassa dam project and in Southern Africa generally. THE ASSOCIATION of Cinematogrnph, Television and Allied Technicians (ACTT) have removed their deposit account from Barclays. They bank with the Co-operative, but had been using Barclays as a clearing S house. The decision was taken because of Barclays role in Southern Africa. THE LEEDS branech of the Association of Broadcasting Staff has set down a resolution for the annual meeting of the ABS at the end of April, condemning the BBC/for continuing to bank with Barclays. It has also urged members to switch banks if they hold Barelays accounts. THE NEWHAM International Community have urged the Community Relations Commission to transfertheir account from Barclays to a bank 'not associaed with racialism'. NIC officer Jerry Westall confidently expects support from other community relations councils. The Commission receives an annual grant of £395,000 from the Home Office. Ita chairman, Mark Bonham Carter, said, 'Wir have always had perfectly satisfactory service from Barclays, but this criticism will be brought to the attention of the Commission'. UEA STUDENTS at the University of East Anglia portested against recruiting visits by three companies, two of which are helping .ts build the Cabora Bassa dam in Mozambique, last month. They were ICL which owns 42.7 per cent of African Explosives and Chemical Industries, the South African firm which is supplying explosives for the dam; Guest Keen-and Nettlefold, which has set Up a factory in Mozambique in the hope of winhisig supply eontracti lo the project; and GEC-Engiu tElectric which led one of the thcee consortia that bid for the Cabora Basso main contract. Swansea ANTI-APARTHEID groups in the Swansea area have been active in the last two months. Swansea University Anti-Apartheid group demonstrated against the Immigration Musi, stre of the State of Victoria, Australia, when he visited Swansea. They distributed leaflets protesting at Australia's racialist immigration policy and drawing attention to the growing alliance between Australia and South Africa. Members of the Wet Wles Anti-Apurtheid group held a placard parade through the centre of Swansea protesting against the governmenta plans, to sell arms to South Africa. Kensington AAM THE KENSINGTON and Chelsea branch of the Anti-Apartheid Movement will hold its Annual General Meeting ons Monday March 22 at the Ecumenil Ctentre, Denbigh Rd, W 1.1. The meeting wil start with a showing of the film 'Witnesses', followed by discussion of the branch's future activities. Everyone Welcome. Coo t: Eddie Adams, I3 Cornwtal Crescent, LondonW II. Tel. 229 1155. I St Albans A AM A NEW Anti-Apartheid group is to be set up at St Albans, Harts, following a packed public meeting held on February 26. The speakers at the meeting were Abdul Minty the Anti-Apartheid Movement's Hen. Secretary and Rev. Greenway of Luton. They were followed by a showing of the film End of Dialogue. At least 40 of the . people present wer keen to follow up the meeting and to play at active part in the new AA group. Nest day at Harypoden, Hers, Harpenden Young Liberals staged a hooded march through the centre of the town in protest against British arms sales to South Africa. The march ended is an open-air meeting outside the local Wollwrths,which ettracted a lot of attention from Saturday afternooi happer. Prospective members of St Albans AAM, c9oact: Roger Currell, 71 Blythway, Welwyrn Garden City, Harts,. Croydon RUSKIN HOUSE, Croydon. was the setting for the fifth of AAM's trade union regional conferences. Coming less than a week after the Governments announcement to sell helicopters and spare parts to South Africa the conference devoted muc h If its time to discussing the implications of fhe decision and deciding on courses of action to be taken. Michael Bames M P and Andy Wilson, of the AUEW, spoke on posiblc action in parliament and in the trade unions respectively. In the final session John Sprack led a discussion on mohilising the trade union movement. Earlier in the day, delegates had heard a vivid account of the fight of African trade unionists in South Africa from John Gaetsewe of SACTU. The film End of Dialogue was also shown. By a unanimous decision the conference resolved to give 25 per cent of the collection to the Union of Post Office Workers Hardship Fund. Leeds THE CONFERENCE of trade unionists organised by the Anti-Apartheid Movement* in Leeds to organise opposition to arms sales to South Africa went ahead as planned in spite of the postal stoppage. Trade unionists, students and local activists heard John Getsewe, the London representative of the South African Congress of Trade Unions, outline the hazards facing African trade unionists in South Africa. Philip Whitehead, MP fon Derby North admitted that Labour's record on Southern, Africa was by no means clean. In an attack of Conservative government policy, he argued that it was only the strength of the organised Labour Movement that could stop the delivery of British arms to South Africa. Roger Trask, the Anti-Apartheid Movement's Field Officer, put suggestions for action. It was agreed that activity should be directed through the Leeds Anti-Racialism Committee. The conference was chairad by Peter O'Gorman, President of Leeds Trades Council, Young Workers THE FIRST Conference of Young Workers, held in Manchester at the beginning of February, passed a resolution unanimously condemning the sale of arms to South Africa. Aberdeen ON PEBRUARY 24 Aberdeen's local newspaper, owned by the Thomson Organisation, attempted to hold a 'Tour South Africa' film show and travel foram in the local YMCA, An ad hoc anti-apartheid committee had been formed for the -occasion, comprised mainly of members of the Aberdeen University Socialist Society, and the Student Christian Moyement. In spite of the infiltration of a local press man into their planning meeting, they managed to make the South African films inaudible and to disrupt the forum until the meeting had to be stopped. SA rugby at A I MlER of white South African rugby playero have been invited to play in a -ies of rugby matches in in April. The matches are part of the entenary celebrations of the English Rugby Union, and the South Africans are lobe part of the 'President's Team'. The Queen has been invited to attend the matches. Final confirmation of the dates and venues of the three matches has not yet been published, but it is believed that the details are: April 7 at Bristol l10 t Coventry 17 at Twickenham France Rugby protest IN SPITE of the international condemnation of South African racism in sport, and the demontrations against the Springboks during their tour of Britain, the French Rugby Federation is proceeding with its planned tour of South Africa in May and June this year. In the past there ha been no significant protest either in France or internationally against French rugby relations with South Africa, because of a lack of awareness of the problem in Franceand also because SANROC and the Anti-Apartheid Movement were fighting South African racist sport on many frInts the Olympics, athletics, boxing and weightiftingnot forgetting rugby and cricket i Britain. SAN-ROC has launched a campaign to force the cancellation of the French tour of ,South Africa which is gathering momesturm in France and is being mentioned almost daily on the French Radio following a visit to the French Rugby Federation by 'a SAN-ROC delegation. SANROC raised the question of the black Frenchman Bourgarel who starred in the French team last season and who has just vanished from the French team in the first three matches this year. It was pointed out tb the French rugby authorities that they seemed to be trying to emulate the MCC's handling of the D'Oliveira affair. This has triggered a series of statements by the French Federation that Bourgarel would most probably be in the French team and, should the South Africans refuse to accept him, the tour would be cancelled. This phase also resembles the D'Oliveira affair. The campaign was taken a step further when SANROC visited the French teem at their R"ichmond Hotel prior to their match at Twickenham to lodge a formal protest and deliver information material to educate the French team. The Anti-Apartheid Movement is sending a formal protest over to France. This French team may go to South Africa, but it maywell be the last. All our supporters must send postcards of protest to Monsieur Ferrasse, President, French Rugby Federation, 7, Cite d'Antin, Paris 9. Germany Cabora Bassa THEANTI-APARTHEID MOVEMENTes atblished contact with student groups in Gottingen and Marburg, who are campaigning against German involvement in the Catore Basso project, when Abdul Minty the Movement's Hon. Secretary, visited Germany last month. Abdul Minty 'also attended a Conference of German clergy, held in Mulbeim, which discussed the World Council of, Churches programme to fight racialism. Australia Tennis demos SOUTH AFRICAN women tennis players, Brenda Kirk, and Laura Roussouw have described their recent tour of Australia as a 'nightmare', because of the anti-apartheid protests which greeted them wherever they went. Their match in Sydney was marked by the constant shouts of the large numbers of demonstrators, who chanted 'Go home racialists', and asked them 'How many black servant s do you have?' 'Off the court, the women were virtuallyin hiding, and they were followed by police wherever theywent. " But they were fll of praise for the Australian Aboriginal tennis playr,Evonre Goolagong, and said that they wereglad that she was going to South Africa. Bath the Anti-.Aparthseid Movement apnd tihe South African "Non-Racia , Open Committee for Olympic Sports have made represeatations to Evonne Goolagong at her vont, which is planned- for March. The sustained demonstrations against the South African tennis players were, in effect, a rehearsal for the forthcoming tours of Australia by all-white cricket and rugby teams, TRIBUTE ON FEBRUARY 10, after a series of heart aitacks, oecurei the death at Kenneth Mackenzie, Minister of the Charh of Scattard and frind of Africa. His knowledge and love of the great coinent stemmed from ten years sere as a missionary, first in Malawi and then is Zambia. His interest did not lapse on his retrn to this country. Kenneth was active in the strugle against the Central African Federation nd it is noteworthy that at the Independence celehrations In Zambis be was the honoured personal gaest of President Kaunda. In the SaattinCounl fe African Questions he was an important figre and latterly Chairman. He serked ceaselesdy against apartheid and UDI The Edisbargh Anil-Apartheid Mvemet knew him as both Cherman and Vice Chairan and everyone turned to him for counsel and help,which were never refused. At his funeral servie both church and chuch hall were full to overflowing and a few days later the Reman Cahtolir community in his parish held a Requiem Mass for hin. Kenneth Machenzi eas years old when he dieda fall and handsome suaWith the Highlander's g less spese and manner and the 41arde dsrespecIfisl twinle in his yn. His impish hmur enlivened many a serioes discussion. His knowledge of affairs was fac-ranging, his experience rich and varied, his friends legion. His utter dedication was an example to us all, Nophyalquevhoeer, could withstand indeflnithy sch demanssas this man made upon himself. He gve his life for a cause as much as if he had fallen ththe thing in.. There isa hard sying that n.-e is indispensable. If this be true, it will take five or sis normal men to replace Kenneth Mackenzie. We are preond to her been assedisted with him. Eileen Taylor Secretary, Edinburgh AAM "--DarM Stee MP -wrleh'. The death of Kenneth Mackenzie has robbed the AAM of its most authoritative campaigner in Scetland. I last met him bout a yew go when he joined the demon. staions against the Spsaghoks visit to my canstituency at Galashiels. Both in the opes air and at pubic m tngs and seminar his quiet voes relayed the ar authority of the Christian message of man's behaviour towards his fellow man. We shall miss him greatly.' I 0

Anti-Aphthei News The Mon-day Club., THE MOST PROMINENT British pressure group supporng wvhite supremacy in Soothern Africa theMonday lub,say of Ted Heath's conduct as Prime Minister over the past few months: 'As of now we're very pleased with him'. It is clear that the growing influence of the Monday Club, and its increasingly overt links with Smith, Vorster and Caetano, provide a partial explanation for Heath's eagerness to draw even closer to Southern Africa. The Monday Club was founded in 1961, in reaction to Harold MacMillan's expression of a few moderately liberal sentiments in what has come to be known as his 'Winds of Change'speech. A small group on the extreme right of the Tory Party, including most of the prominent British allies of , South Africa and Portugal,thenformed the Monday Club, and began to refer to the day on which MacMillan had made the speech as 'Black Monday.' The early growth of the Club was slow, and by 1965 it could only muster 400 members. Then, as the Club Director, Frederick Stockwall, puts it, 'the UDI q uestion in Rhodesia gave it a big boost. MembershAp' grew until now we have an overall membership all over the country a bit over 5,000. We had 12 or 13 MPs before the election, but since the new government has come in, we have been recruiting new members of parliament to the Cluba t the rate of about two per month. 'The 31 MPnow in the Club include Geoffrey Rippon, the Minister for Europe; Julian Amery, the Minister of Housing and Public Works; John Peyton, who is Minister of Transport John Biggs-Davidion and Patrick Wa - who are on the executive council of the Club; Victor Goodhe* -'who is a government whip; the MP for Ganmock dM luothoughayoun~gman, who came in from Belper bving defeated George Brown.' Even more important than the parliamentar teghof ah Monday Chub is' the way roos oganniton f te TryParty. They in 75 per cent of Cssociations. They havef.-d 30i~i-al ranhessince the fist one was fouhded at Blackpool in 1966. There are 55 Monday Club groups in the universities and technical colleges. Between 25 and 30 Conservative prospective parlia mentary candidates are members of the Club. Irt is this solid base among oank-and-fdle Tory activists which makes the Monday Club a' far more serious threat than a lone wolf like ohPowe. (Powell, incidentally, was at one stge invited to join the Club, but refusd, L other groups on the extreme right, the Monday Club appears to regard Powell' with some suspicion, because his conversion to the cause of racialism is comparatively recent, and because of his refusal to back British militarism east of Sue'.) On the question of influence within the Tory Party, Graham Webster Gardinr, Umversities Organser for the Monday Club, says: 'The only way in which you can get certain vies accepted in the party is by getting your people selected as parliamentary candidates, local govemnemnt councillors, and chairmen of constituency associations.' The core of the 'ce taln views' which the Monday Club propagates is centred on the white supremacist doctrines of Rhodesia, Sotath Africa and Portugal. As HarveyProctor, Assistant Directory of the Club, proudly boasts, 'The Monday Club was the first organisatin in this country to come out clearly ,and unequivocably against sanctions against Rhodesia'. They dismiss Heath's support for the continuance of sanctions so a weakened form as being 'merely a negotiating weapon', and declare that the British govrfiment nd longer lhis any faith in the. efficacy of sanctions. Recently, Monday Club spolcesmen have been vociferous in the 'Arms for Apartheid' lobby. John Bi sa- Davidson stated 'South Africa is essential to our economic life and to ou r strategy. The Communits know this, even if His Grace of Canterbury does not.' Patrick Wall claimed: 'The alte-left in this country want revolution in Southern 'Africa', no question about it. t'm not my in the Socialist Party, I'm saying the *Itra- eft in this country want revolution in Sohern Africa because they know it will advrsey affect the West, because they ,know th only pe ople who could gam would be the Soviet Union or Communist China.' Harold Spref has bean even more open: 'It is absolutely indispensable that together with South Africa and other countries we fight and contain Communism; the increasing danger in Africa can only be met, by the West, with strengthening South Africa to fight communism for oar own future. .. Shipyards in Britain need businen. We're endlessly told about Sharpeville, but Sharpeviell was an incident, in figures, the like of which happens daily in darkest Africa without a sound. I happened to have been in South Africa - leaving South Africa - that day, and I was absolutely stunned. t'm not defending what happened because obviously, the police were slightly irresponsible, but I think there are double standards in these matters." The Chairman of the Monday Club, Mr George Pole, visited Rhodesia and South Africa during January, as head of a delegation of 17 Monday Club members. While in Salisbury he lunched with tan Smith, and presented him with a picture of the Rhodesian Air Force patrolling over the Zambesi. Pole predicted that the Rhodesian situation would 'drastically change' by September, and forecast a settlement by the end of this year. 'Given goodwill on both tides and the wish to make a settlement, we should have one before the year is nUt', he said. 'I believe goodwill does exion the part of both the Governments, he added. The recent toadesian moves towards an oven more overt for' of upartheid in the guise of the Residential Property Owners Protection Bll - sho.w that what the Monday Club has'inmin is a complete capit]tfon to imil and the indefinite continuance of while supremacy. act-sheet' sating lhnt aris sales to South Africa could7 benefit Britain by about 250 million (a wild over- estimate of the siec of the arms bill), Pole', dbcument claimed t -at if black Africa became hostile to Britain, the only practical air route to Australia and the Far East would be by way of South Africa. The document thuignored the fact that Is exstg RAF route to the Far East avoids black Africa. RAP crews regularly fly an alternative westabout route across the United States. As with most if the bridge which have been erected between white South Africa and Britain, the bridges which the Monday Club have built, lear a two-way traffic. As Pole's visut, and previous Monday Club trips, show, they play a role in strengthening white suprmacy in Southern Africa, both morally and materially. But it would be unwise to ignore the traffic' which has been flawing in the other directon - the importation into this country ota~the or ideology of apartheid. Althogh' te his orgio of the Monday Club can be found in the Southern Africa issue, their support for racialism in that part of the world has acted as a toras tor the exploitation of racialism us Britain. Harold Soref stated the views of the Club on race when he identified himself with the sentiment, in answer to a question, 'that immigration must be drastically reduced and a scheme should be launched for large scale voluntary repatriation'. Jonathan Guinnes, chairman of the Market Bosworth division of the Tory Party, and a prominent member of the Monday Club, explained the support which the Monday Cldb had got on the question of .race in these homely terms: 'Well, suppose we were a greengrocer and there were a lot of other greengrocers In town and we were the only greengrocer who happened to stock grapefruit; they wold all come to us.. This I think is the situation. Other titan tac, other than if you like immigratin, we my what an awful lot of other pecple in the I Conservative Party say. But I thifk that we are the only organised group within the Consevatve Party who provide at outlet for those people who are worried on this subject.' There are groups within the Monday Club who go even further than the official Club e of voluntary repatriation. The chairman of the Weet brunchM, Beardson, said at Oxford recently: 'Even if the number of cotoured imusigrants coming intothis cosntry were reduced to nought now, the large number of coloured immigrants in this coUntry is growing at such a rate that it is going to threaten our heritage and culture to such a degree that we shoudld not tolerate 't. Is the government considering not only stOpping o oured imm-igratlon into this country fairly shortly, but of actually 'encouraging apositiveprogramme ofrepatriatlin of coloured immigronts out of Ijo country- Is it really relevant whether they want to go or not.' The Tory Party does not adopt the programme of the Monday Club on this, or on other issues. Not quite. Not yet. But even in the short space of time in which Heath has been in power, we have had, a clear indication of his susceptibility to influence trom the extreme right. The Monday' Club now has 10 per cent of the Conservative parliamentary party in its ranks (the size of the Tory majorihy); and they claim that neatly every one of the chairmen and eccetaries of the Back BenesCommitteen is either a member ra supporter,. Taken together with their impressive support amiong fite rank-nd-file, these factors provide a cogent explanation of Heath's willingness to defy the strong public opinion in this tountry, as vell as in the Commonwealth and at the United Nations, against the supply of arms to South Africa. The strength of the Monday Club must also be a considerable source of'comfort to tIn Smith, m he waits for the offer of a settlement on his own terms. The Monday Club is, in fact, the powerful British wing of an international moveien which has as its purpose the perpetuation of' the ideas of white supremacy. " Mist of the statements by Monday Club mabers quoted in tlis artie were taken fre Granala Televisia's Wean in Action falm sat the Maila, Club, shown on Febmary 1, 1971.

?hews March 1971 Page 4 The Tory M Ps who profdit WHEN the Wates housing construction firm decided not to take up the investment opport.unity offered to it in South Africa lant yen,Neil Wates, the company's Managing Directoe, stated that investment in apartheid i not morally acceptable. The attitude that support of an economy whose uniquely a ettve comhinatt of thriving domestic snsuter desnand and artificially low labour csts derives from the apartheid system can be subject to moral appraisal, is cwhich >a be taken or left. Among Chose who rather leave it att a number of those oacsional guardians of the public conscience, Coasvtive memheri of Parliament. Before Juno IS, no less than six, or one thir, of Tory Cabinet members who sit in h House of Commons held directorships in companies which invest in South Africa. Chancellor of the Exchequer Anthony harbe MP was a director of the Chartered Bank, whose merger with Standard Bank has created the largest merchant bank in South Africa, larger even than Barclays DCO. Barbe% was also a director of British Ropes, 'ch operates in South Africa through its sithidiary African Wire Ropes Ltd of Johannesburg. Geoffrey Rippon MP, now Minister in charge of negotiations for British entry into the Common Market, was a director of Drake and Gorham, Scull, a company which has six South African subsidiaries. eetary for Employment Robert Care MP was a director of Metal Closures Ltd, which has metal and plastics interests in Cape Town and Johannesburg: he was also on the London board of the Norwich Union Insurance Company. Reginald 'President of the Real Estate Fund of America' Maudling MP, now Home Secretary, was formerly a director of Kieinwort Benson, the merchant bankers and partners in the South African industrial hltding company, J L Clarke and Company Ltd. He was also a director of Dunlop, where -bhead as fallow-directorJ H Simon, member of the committee of the UK-South Africa Trade Association. Peter Walker AP, of the Department of .te Ensironment, is the late partner of Jim Slater in Slater Walker, a fifm which has expanded its South Africa. interests very rapidly over the last year. John Davies MP eayfr Trdeand Industry, , and former Director of the Confederation of British Industry was a i, ethant banker with the Hill Samsuel Group sao interests in South Africa, held through its subsidiary, Hill Samuel Group (South Africa) Ltd include banking, pensions trusteeship and insurance broking. 17 per cent of Hill Samul's 1969 profits came from its South African operations Lower down the ranks of Tory MPs the picture is the same. Daniel Awdry MP is a director of BET Omnibus Services, part of the British Electric Traction group, which has a 41.5 per cent holding in United Tramport Overseas Ltd. United Transport holds important contracts for the transport of equipment from Johannesburg to the Cabora Bass dam site in Mozambique. "Our trade with South Africa is valuable to both parties and we intend to encourage it" John Davies MP November 30 1970 Sir Frederic Bennett MP plays his role in the highly profitable business that ritish insurance companies do in South Africa through his coneection with the Commercial Union Insurance Company. (He is also a Kleinwort Benson man through his directorship in Kleinwort's European subsidiary, IGeinwort Benson Lonsdale Europe]). Others of the insurance fellowship are Hugh Fraser MP, Simon Wingfield Digby MP and Selwyn Lloyd MP of Sun Alliance and London Assurance, on whose boards they sit in copany with Sir Nicholas C ayzer, President of the UK-South Africa Trade Association and John Smith MP and Michael Hamilton NP also of Guardian Royal Exchange Assurance. R N Edwards MP is a director of NIB Holdings (Ply) Ltd of Durhan, a section of the William Brandt's insurance from apartheid. John Davies, formerly of the CBI, and now Secretary for Trade ahd Industry in the Cabinet, has declared a holding of 2,000 shares in Hill Samuel. In 1969, 17 per cent of Hill Samuel',s profits came from its South African oierations. MrEurope...orMrSouth Africa? Geoffrey Rippon, now the British Minister negotiating for entry iuto the Common Mrket used to be a director of Drake and Gorham, Scull, a company withlsix South African subsidiaries. He had to give up his directorship when he became a Cabinet Minister. Butuas with other Cabinet Ministers, there is no check on the sice of his shareholding. Edward du Cann,influential former chairman Robert Car is no friend of the black of the Tory party, helds noless than 10,000 workers in South Africa, either. Until his ,shares in Barclays Bank. He is also a director appointment to the Cabinet, he was a of the Barclays Bank Trust Company, and of director of Metal Clbsins, which has metal Capital and Counties PropertyCompany, and plasticsa nterests in Cape Town and both of which are involved in South Africa. Johannesburg. broking business of which he is also a director. The notorious Harold Soef MPis Managing Director of the family firm of Soref Brothers, a merchant shipping company with considerable interests in South African trade. Tory MPs are equally well represnted on the boards of industrial companies which manufacture in South Africa. Robert Taylor MP is a director of G & S Allgood (Ply) Ltd, the South African ubsfdiary of the British G & S Aligood. Airey Neave MPt is a director of the engineering firm, Joh Thompson Lid, which has three subsidiaries operating in South Africa and Rhodesi. Dr John Cro1in MP is a director of Racal Electronics which has a South African sabsidiary which manufactures communicationsequipment and deetroictnstmets.t Sir Arthur Haney MP is Chairman of CIBA Ltd,the British end of the international chemicals giant which has production and sales facilities in South Africa. Dudley Smith MP is a divisional director of the Beecham Group and Stanley Hill MP is a director of Powell Duffryn, both of which are heavily involved in South Africa. Edward do Cann MP is one of the Tories' representatives in the world of banking and finance. He is a director of Barclays subsidiarythe Barclays Bank Trust Company and of Capital and Counties Property Company Ltdofwhich SirRichard Thompson HP is joint deputy chairman. Both are involved in South Africa. Sir Henry d'Avigdor Goldsmid MP is director of the bullion brokers Mocatta and Goldsmid: Mocatta and Goldsmid is controlled by Hambra which is a partner with the South African mining giant, Union Corporation, in the exploitation of the Impala platinum mine. Tory MPs are also well-represented on the boards of companies with interests in Rhodesia. Reginald Bennett MP and Albert Costain MP are directors respectively of Bowcaket' and Richard.Costain Construction and Engineering Company. Richard Contain uspervised the building of Rhodesia's 180mile sBa oil pipe-ine in 1964 It is also involved in the rining of copper and iron ore in Rhodesia for the Rhodesian Iron and Steel Corporation. John BoydCarytal hIP its a .director-lof Lon~don Country Freehold and Leasehold Properties of Rhodesia. These company directoeshipre only thetip of the iceberg. Many MFs arc connected with inve tmean trusts, moit of which, like Toby Jessel HP's Jessel Scurities, avail themselves of the bounties accessing to shareholding participators so the South African economyparticularly in the ining industry . Others are members of the Stock Exchange or of Lloyds, both organsations which provide the financial serices required by investors in South Africa. There are also MPs who are employed by firms with interests in Sotb frica nlin Lloyd MP, for example, is a former mnembe of the South African Board of Trade and Industries and is now economic adviser (formerly research director) to Sir Nicholas Cayzee's British and Commonwealth Shipping Company, British and Coimocaalth Shippinghas also employed Dr Manrice Miller MP as a medical adviser. Geoffrey FinsbergMP, deputy chairman of GUS Overseas Ltd is also chief industrial relations adviser and personnel controller of GUS. A cluster of MPs are connected with I Walter Thomson, the advertising agency which handles tha De Beers aceount: Richard HorNaby MP is an executive of the company, Ian Macarthur MP ii an associate director and Sir John Rodgers MP was formely deputy-chamman and consultant. Other MPs have bee'n involved withICl, joint controllers with Anglo-Anerncan of African Explosives and Chemical Industries Ltd. South Africa's la rgest ind P OsIPat ssern and suppliers of muonitions to the South African government; with British ,L ylgnd, with Tube Investments, and with Ditillers Cocmpaniy Many MPs have large personal shareholdings in British companies which operate in South Africa, but they are shy about disclosing these. Joho Davies's declared 2000 shares in Hill Samuel, Edward do Cann's 10000 shares in Barclays Bank, and Anthony Baber's holding in Chtered Bank are straws in the wind. Though the great majority of MPs who have business interests, either direct or indirect, in South Africa are Conservatives, they are not exclusively so. Labour MPs are also involved. Douglas Jay MP, ex-President of the Board of Trade, was 'formerly a director of CoUrtalds:his resposbilities included Courtualds interest in cellulose and fabrics in South Africa. Sir Geoffrey de Freitas MP is a director of the Laporte chemicals firm which has a 40 per cent stake in Peroxide Chemicals (Pty) Ltd of South Africa. It would beeasy, from allthis,to denounce Tory collaboration with Vorster as being the natural outcome of shared best interestS. Obviously personal interest must be a factOr which rntera heavily into the political philosophy of Conservative MIs. this it helped by the Conservative habit of identifying personal interest with the national interest. But pco-South African attitudes are not confined to MPs with South African busanes, interests: personal interest is not the oaty factor in determining MPs attitudes towards South Africa. The mentality which observes that trade is morally neutral - British Leyined will supply buses to Cuba or to South ,Africa, just so long as the goods are paid for - is'the mentality which sustains British capitalism. The Conservetive Party, as the parliaseatary representative of British capitalism, shares this rnertality. 'rtain and South Africa share a findamental common interest" Ian Lloyd MP July 221970 When Hugh Jenkins 'asks in Parliament 'Does the Hon. Gentleman treat in exactly the some way firms whiich, on the one hand, ,suppost the South Atcan goveriment.- eg ICI,. Unildverand on the other hand Bookers, Bovis and Wates, all of whom have moral scruples about dealing with apartheid? Dos he made no distinction between the scruples of the one group and the unscrupulousness of the other', and Mautice Macmillan replies for the government'. . if he (Hugh Jenkins) is r-efiteling to, standard deprcelaion allowancesl , all exporters are treated the same regardless of the markets to which goods ase, cpotted', this is the logic of v ,e-free. capitaltist eonomics. Personal interests will, by the very nature of the Tory party, be involved: moral considerations, even such as may infhlunce isotated capitaltat enterprien, are irreleeait, WHY is John Cordle; Tory MP or Bou-temouth Last and Christchurch, oppoted to the governe t's plans to se!l armns to South Africat Not even his worst enemies could call him a liberal. Cordle ithas extensire hbsines tnerests in Nigeria and Ghana. In Nigeria he is a associate of Conitructions Ltd. and of Christiansen, f)eman Associates Ltd., osters of Advertising Associates Nigeria Ltd. In Ghana he is a dirctor of SML Ltd., Ghana The last time he took a stand on an international issue was during the NigerianBiafra war, when he was a fanatical advocate of British military aid to the Federalists. Cordle, at lrast, is taking black Africa's threats pfecoc omic retaliation against British anns sales to SoustI Afica seriously, And he should know.

'' Anti-Apartheid News March 19711 COIPANY NEWS Overseas orders boom for NWstland. WESTLAND AIRCRAFT, the firm that will build South Afrnea's seI Wasp helicopters is Britaln's main miltary helicopter naoufacturcr. A few years ago Westland emerged on top of a sea, of government-inspired gmerger, designed to put the ailing British helicopter industry back on its feet. Westlad has staked much of ts ture oa the big Lynx (WG 13) helicopter that , la devetopig for the . 1t lao naakes thepopular Sea Kag helicopter and the Pua, whioh it has devetoped jointly with the French Sud Aviation Company. Westlatså completed it, last orders for Wasp heliopter - for the Dutch and Brazilian naies _ last year and the Waap productin lise has since been closed down. It welt cosI the South African governent at least £10 0,00 per helicopter to make ut worth Westland's while to resom production. It will alan take time. Westland aay it wil take between 12 and 1 months to ,.ild onc kasp and at ]east two years to complete the South African order. There have been no redundancies at Wstland - the nomber of people it employs has artually inceeased over the last year froI an av-age of 12 244 to an average of 12,815. Westand has been in so-e difficultimesOly due to its 90 per cent holding in the British Hovercraft Corporation which made ia in 1969 and 1970 - ht its helicopter sozamelque air carier operasor -A.. EMAC hold, a Portuguese goverment contraet for military charter flights. A large part of tho manuf vtus3g work on the Isader air-raft is d.ne by Weetland under eontract from Bitten-Norman. The Portuguese army aten het Sara Skeeter helicoptert, bought from West Germany, hat manufactured by Sanuers -Rue Devetop monte. Wetland's helicopters are built at Westland elicopters Ltd's three factories at Hayes, and Weston-super-Mare and YYevl, Somerset. Polaroid sacks boycott leaders. POLAROID, th, Unlpöpöration whose annoualnement that it woald end sales to the South African goverment was widely pubbaited as a liberal gestsre, ha suspended tvn of the leadeet of the movement which asked it to witldraw from South Afica, Polarol alnnsced its ha n sales to the South African goverament after n anpaega aemong it employees, organied by the Potaroid Revlutionary Workers Movement. Now Folaroi sayt that tWO of the Mnvesenl' leadbrs , Carolyn Hunter, a and its govenment.' The movement also asked polaroid to 'contribute the profits it earaed in Soutl Afiaa to the rcogeited Afriean leberatin movement fighting for their freedom' Polaroid itself fully reaised that itt action in ano way met the Revolutionary Workers Movement's demands. ln he full page New York Times advertisement in w1uch it anaouneds iIs moves, it statred 'We believe education for the bLcks, in combination with thé opport-mities now heing afforded by the expaeding economy, ts a key to change in South Africa'. Polaroid's action seems to have been designed to isolate the Revolutinnaty Workers Movernent from liberal public opinion by throwing up a smoke screen of 'reforms'. Now that it hias uc ,cded in doeng that, it has turned against the leaders of the Mo-men. The futility of Polaroid's recommendatoas as oal agente for cha.ge in South Africa, has already been demonstrated by the steps iRs South African distributor Frank and Ilinclas taken towaeds implemeatig then. Commenting on folaroid's statement, Frank and Hirsch's Maatging Direaor. said that Polarid. produect would be avaitable on tle South Afircan market 'as before'. Partly in response to the recommendations, Frank and Hrsech have appointed seveal black supervdtors. They have been given w.age enrases of hetween £6 and £12 a month. Top sala-re for Af..cans at Frank and Hirsch range from £90 to £120 a esonth ( bout wlat Johannesburg frns pay theit jumor white typists) bt the miniurmn is £36 a month, est than the asbistence miniium of about £38, which Johannesburg yCouncil chtclated w eesary in 198 to support a famfly of six in the Aftican townshlp of Soweto. The ewo South Africen manufarturers of Polroid equipment, South African glaueses af Johannesburg and Optical indu eit of East Londot have taid that they knOw nothing about laving to iner-e black wa~g, a Polarid has donated £6 .Associ'-l, I ocann C t ut f ic,,,. t 1ittiii 1 General Motors boss visits SA seCretly. GENERAL MOTORS' diraetor of overteat labour, Frank Angte, ht made a sert visit to South Africa following potests in the US at General Mitos' South Afcan envolvement At the beginuneg of February the US Episcopa Church which hold, 122000 share announcedthat t will propose at General Motors' ann'al meeting in May that General Motom, close down its South African operations. In1 a letter to Getieral M"tors' Chairman, Janes Roèhe, the Epiecopál Church stated. 'We are further convinced that this turmoil wil inevitably resurt in the destruction of the foreign capital invested in South Africa.' The Episeopal Church's demandt have been edorsed by General Motors' single black Diretor, Len Sullivsan, who tald General Motors should mva ite Se Atr can plant 'sonewhere else on the Afe rontieñt, where pcople are not treated dogs. 1 am usaterably oppo-ed to condetion o Black people in the Unim South Africa.' He said he was ony one of 23 direc but 'they will hear from me regarding matler.' General Motors' dir.ctor of oec labour spet ten day, at the .mpa plant at Port Elizabeth, in the Eastera C The Managing Dirertor of General M, South Africa, W G Slocumn, rfused distlose the reasns for the visst. All would say- was 'It was a business v But it seems likely that General Me is Iooking iato the posility of app als critices by making concesasOii6 o, wages and couditione of ile blåk St Atrican workers. Publir!y General Motors s keepi.g options öpen. Chairman James Roche to newg coafereuce in Chicago that the coril; 'would not succumb to pressure to pull of South Africa, bt said that 'if tlie r situation deteriorated it might pose ano penblem'. General Motors first cane under att for its South African involvement at annual mecting last yar. The latest staue in the camnaian aa bids for more SA business. BARCLAYS DCO i trying t. md rga South African operations by doing more butinest with the 350 South Africans r idiris of US corpotatian. In a bid far eustom from US-owned comparnes it hos seqnaded a Vice.President of Barclays Bank California, William J Zuakel, to'Barelaya Bank in South Africa. Zonkel also has a mandate to ley to develop more trade between South Africa and the US by advartising Barclays exportpromotion servicet. At present Barclays peobably does the lions share of husinees with the South African subsidiaries of British companies its utoiersinalude Aseiated Engineeri BPB iidiastrie' subidsary GypUm Isdutries Ltd and Atrican Oxygen, Bot the Arnerican Fiest National City Bank mnopoises the castom of US-ownd firme. About 15 per cent ofoverseas duct investment in South Africa is American and the American ehare is growing very rapidly. INSIDE SOUTH AFRICA Shopping rules harass township Africans. LONG OURNEYS t. Work on hopesety ..erce..ded and uneafe rai[ serices, being forc to leave thei children alne for long hours with nothing to do and nowhere lo play,tedange, ofbeing muggel r murdered offer ruk, ae ont' torne of the eveyday probl ms with which inhabitants of South Africa', Afriecan townshipe have to live. 4 : Accodinigto tfict apartheid theory, towoshape r in 'white, areas': even tLaly they wil' b 'plaed oit and their Inlabit. SÖ an wi be 'retured' to e 'ahi land' SoS an>' inOsiatment in new facilitles would be out of place. ne of the areas in which the South Afriean government o cutting back the rights and facilities of urban Africans is in the provision of shops. Shops tu Afican townships can onty sell 'the daily essential requirements ot resedents', oaording to -a reglation promutgated in 1968 under the Bantu Urban Areas Act., Dry denners, garages and petrol filling. stateuns are beyond the daily needs of the African, oc0ctig to the Department. Where they already exist they, 'may ho altomed en cnntumne, u1til the opportunety alis, to close thei, or transfer them to the Bantu hr llnede'. *' l2 speactiee the reglation means that in most rs of Soweta- Johannesburg',s largest African t.ownsip, the rango of sliopS -ovrs saly goeng ce, grocer , Klirae reetaoranle, fish freer, moral and cosi merchants, dairies and Ihe municipal bottle stores. A few lucky areas are allwed the sOphistilatinn of a bank (ust O1 in the whole of Soweto- so mach for Barclays eljim to be a 'Iiberalising' influence), thor repairers, hairdresters tailors and eran cyrte repsriers. BUt these are rare and hey are eoneldered to be pushing at the imnts of 'daily essentet requiremeints'. Go0ds in tomnship ehop cost more than thei rquivalents in white shops. This is part bec -ene in a tomnship may owa-more than one shop companfies and partnerships are not alow1-d (Cooartivet or any attempts to set fp coatmuoiy shopping perojets wouid be even futher beyond the pale,) SO townblip shop, make no economics of scale. Johannesburg Council also sets a ratio of shop, ln fam dies (eg ono grocer to 500 famiies, ore dai-y shop to 1000 famil,) and it also ibys down eatfly what oach shopkrepar is allowed to sett. A geneer, for exampfe,ca nset only groesies: be caenot sell frit or meat or mik, So shopping in the towhip, even for 'daly e~seiat rquimente' often meant a iog walk r~und alt tho diffe eet shops. The phlloophy behin,d all this is etain up by another Department of Bantu Administration cirtflar: 'Trading by Bantu in white aras (in which the Department inchides African townslips) n not an inteerent primary opportnity for them, bu shoold atly be allowed where necesy... 'Overrdeng policy i,s th there should b no incerse . the nåtaber of Bantu residots in white areas who are nt mpiöyel . Theref.re where it is pseible withoat ondu inconvenence to satisfy the needs i tofe Bantu. .. at to- ne in white a ra,nore..aneXist fortradrg coencernsinBanturesidential treas'. I tselidNews March 191. Page 6' "Ourco systemmus showinghimthegreenpa ,i in ichheisnotallowedtogi oeli is lower than the lowest grade for a white teacher with the same qualifications As most African teachers lave the minismum trainng allowed, (fbwer than 4 per cent have reached Standard Ten), few of them earn more than £20 to £25 a month. The pupil-teacher ratio in African schools is between 50 and 55 t ogone in pricay schools and 35 to one in secondary schools. To' relieve this pressure, many schools run double sessions, and the teacher must repent his morning programme to another class in the afternoon. So great has the esure been that some schools have introduced a third session. BoOks and stationery are not provided free in African schools, but must be bt ou-W by the parents, and African pupils learning to rmad are faced with a clarmic shortage of reading matter. That the government is not much troubled by this problem was shown in 1969, whv white charity workers collecting second-hand sehools books for African primary schools in Johannesburg were told by the Secretary for Bantu Education, Dr van Zyt, that their efforts were unnecessary. 'They (the children) need these books', wrote an African correspmdentindignantly to the Johannesburg Star of April 4 1969,'a any principal will tell you.' Othe quipment, too, is short. In 1967, headmasters from high schools in Soweto, the township where most of Johannshurg's African workers live met to d iscus their problems and reported a shortage of suich esntials as desks and science equipment. One school had no library and no laboratory at all. African parents are encouraged to send their children to rnralhigh schools, which are smewhat better off, but many cant afford the boarding fees. There are other costs as well that Ari can parents are expected to pay out fn eage wage of less than £20a inth: a school fee of between 4 slal' iags and £2 a year, a levy on school buildings in urban areas, and sone es a contribution towards the salary of a teacher who is 'privately' employed to alleviate the teacher shortage in a school, There is no subsidy on bus fares, African school freedig was cut offsoon after the Natioualist government came to power, and consequently moat African schoolchildren walkto school without breakfast and go through the day without so much as a mug of mdk. It is not surprising, then, that only 71 per cent of African ehildren ever get to school at all, and that 95 per cent of these leave before Standard Six, many leaving hefore they have even completed their fist year. he high rate of adult illiteracy that is the result of all this does not seem to cause the government much concern, since it has itself done nothing to tackle the problem, and has declared illegal the night schools for working Africans that were once can by volunteers on the Cape Peninsula and on the Rand. The schoal curriculum helps t0 keep academic standards low. nstection is in the mothertongue, which means that the only text-bboks accessible to the children are those that came through the Bantu Affairs Department. The Transkei Legislative Assembly voted against mother-tongue instrmction in 1964. Non-scademic subjects such as gardenin, are in the curricula of some schools. A total of 29 trade and vocational schools provide a total of something like 1600 pupils a year with training in such subjects as drain-laying, electiical wiring,carpentry, dressmaking and home management: only one of these schools goes beyond Standard Eight. It is quite clear what the government sees as these pupils' future station in life. 'A Bants pupil', said Dr Verwoerd, 'must obtain knowledge, skills and Attitudes which will be useful and advantageous to him and at the same time beneficial to his community'. The eighteen yeari that have passed since he made this statement have exposed its hypocrisy by making more lea, the government's real intentiop in Bantu Education and in the whole policy of 'separte development'. Far from serving their own 'commUnity' (by which Dr Verwoerd presumably meant the Bantestan community) three quarters of the African population of South Africa does not live in the Bantustans, because there is neither the land nor the work to support them there. They live instead in the white cities, with no rights of citizeiship or of permanent residenc. The 'knowledge and skillt', if any, that they have learned at school* equip them only for those menial jobs that the law of the land permits them to do. Conditions in Coloured and Indian schools are only a little better. Books are free in Coloured schools, and £30 a year is spent on every Coloured schoolchild. Coloured and Indian teachers ame somewhat better paid tha African teachers, though thir salari equal those of whititeach Indian teachers, toolse¢,to A system of double tssnsu White chiim blinkeredW ! school sys*0l. WHITES FORM ,3@,uit cen population of Soth Aftia, educated at a cost ita hsim than that of Bantuinaliion, which Africans ,ctsibvor in taxationi ha 1960 the perlat e'xt on white school 1iuma about two asuinch t expenditure on eoe&mos pu more than ten tirsei on black pupils. Slauldgieca

Anti-Apartheid News March 1971. Pae snot mislead the Bantu by *ures of E uropean Society I graze:' Dr. H F Verwoerd, June1954 tgh thalsalaries do not for white children, schools are sf whi, teachers. Some adequately equipped,books and stations, t heio work to the ery are free, all this in the most affluent ste sessons, section of the community. But the Nationalist government,which oppresses, exploits and deliberately chiikieii cultivates ignorance among the black populationofthecountrycannot afford'ed t tospreadenlightenment anywhere,not even among the privileged. sysiol Christian National Education, the Nationalist Party's plan for white education, has gained a fpothold, especiatly M ,3tQ.o cent of the in the country and in Afrikaans-medium South Africa, and are schools. Theories of evolution are not cost habt schies greater included in any official biology syllabus ntuitsliatiou, a cost to anywhere in South Africa. From time to cntahs in indirect time, more sophisticated parents protest against the slanting of text-books m "setiu tapexaenditure South African history, and some ten lcald rim' s about £80 years ago a Johannesburg school which arsh tialf times the had begun to use a history text- book coleomd pupils and beginning, 'Five thousand years ago; t *eexpehditee God created the earth', withdrew the eompulsoey bookafter the parents had protested. Some parents complain that English as a second language is being taught to their children unsatisfactorily by teachers who canpot speak English them. selves and whose home language is Afrikaans. The four provincial authorities in South Africa control most white educa. tion, but since 1969 the' National Education Council, appointed by the government, has hd the task of coordinating it throughout the country. Many parents and educators see this as another step in a process begun when the government took over control of technical colleges in the fifties, and as a means of subduing the pockets of resistance to Christian National Education that have existed in Johannesburg, the Cape Peninsula and parts of Natal. Them is little doubt that this coordination will reduce the education of South Africa's poor little rich children to some even lower common denomin. ator. Race segregation impoverishes universities. UNTIL 1959 there were some African, Coloured and Indian students at the universities of CapeTown the Witwatersmid and Natal, ln'1959, however, the Extension of University Education Act provided for the establishment of university colleges for black students. A university college for Conred students was opened in the Western Cape, and one for Indians in , The University College of the North was opened to, serve the Sotho group, and another university college was started in Zululand. The old foundation of Fort Hare University College in the Eastern Cape was converted, by separate act of Parllasesit, to a Xhosa tribal college. These colleges are mn by white councils, with a non-white council that serves in an advisory capacity, There is a preponderance of white staff, and while the white members of staff are employees of the College Council, black members are civil servants. In 1968, there were 74,330 students enrolled at institutions of higher learning in South Africa. Of these, 65,745 were white, 3,836 Were coloured, -,219 w e Asiatic and 1,530 were African. I Enrolment at the African colleges is limited by the nmber of African matriculants, and also by the capacity of the colleges themselves. This figure of 5,000 black students, for the most highy developed nd industrialised country on the continat, compares very unfavourably with figures from African countries to the north, which have between them 30,000 students in local universities, and some 3,000 in universities overseas. 'The numbr of matriculants and graduates must keep pace with the need which the developing Bsntu commonities create for such people,' Dc van Zyl has said. Nevertheless, pIncpals of African high schools complain of a shortage of graduate teacher, and the governmet of the Transkei has asked fr African vets, architects, surveyors, expertls iaricltre nd forestry, to be trained at South African universities. At present whites fill these posts in the Pra .e. Africans are, in fact, posithely ' prevented from being of service to their 'connunity'. Those Africans who take science degrees are few (for the high schools are not able to feed the universities withmnteny science students) and if they wish to do post-graduate work they muss go overseas, for no facilities are available to them at home. They are generally refused passports, and if they go, they must go on one-way exit permits. White students at the larger univers, ities are aware of the disadvantages they suffer under because of the cultural isolation of South Africa, and the drain of able university teachers away from a country with so stifling an intellectual ethos. On 'academic freedom day' each year; many of them commemorate the loss of the multi-racial university. When Cape Town University offered a post to Archi Matfeje, the African social scientist, and then withdrew its offer because of pressure from the Government, student protest spread from Cape Town to the Witwatersrand and Natal. White and black students alike have complained of spies on. the campus and policemen at meetings; white and black student leaders alike have been threatened and, victimised after protests; for the privileges white students enjoy evidently do not include the privilege of being allowed to think'for themslves. The system of education for blacks in South Africa perpetuates the shortage of trained men sod women, sod the present status of the black. No doubt, as the Government reaps the benefit of Christian National Education when it polls more white votes at each succeeding election; it hopes to reap the benefit of the 'co- ordinatiou' of white education in the shape of a white student body that does not protest. For it is in the Interests of the Nationalist Government that underdeveloped Bantustans should remain a source of cheap labour for the white areas, asd that in this system the whites should acquiesce at-Apartheid News March 1971. Page 8 Rhodesian deportee claims Africans rely on ZAPU, not on Britain. lGuty Clutton Brock, the treasurer of the now b.aned Cold Comfort Fam Society, was deprived of Rhodesian citielsip at the erd of last year. On Febmary 6 he was deported to Britain by the illegal Smith rgpie. He has given the following interview to ANTI-APARTHEID NEWS. What ra the attitade of Afrieanos in d,,i ia to the part Britain has played n Ril, hoIdeian cni , Ter is no doubt that Africans always have belived that the British Government lay behind the Rhodesian Goemment which of courise it has done by not vetoing diseriminaroiy Irgislation over the years. Still Afritans bad faith in the British oveament. When UDI came, they behlieved that the Brntish Goverminent would act. But that faith is ~rally getting pretty thin now. It is geadualy getting driven home to AÄricans in Rhodesia that we have got to do tt omrelves and that we ae not going to get any htp front the British Goverament. Ntw it ss downing ort intelligent people that there is a ey geave danger of the British Goernient selig out, caling off sanctions, * making ~ome vey inadequate agreeet with the Rhodesia, govrenmnt, lnd finally .ecagnising them. This is the far of any po!ticelly minded Afican. So faitli in Britain haswon very shin. Whydo,fncano wan sanctiosto continuer Théy feel very strongly aganst the present (Rhodesian) governnent, so they fe] tha anything that can emnbarrass and Bless us orelse" priests told. ON FEBRUARY 16 Father Mariode Olivein a Portuguese priest prosecuted for preaching gaimt Portugal'scolonisl wats was acquitted. of the eharges against blm. BuRt be was only rel.asd on. bat peding the Poriguee Pulic Prosecutor's appeal agaimst his acquittal t. a highec court, By releasing him the Potuese governsment is hoping to divert international attention from his trial. but Falther de Olreira may still be faund gallty. On February I1 the trial o Father Joaqrim Pinto de Andrade began in Lisbon. I e stnde aceused, together with nine other people, of supporting the Movemtent for the Liberatlon of Angola (MPLA). The mp trial are evidace of haoW it is becoming inreasingly difficult for Portugal to sileece support from inside the Catlhlie church for the liberation movemen in its African colonie. Frthet Maria de Otiveira ii a former dinry ehaplain who war rec,ted to serve with the Portugurse torc fighting aganst the Party for the Indapendenreof Guine and the Cape :Verde Islands (PAIGC) in Portagai's West Afrian rolony of Gurne-Bissau. I Ortober 1969, after his return to Portugal he began to preach against the war in Guåin and against colonialism, and proclairred himrelf of the side of 'the~ poor and oppre,d who are h Victims of capitalist society and ate expotted by othleus who think of themaslees at kingi of the world.' Be-ause of this hr was sann made a target for government-ispired public demon. strations In June 1970 a group of '50 veterans of the African wars' rroutnded his 'paih chur-ich to 'denounce traitois, to deny false statementi by Fathar Mario in the pulpit, to expurgate the offences ho made to the Mort Holy Virgin, to the sanetuaay at Fatima, to th venera-bte Head of Statt, to our mothees and oursrlvas, the Afriran war veterens'. S-n afterwards,Father Mario was arrested nd tate trasferrd to th, Toetens of Caxias where a was kept awaiting trial. Hi was finaRly brougbt to Court on De-em bt la7ast yra. At his trialt be camly admihted Ihat ', a bring down the present governeet is worthwhle. Sanctions are having mor effeets than is generally nupposed, The economy is steadily gpriing down. Santions have benefited Rihodesinn indastos in encouragmg the country to bItild then up to supply the home market, hut now they are getting to the point when they want to export, and they can't export very much. TIsr-fotr the have to rut their costs, and in man>' indust ris da so by amployisg Africans at half the prire of Europeans. That mae that there are more Africans employad i htghr-positions than there were befara. Sa in a certain proportion of people it has benafirial effet, can though there, are a ot of people out of work. Thee om tho.snds of yoong people leaving school with nothing to do atd no prorperts of work, When I såd reeèntly to a headmaster of a school "What on earth are you edaating all these young chaps forthay are going to hare nothing to do iis awftul' le sad 'It, not awfal at at - tils is what we want. They'1t all fester and thn cllange will come.' So from the point of viaw of tht long term, santions are keeping open the climate for change,. How m h do the A'feians still support the ~mfionieliso? , Most of the African rorulatiön ein back- or taxasi reserved fi Nobod of SecuPinto de sehether r alt ronspi ing the Angola or Mario Pin nan at r-ag-" rin" o p), beau~a he is hrother of Audrade. taley Martin on, said that war Tascism in the name of it is still a canse of whether app.ovad kind of blessings, Tories welcome Angola official. WHILE PORTUGUSE Prima Minister Caetano has been denying that Portuta has gratmd any' degree ot autonom>' to ts African cotonies, the Consetvative goven ment has been trating the Economir Secretary for Angola, De Waltar Matques, as if he wele minister of an independent country. De Marques arrived in Britain on an officil visit on Febartary 16 and stayed for It days. Whie hr was her be was escorted full-time bya seoro civil seraant from the Department of Trade and Industry, E R Richard, and ättended several funations given by British companies. One of the highlights af his visit, at the axpenre of the British taxpayer, took place on Febmrary 25 hen thue Minister and his of ZAPU "onsciousness and meetitgi and communication on the ground levat among ordinasy people. What of ZANU (the Zimbabwe Africran National Usion)? Welt the canflitt between ZAPU and ZANU has becone irrelevant in the country. Is only kept alive in foreign capitals, and by the pe0ple wha supply monay. The e a~ only ont or two antas which would ay 'We are ZANU'. Ther-efoe brondly ZAPU carrit tho feeting af the people beeanse ZANU rose out of ZAPU. tt's ZAPU that you see sceathed on lifts, and ovan on somte naw con~eete outsid, of the General Post Office in Salisbury there is a lnge ZAPU itratched in the cancr-te before it had hadened, How effeetire are informera' I thaiñk that everyöne is conscioas that in these days of unemployment and shortage of money you can pick ap a pounï at two by going and taking a hit of information to the polire, and this does happen quite widely. Thent are várious gradas of infarmers. Thec are what the' tall 'sourees',. which are mra at less paid permanent informera, going down to a person who has samething tosay about his neighbours, and gets ten bob for it, But 1 thisk people am now becoming more corageous, and lest afreid of informera. What do you tnile that people here en do ta hela Indeoandence come ro Zsmbabwe' FRELIMO strikes near Cabo a Bassa. PORTUGAL has admitted rhat FRELIMO geeillas ara now operäting south of the Zambesi river in the Tete province of Mozmbique, near the Cahlra Bussa dam. ate. Till now the Portugnese for's have rpantoeitd t lat FRELIMO goer-illas were confined to the far north of Tete, in therr latest comnuinique, the Portuguesa foraes sa that they rither killed, wounded e or apturd 15 gue..ril,,, at n place ealIed Magu,, uth t the Zambast. For the last tew months, Portugal has been making statling cla,.s aboat its surcesnes in Tete province, whichl hava been given a thor-outh coverage in tle South Afiran press and in . S&urity chiefs meet in Salisbury. *:ONLY THE HEADS of the South African, Rhodesian and Portuguese 'stenrity' sevices, and the, aidas, know esatly what was drscusasd when they mat in Saisbury last month. Major Silva Pls, haad of Pörtguete militaryi Itedligenen toll nerters ha was there as a totrist. South Africa's General Hendik van den Bergh,1head of the notorious Burea of State Sa-urity (BOSS), woutd not oven commit himmelf that far. den of the things they certainly did discus ra the grwing FRELIMO Ithoat to Cabora Bassa. Over the last few moihis Poetugal has committed mora and mora men and helicopteri to the war in Tete provinc, with appatontly litr reter . South Afica is now the largest single financar ht tho dam. And Rhodesia is already benefitting from the demand for- goods and sirvices generated by the prijet. fels it very important that the presSUres should steadily i'erase haesanctions should not be called off but st- rngthand, ad the British Government should steadily go on prersrising Rhodesia, ba-au it in havingan effeet. It may lake ten years. All tlie time these pressures from outside are helping to educatp the people inside, both black and white, and that makes people thisk and prepare for change. What matters also is that whe thant is hbange, it should be ahange for dh better. If there is an Ian Smith with a black face that wo.d not be any insovemrent at all. WIat wo want i a goveenmene that respects the people, and goèn for the benefit af tho people as .a whole,. And that is not nacesaari'ly easiy achievad. To my mid the situation in Zinbabwe is a lot belter than it was twenty years ago> becaure all the isues have come ta the surface, people are onseious of that. Whetn I wnt there 1 was abrolutely appalled by the situation becuree Afticans and Europeans aáike aecepted white supremacy feeling that it was going ta go .n for ever. Now the whae thung is challenged and it is only a mattar of how long and.how tt is going to be upsét. You hava the feelings, strong feellings, of people ike Artur Chadzingwa, who is in , caurt at the moment. Ht is a man who is prepared to say '1 stand by what I believe to be right and lin prapared to suffer for it end take whlatevar cames,' 1 w hit in prison Sacently He was in prisan clothes. Ha was cating prison food, even though ha mwn on rmantd and he culd have bad the othe. He said '1 will take what other peXale in pion have . , dn't want legal dn oce. 'm not ashaned Of anythiig 've done. I'11 tand: for it. This sort of pirit isspieadSee The year after the referendum.RevbMlahael Scott eollected evidtnre about the way in whrch govtrrment ofi cals had platned he issees to the people the wer 'consulting'. Chief Dayid Wtbooi of the Nama sald ha bad been ff~ered monay for the presraation of the Witbooi ancestral grave by the governnent official who consultad hit An Ovambo told the UN: 'The men who conduatod the referendum, momly tle Chiaf Native Commissioner, Major Hahn,. did s. in this way. Ha aid the government hba rome te askthemwho V-ey want frni amng these p ople. Do they want an Italian? Da they want a Chirse? Do they want a Russian? Do tdry want a 0dotuguese70r dthey want an Englishman? IheTpeople epetil e We do not kow any other nations except dre English people'. Major Halm didn't menio an ythä'g about theincosporation into the Union of South Africa..,' ilts, . Against a background like this, assasamet Such as the ont máde by th )SiaM Te,,'s Cape, Town torrespondent -' Africa could just find a plebiscite go may'- sem to do lesstas jutit. t South Aftican goverm~ t's poersroruptios and misropraeantiön.

The otherside of Simonstown. AT A PRESS conference held during his visit to Canada last October, Heath implied that Britain was obliged by the Simsonstown Agreement to sell a wade range of anms to South Africa. By Februaty he had been forced to climb down. N 't even fte Tores' own law officers Sir Peter Rawlinson, the Attorney General, and Sir Geoffrey Howe, the Solicitor Genral, could read these obligatinos into t. The beat they could do, in the government's White Paper on the legal obligations of the Smons town Agreement, was to argue that the Agreeteat obliged Britain to supply Wasp helicopters for Soath Africa's frigates. The government has stretched its interpretation of Britain's obligations under the Agreement as far as it possibly can. It has made no mention of the obligations which the Agreement imposes on the South African government. Nor has it made any attempt to force South Africa to carry them out. The Agreement states that at the Simonstown base: '(a) there will be no bar to the recruitment and employment of no-Eaor SPee- s '. (b) there will be no discrimination based o oloar in the rates of pay for comparable jobs. 1c) non-Europeans, once recruited, will hava the iame security of tenare as Europeas' Under Annex C of the Agreement the, South African gdvernmet undertakes 'to provide in the future opportunities of entry int their 'feted establdisment' at least equal to those prospects accorded by the Admiralty at present: and there will be no discrimination in this respect between Europeans and nonEuropeans'. Not much has been heard of this since, On the contrary Simonstown shows in microcosm the operations of South Africa's apartheid laws. The Simostown base is run by the Stateowned South African Railways and Harbour Administration whichiaitrally enongh, feels no compunction about enforcing South Africa's labour legislation. Under this legislation the government directs black labour where it is needed. No African may be emplo~yed anywhere in the Simonstown area. Governmttent proclamations and trade union-employer agreements make up a complex set of provisions, about which workers can do which jobs. Skilled jobs are teervedfor whtite workers unskilled jobs, at far lower rates of pay, are left to African, Coloured and Indian workers. The Simonstown base employs t23 1 Coloured workers. All but 167 wo k as casual labourers. The Coloureds Who work at Simonatown as skilled labourers have no job security. If white skilled workers become available they are liable to lose their jobs, and be replaced by whites. They are also subject to all the petty indignities of apartheid: separate'lavatories, separate wash rooms, separate eating places. Four years ago there were 1553 Coloured civilian workers at Simonstown. There were also 93 members of the Coloured Corps and the Cape Corps Auxiliary Service. The fall in the number of Coloured workers is partly the result of the fact that the South African government has proclaimed Simonstown as a white area under the Group Areas Act. .. . Under the Act South Africa's different 'eases' are assigned to segregated residential areas. The government has power to designate areas as 'white', 'Coloured', or 'Asian'. (Afrecans have no residential rights outside the'homelands'). On September 1 1967 the government proolaimed that Simonstown was'an area for occupation and ownership by members of the white group'. Simonstown's 4100.strorg Coloured community were stripped of all right to go on living there although many of them came from families that had lived in Simonstown for generations. Anti-Apartheid News March 1971. Pa In fact it was Coloured laboar that 1 t be Simonstown naval station and ma Simonstown's shore defences in the First Second World Wars. The Coloured area of Simonstown picturesque seaside village and its itone-built houses are highly desirabl holiday homes for white South- Afri Since the Group Areas proclami Coloured inhabitants have been force, sell their property to whites at rock-bol prices. Slangkop The Coloureds have been move( Slangkop, a site ten miles from Simsi where at first there were no made-up r( no shops, no schools, no churches, no pla fields, no library and no accommodatio single people or pesioners. Now men who work at the Simonst base have to pay up to £S per month transport, while before they could wal work. Yet the British Second-in-Commai Sinonstown, Commander Marshall, tell an Observer reportet that the St African government was 'damned F about relaxing job reservation rules toe Coloureds to do 'whites only' jobs at base. And Sir Alec Douglas-Home could tell House of Commons last July '1 have evidence that the South African Governi are not fulfilling their obligations' aft Labour MP asked 'whether he ws satis that the South African Goversnent I complied with the requirements of Simonstown Agreement as regards eqin of opportunity to work at the naval I regardless of colour.' The government's connivance at practising of apartheid at its naval bas Simonstown shows up its hypocriq invoking the Simonstown Agreement. j'ieere k. Geoge h~ertPicture by George Haietr The old Colloured quarter of Simsonstown: 4000 people have been moved from homes where their families have lived far genseeations, to nsake way for white holiday maakers.

AntiApartheid News March 1971. Page 10 Put To: Anti-Apartheid Movement, 89 Charlotte St., London W. I Please send moe the posters I have circled on the list below* I enclose ..... whibh includes 2Yap postage. NAME ...... ADDRESS...... ADDRES . . '...... :...... , 1~I Cabtrilona I 2 Disitish arms will make a great contrtion. 3 A South Africtn policeman.... 4 Anyone disobeying those lws.. All posters, Sp eachpus 2'2p pastage perorder. - , - - SACTU asks for support, MARCH 5 is the fifteenth anniversary of the when the following resolution was unant- jailed, tortured and hanged for standing up foondingoftheSouthAfricanCongressof ouslyadopted: fortradeuonionprinciples. TradeUnions Inthis ArticleJohn Gag 'SACTU is conscious ofthefact thatthe TodayTUCSA and other federations are T e Uon. Inepresenartice ohn aithewe, organising for higher wages, better con- only tolerated by the fascist regime and SACTU's London representativeexplaiss the ditions of life and laboue is inextricably permitted to operate so long as they can be rincipl s on which SACTU was for ed and bound up witha determined struggle for of sersice to it. It has been left to SACTU calls on Deriih workers foe sepport. political rights and liberation from all atone to carryforwtard Used boune 6f trade THE LIQUIDATION in October 1954 of the oppressive laws and practices, It foll rson principles ie the Nutfied South Africa SouthAfrican Trades and Labour Council that a merestruggleor economict s Thrav marked the cldosingof a chapterinSouth of the workers without participation The brave working men and women who Afria. ab~, hitor. P.gi~iv trde he gnerl srugle fr plar - .braved dungeons and gallows and kept aloft Aricn lbour history. Progressive trade the general straggefor political emancip- the banner of true trade unionism, the unionists fought to preserve the Council for ation would condemn the trade union banner of SACTU, will never be forgotten the sake of the principle of multi-ractalism movement to uselessness and toa betrayal SACTU will survive everyblow and its which it embodies. But the Council wa of the interests ofthe workers'.m dissolved aid most of its former leaders True to its principles SAqTU identified members wil play a leading part in rebuildjoined with those who had always upheld itself with other liberation movements and ing the free South Africa that will arise y u n following the inevitable overthrow and apartheid in the newly-established South becameasignatorytotheFreedomCharter. se ivtae ortrow and African Trade Union Council (SATUC) which SACTU became a consultative memberof collapse fite hateful structure of white barred Afrcan membership from te t the Congress Alliance led bythe African spremacy. SATUClaterchangeditsnametoTUSA NationalCongress. Weappeal to all workers and peoples of Together with these organisations SACTU alt countries to support SACTU in its strggle The minority who opposed dissolution members took part in the mass strikes, the for trade union rights, freedom and democunited with the Tranopaal Counciluof Non- mass boycotts, the mass demonstrationsand racy for all the people of South Africa. European Trade Unions to establish the protests of the fifties. Increasingly the government met every action with armed might 'South African Congress of Trade Unions and violence, horrifyinug and electrifytghe j Iflte bi (SACTU)atafoundingconferencewhich a tthehrpif lecsscr in96ll was held on March 5 1955. Ex t world attheSharpeville massacre in 1960* ThefoundersofSACTU carriedthe Forpropagatingebunityofallworkers ExitPerm it South African trade union movement into a in South Africa SACTU paid a very high new dimension. In thepreambletoit, price. A N Constitution SACTU announced: In 19S6 as less than 23 of its officials SHANTI NAIDO has come one step nearer 'The future of the people of South Africa were arrested and charged with higt treason. being allowed to leave South Afia. he has is mn the hands of the workers. Only the In 1958 manywere convicted of inci e- bmeent gorthed a t t Permit by the Deiaor*working css, in ' alliance with other ment. In 1960 a large number were detained Prevou th I-neiortme ofeI progressive minded sections of the cam- duringthesateofemergency, and ,,,,e Presuedtog epaerment o mte Interior munitycan build a happylifefor all 1963 mare than 60 leading officias av refused to grant he ho dit permit uiss he South Africans free fram unemployment, been arrested under the Gesneral Laws could show that she had permisso to I iSeuthArit,povert,fracialredmnt, AmendmentAc theMagisterialDistrictof Johannesburg to insecurity. Poverty, racial hatred and Amenent Act onder erro ri~sm travel to Jan Smuts Airport, which is outside oppression,alifeofvast olportunities Act orbannedandput underhosse I forall. arorMres5t...*heMagisterialDistrict,Shainti Naidoo is' forall w iOnMarch5We illremem.ber...soame confinedtoJohannesburgunder the terms of But the working ctass can on sao sd of our dear comrades whowere executed, her baning Jorder, and the Depattmrent of in this great and noble endeavour if it like Vuyiile Mint, and others who were Justice haid already refused ta give her itself is united and strongly conscious of murdered during detention,_ like Mayeko , permission to leave it. itt inspiring responsibility. The workers and oters. Todaysame 1 our people are At the beginning or tsear her lawyer of South Africa need a united trade union exiled or livin.g Ander hou arrest. We ae notified the Minister of th Interar ofher movementinwhichallsection,ofthe IeTr nde rhfousaronrestNicareth n otifed, the Minister o the Inero n Ei *iworving eopn whic alt sctis o te forced to workthrough factory committees. intention to institute court proceedings to working peoplecan playtheirpart TheTradeUnionCongressofASsth, comtpel the Minister to give her an Exit unhindered b prejusdiceor racial discrim- Africa and other white trade union feder- Permit. ination. a tions have surrendered the basic principle In order to leave South Africa she must of working class unity. The leadership of now apply again to the Ministry of Justice Tis intn'tion was emphasised at SACTU's these federations stood by while hundreds of for pertaission to travel to Jan Smuts Airport firet Anual National Conference in 1956 fellow trade unionists were being victimised, before April 28 when herExit Periit expires If the Minister refuses she cannot appeal to any Court, as she could when she was refused the Exit Permit. So the South African government can still block her departure. In December 1969 she was brought to Court to give evidence against the 22 Africans accused of belonging to the African National Congress. She refused to testify and was held for a further five months. She was released last June after being held in solitary confinement for a total of 371 days and was immediately served with a banning order. 20 held under Terrorism Act. AT LEAST 20 people were arrested under the South African Terrorism Act on Febrary JO, during the course of a country-wide swoop in Natal, the Transvaal, Western Cape and the Transkei. Under the Terrorism Act, no charges need be laid Against them, and they have so far been denied legal representation. Furtharmore, the authorities are not obliged tos release the names of the people who have been detained. But a statement from the Unity Movement of South Africa lists Leo Sihlali (recently released after serving four years on Robben Island), Geraldine and Alfred Wilcox (both under a fire-year banning order in terms of the Suppressibn of Communnisn Act), Kaber Hassim Esack (banned and under house arrest), D Lobetingua (under a restriction order), Prank 'Anthony, Robert Wilcox and S K Venketreathnam as being among those arrested. MrsMandela gets one year sentence. WINNIE MANDELA has been sentenced to one year in jail for allegedly breaking her banning order by receiving a visitor, Peter Magubane, at her home. Mrs Mandela was released from prison, after being held in solitary confinement under the Terrorism Act for iore than 16 months, only last September. She was immediately banned aid has been subject to harassmint by the police ever since. The police have made' a habit of calling at her house at all h-:,rs of day and night . Anyone disobeying these laws will be imprisoned, fined, and or whipped: Byor&i

Mitu-Apartesud News Match 1971. Page II REVIEWS Television 'Porugal - Drean of Empire', two films shown by Yorkshire Television, January 12 and 19, 1971. A RECENT WAVE of books and articles in the Conservative press, aiming at the -whitewashing of Portuguese colonialism, has shown that the Portuguese regime is engaged mn a new public relations crpagn. It started with a book,'Handbopk on Portuguese Africa', published last year by Pall Mall press, and no doubt acquired by most university , libraries in Britain, the USA and elsewhere, * hich reduces the well-paid and careerconscious American academics who contributed to it to the category of mercenaries of the intellect. I now seems that the campaign is being extended to British television. Unhappily I can claim to know something more about the long documentary 'PortugalDream of Empire' than the ordinary viewer. About one year ago I was approached by the producer, Antony Thomas, who was collecting information for the film. He claimed to abide by the tradition of objectivity and 'balance' and I believe that he honestly thinks that he does. But what has come to be accepted as 'balance' does not refer so much to ethics, but to certain established interests. With the BBC it'maeans the need not to offend the sitsceptabilities of any group, particularly the conservatives, who are the most influential. With the private television companies it means also to take account of marketing possibilities, particularly those of marketing in America. 'Portugal - Dream ofEmpire' does capture the oppressively religious atmosphere of Portugal and most Viewers should have got the point, whether it was intended or not, that Portugal is more in need of being 'civilised' itself than fit to claim that it has a "civilising' mission. But the trouble with the film is precisely that whatever valid points it is trying to make get lost in subtleties which only a minority of specifically inforned -eoplewould- be able to grasp. " I watched 'Portugal - Dream of Empire' wit ~~a grou~p of ordinary British vientnrs,atd the resault of he film was that they were moved by and sympathetic to the Portuguese soldiers it portrayed. To put it crdey, the films were a good promotion job for the ' Portuguse case'. The film made one major error in saying that Portugal had become a poor country beause, of the colonial wars: perhaps it was trying to make the point of Portugal's 'sacrifice'. But the truth is that Portugal has had one of the lowest standards of living in Europe far many centuries. If anything, the present industrial take-off and increased mnodernisation and prosperity in Portugal is partly a result of the colonial wars. Portugal and its colonies have received international aid in the form of investments and loans on a scale which reveals that Portuguese'colonial. ism is becoming a flag of convenience for European and American imperialism. More revealing of how Anthony Thomas, in the process of making the film, became charmed and influenced by his Portuguese hosts was his adoption of the newest Portuguese line. According to this line, only the presence of Portuguese soldiers in Africa can save some 600,000 whites and over 12 million Africans from either white or black racialist 'extremism'. But the main failing in the film was its notion of 'balance' or rather, its glaring omissions. Nobody talked about the past and slavery, Yet slavery was a predominant feature of Portuguese colonialism for four centuries and still persists in disguise, in updated forms of labour relations. Nobody talked of atrocities. And yet there is abundant evidence of them, Nobodyquestioned the elementary premises of colonialism, or suggested that it means the exploitation of a people by another people. But while the film gave a conventional treatment to its subject, and left much to be desired in presenting the African point of view - the sequences showing Amilcer Cabral, leader of the PAIGC, were actually borrowed from other sources - the Late Night Line Up discussion which followed the film was even less balanced. The Portuguese point of view was put by an official of the regime, a Mr Oliveira of the Portuguese Embassy. He made statements to the effect that Portugal was a 'complex' country and that a confused spiritualist called Tellhard de Chardin had said that complexity was the way to success in the modem world. Despite the ambiguities of Catholic Church patronage and the meta( physical claims of Portuguese colonialism, twelve years of life in Africa as an economic reporter for a leading bank taught me that Portuguese 'complexity' is a pretty straightforward case of colonial exploitation. The Portuguese, whose small country is a geographical anachronism and exists only because of their fierce struggle for independence against Romans, Spaniards and Frenchmen through the centuries should be first to understand the desire of Africans for free, dom. Instead they claim to have acquired 'property rights' in Africa. The trouble with television 'sophistication' is that it tends to overtook the simple realities and that, in the case of 'PortugalDream of Empire' , it coviered Portuguese toloialism with a respectability which it does not deserve. The documentary only showed that money is not only the root of the evil of colonialism but of most of what is written and filmed about it as well. Antonio deFigueiredo Pa mphlets African Studies in America - the Extended Family. A Tribal Analysis of US Aficanists: Who they are, Why to filt them. Published by the Africa Research Group, 25p. Power Research Guide, Prepared by Agitprop and published by the Europe/ frica Reserch Pract, 10p. Both available from Agitprop, 160 North Gower St., London N W 1. THE AFRICAN studies industry in America is as much a part of the Americas empire as are the US troops fighting in Vietnam. 'African Studies in America' shows how the function of the many Centres of African Studies and Research Institutes in the US is to service US imperialism with the flow of facts, figures and analysis it needs to be able to maintain its domination of the Third World. 'Experts' and academics who specialise in Africa, says the pamphlet, are parasites who 'while living off Africa, serve a system Otfttd against Africa'n needs'. They operate 'under th rotverf a fi ei neutality ofaff Temicscholarship which permits them to camouflage their ideological biases and the strategic'policy implications of their work'. % They are financed by the US government or by the Foundations which the US monopoly corporations have st up to serve their informational needs. 56 per cent of the US's f91 university centrs of International Studies receive grants from the Ford Foundation. The Carnegie Foundation financed the foundation of the US's mecca of African studies at Northwestern University. The 'happily decenrtlised look' of American African studies is deceptive. It masks a network of research that is careful, coordinated and monitored through bodies such as the US Social Science Research Council. Research is concentrated on the areas of knowledge which will enable the'US to manipulate African governments and social structures so as to maintain the profitable status quo, The pamphlet analyses the resdsrch subjects financed by grants from t. Ford Foundation-subsidised Foreign Affairs Fellowship Foundation: the great majority deal with 'social structure' or with 'modernisation'. Hardly any look at 'South African/Rhodesian race policies', 'pan-Africanism' or 'British imperialism'. It also lists all the African Studies Centres in the US, the academics connected with them, from Gwendolyn Carer, Director of Northwestern University's Program of African Studies, down, and 'their special fields of work. The other wing of the African Studies industry is the network of US-financed research Institutions and universities in Africa itself. They serve to indoctrinate an African elite" whose interests are tied in with those of US imperialism. American imperialism also services itself indirectly through British institutions. Among the British organisations that receive US Foundation money, according to the pamphlet, are the Africa Bureau, the School of Oriental and African Studies at London University, St Anthony's College, Oxford, the London. School of Economics, the Institute of Development Studies at Sussex University, the Institute of Race Relations and the Royal Institute of International Affairs. At the same time these organisation, are performing the same function in helping British capitalism maintain itself in Africa, as American research centres perform in the us. We must, says the pamphlet, consider the alterative. The African Studies industry which serves the needs of US imperialism must be matched by research which serves the needs, of those who are working for revolutionary change. 'We must recogise 'Ourselves', asks the pamphlet, as 'research guerrillas'. 'The undernourished guerrillas in Angola have concrete needs but so does the movement to transform American society. Both movements need to understand the nature of the forces ranged agiant them'. 'Power Research Guide' is an attempt to guide British 'research guerrillas' on their way. It lists useful reference books, newsaper filing systems and periodicals, gives hints as to the best libraries to use for different areas of research and suggests other ways of r"oting out information. Much of this is relevant to research on British involvement in Southern Africa. We need much more information about British firms that invest and that trade in Southern Africa, on the products that Southern Africa exports to Britain and on the network of pro-South African interests that is entrenched in Britain's power .complex, 'Power Research Guide' contains useful signposts for researchers who want to start finding it out. Christabel Gurney The Bust Book is published and distributed by Agitprop, 160 North Gower St., N.W.l., 25p. THE BUST BOOK is a legal handbook with a difference. Its tone contrasts sharply with the variong pamphlets which have been, put out on the same subject by the National Council for Civil Liberties and similar bodies. Whereas those publications attempt a straightforward resume of the rights of the citieni, the Bust Book is clearly partisan in that It identifies with the political activist who is subject to police action, Whereas other handbooks deal with what ought to happen, the Bust Bookhas a far more critical attitude towards police and judicial procedure.For example: 'The whole way the pigs (police) react to ouLat .he .tation. wilt be insulting, degrading and violent.' 'Once you have fallen into enemy hands, they wll do everything possible to get you to supply evidence for your convition.' 'The court like any bureaucracy likes to process people as mechanically and as inhumanly as possible,' 'It is amazing how many politically active people who have an understanding' of the class nature of this country still see a man in a black robe sitting behind a desk and pretend that he wilt be neutral.' Apart from the clear political attitude towards the courts and the police which the. book projects, it contains a number of pieces of sound practical advice. Some of this relates to Pemonstrntions: 'Get your organisation to arrange for doctors and lawyers to be available to go to the nearest police station ... Make sure political photographers are going to the demonstration.' Demonstrators are advised not to wear iarring, beads, ties, Or anything flowing: and to carry the phone number of a lawyerbut not their usual address book! It also suggests that sewing up pockets wilt make it more difficult to plant drugs and offensive weapons. Another section deals with the charges which, are commonly laid against political activists, like obstruction, assault, breach of the peace, insulting behaviour, offensive weapons being a suspicious person and possession OF drugs, As the book points out, the offence with which a demonstretor is charged trequently bears little relationship to any acts which he actually committed. There are also sections on how to behave in the witness box, how to go about getting a lawyer, how and when to conduct your own defonce. With the growing number of arrests of anti-apartheid demonstrators, it is clear that the subject matter of the Bust Book is of relevnce to the readers of ANTIAPARTHEID NEWS. But it isnot intended to be a substitute for the more conventional pamphlets which deal with the strictly legal side of the questions raised, and it should not be used as such. THE PAMPHLET reviewed in the February 1971 issue of ANTI-APARTHEID NEWS was South West Africa (Namibu): Proposals for Action, edited by Richard Hall and published by the Africa Bureau, price 5/-. Books African Socialies in Southern African Historical studies edited, by Leonard Thompson published by Heineisam, 25s. Reluctant Rebellim The 1906-1908 Dkturbances in Natal, by Shua Marks, published by Claredon Press, £4. FOR FAR TOO LONG the history of Southern Africa has been written as white history, chronicles of the white conqueror and the white administrator. Whites did not live permanently at the Cape till the second half of the 17th century so it was a history that began late and that ignored pre-conquest African societies: you know the 'Colombus discovered America' syndrome. This history, even when it did write about Africans, made ne attempt to understand the internal dynamics of African society, methods o decision.making, relations between ruling and commoner lineages, sources of unift and fission within an African society, or the "oreign policies of African States. Leonard Thompson introduces this volume, together with the Oxford History of South Africa edited by himself and Meinca Wilson. as an interim report on the state of historical knowledge flowing from the altogether new approach to the history of South Africa. The volume has contribotions by archaeologists, a social antbropologist and historians-a welcome breaking down of the old disciplinary harriers which separated history from society and the other way about. Some of the essays deal with changes in African history before the 19th century, others, with changes brought about on African societies by Straka's period: and finally there are four chapters on the interaotions between African societies and white people during the 19th century. These show that white conquest and expassion was marked by coutinuous competition among the whites (between hunters, traders, missionaries, farmers, soldiers, specl ators ad , British and Afrikan.er). But equally complex was the African response to-white expansilon. Onmthe one hand African governments sought African allies to play off missionary against farmer, Brite against Boer; on the other hand African societies were subjugatedsome after tong years of resistance-not only because of the vast technological superiority Of the white invaders, hut also because of the persistence of divisive forces within African society and the creation and exploitation of new cleavages by the agents of white expansion, , This need be no academic diversion. Terence Ranger, one of the most penetrating and readable of the new school of Afri, can historians, has shown in his own history of the 1896-7 risings in Rhodesia the importance of tracing links between rebellion against white rule and the pre-colonial past, and also between rebellion (primary resistance) and later more ideological nationalist struggle. Risings might be crushed but it is ioporthnt to know how and why, why they broke out when they did and how they were orgamsed. I Shula Marks' book deals with the 1906 rebellion in Natal when Baebatha built up a rebel army in the mountains and forests on the southern border of Zululand which not only waged fullscale guerilla warfare with more than historical significance for today, but Was at one stage joined by a mass exo dos of workers from Durban, including a thousand dockers, domestic workers, rickshaw pullers and, most disconcerting for white government, some 40 percent of the African borough police. Rebellion against conquest. writes Shula Marks, 'acts as a kind of giant spotlight across society, examining its nooks and crannies, inquiring into men's- hopes, fears and suspicions'. Her argument is that Zulu society was not static and crystalised, and so she tackles the question of why some joined the rebellion. others decided to remain neutral, and yet others took up arms in support of the government. This involves- a look at different groupings: the adherents of the Zulu Royal Family and its opponents, Christians and pagans, migrant workers and peasants, tra ditional hereditary chiefs, governmentappointed chiefs and new political leaders. There is rich archival material here butperhaps because a sound thesis does not easily make a good book -the narrative is too often and too easily lost, and the central theses too cautiously advocated; they too tend-except for the specialist- to sink beneath the detail. Ruth First

"ati-Apartheid News March 1971 Page 12 How we can block the apartheid arms. THE TORY govermrt's dtrison to suppl rve Wesland Waapheticoptes to the South Afroan goverisent mot with an immediate "esponse fro the, Anti-Apartheid Movement The rmot importaIt decision on actton against arma sotes was to hold ademonstration outside tho WestIand heliopter faotory in Hayes on March 20 (detaits etsewheer on this Page)' Trade union speakers wiihe addressing tlhe rod. whih is expected to h, a arge " one, in view of the strength of pulic S feeliang on the ssue The goverment decision to gia the go-ahead for an onder worth ony £900 000 waI hrwdly ratcutated to causa the maximanc manont of tonfusion in the ranks of those .who oppose thp sapply of arma. Heath's hope was that ppnrnts of his poticy of arming the racialiots would tegard this decision as uninsportant, and coneentratte tlir eftorts on eisuring that no furth ordes were approved. Critici of any subsequent deeisions to appr ve arma contracts for South Afra woatd then b fighting with oe hand tied hehind the" arke, since they soatd have given tacit appròval the idea of arms soppties an principle. iiTt attitude of the Anti-Apartheid Movement is that a deciston by the Toiy gov smen to supply heticoptersur anyother form T, arma fot the de 1 ace of apartheid, do not 1eanthat those arma witt rach South 3:' Afilra. Durg the period m whichthe heticopters ale beine made (naeiousy estimoated at rtwrrn ont and two years), intense activity 11 necesary ln the lahour and trade unsio gitnvrment to ensure that the worera who are i mvótved in the manfaeture of tsl Weutiand Wasp, and the othe, rmancst ,whitt South fAfia i tookng t or, are wo NUR blacksSAcoal. * THE NUR i to black a 2500 ton cargo of South Aflcn ena .hat is now na it, way to 11t.ta2n, The enat is dur to ar-,te at A-no mn. u .nMarchIt,TheNURhastakenarenanrespl s'-toa protest hy the NUM, ý'he South Wales ar-a of tfhe NUM seys t hat it is opposed to the mpoqrt f Soth Africu at a h-laua f the d aav taoae, rdition mrsd, wnh'it ,iinned, ttmy rat the NUM''s policy ppositio t aparttieid is weil-t w, Action r,thea OffAfria,,n,0' shtk hcKan w~hntBrist Tradr'a Couneij pass Id .... . of it on to thNorth Somerset arra of the NUM. Noeth So rart NUlg thn, isnyed ,t e ateseat -onde ing the import of the roal on tle ot ds that it 'p t Britnh minea' job in jO pardy' and als that 'this eoa hos hn, mibrd by ,a1~,' labour in reeip of pittaace watts and wrking on migtant contrarts foeed upon lthet by the economic and so,at conseqsinres of aparthetd policy. S'At a time whe thr,governsent's lndustrit Relations Sill ss stending to cur trade unians is this countr, i tho 'same way as they have hera carhed in tho iRepuhtic of South Africa, the maximum degee of resistance should hr exertrd againit British support for the South Afrian regi e. 'This cargo is an insalt to British miners bire hY Morni g Sh, 'Stop armas for apartheid South Meica'. That was the message of the Aiti-Apartheid Movement to Mr Heath, expresard int vigil out, Dowiing Street, on the Friday and Saturday after the decision to sutply Wasp helicopters was announced. o r against apartheid. Once thiseommsitmenthbashcen won, then it m:ast hr transtated iato actie opposition against maing or shipping ont therms Our efforts mast he c"ocentratet n the indutial fiont, particulaty is the fartora invoved in the production:of nrms if we are to sucesful in steppag arms for aparthetd. This witt not hr arhieved hy 'i~fittrating' people iata the armi fatories in order to dirtipt them. Neither witt t he achirved hy senfing people from outside the factorisa to explain to the warkers that Ihop ought who line unde sra cotoual thet of redan- thedemonstratorswasaware atthis. Another .danny. ' ' potice claimt was th#t plaitic halls fatt of :' . « paiarhastherathrownratthepaliecordonDeUIUm ILL IUlrL ,Ia get " actaim5 whtnh was treatrdAwith setzs lll l !31,1 [IIt l ;I b r defence noonset, and contradirted h,, , l,e, ptine witnesses. fine £25 on lfinoc nacftofe~ t.i,20 otwasimposed heavy oAlanM - tarM an of Aston University was THE RRESTSmadrhythiph1~ thepotenhrimprionm-nt alt eprJdt peacefal" d-n itration in St James' Sonata 1,fefence pla Hr was ordred to pay oh Oetob r 35" troulted to a number~t o- ention o0sts, and £20 towaeds legat cortictin'S " ,: ,hot t ý000peopiehod gonetoIhle Keltywasfand gudtofassauttaa a ffisps htf oWhrrg ,Si)4t af ter the sd£5 pigs <0 guineas casts. AnapehdidraItyin T)rea a rSqoar sa, m Ande Giras af tNswd:rothiea'ri ge ro protest igäiat the fies inoteme 1 - a1 m hiulurreteda/esomeonehadtrownpaint armadoalswithSouthAkaAtrref ah w Sp,a-n front f South Afica to tlow the tothe HouseafterthcrattyHowasfundgui.tyaf Solfies, she potce hä -dispersed the crowd Iassaat and hound over for ann pr. hy a mounted charge down onesidrofthe NikShewoodpleadedtoacharge of square. ohssruction, and was fined £10 Arsing out pf the demonstration, Aan Chock Osuji was found guity- of sing Brooks was charged With threatensng threateñing words, fined £tO and order d to hbhaviour On hts ist appearance n rourt, pay £5 costs. two futhrr charges wer tant against hi- Sarah Darling was fo d guly of thratpossesong an off-ast or weapon, ud assat- ening hehaviouv and given a sonditionat ing a, poe Óffi~e. After lengthy enadence discharge lor two years She was arrested from high- ranking pòtce ofticer-s,, the assaut aftcrconptainingwhsleaootherdemonstrator charge was dismissed, ~ at the other two was hing assatd hyIhrer potimern chargos were found proven lte potire GeoffreyWtsonwasarrestedafter had stated sa theieroeidenre that a deputatin to hera asked to mann on hy a potic.eman. Hr Hawker Siddetep was goingtohr allowed had clearty ern unaheto move, hesog through the cordoln, nthough rohody among Wvdged tidhfy hetween rows ,t demonstrat- Pubic meeting ta commemorate the eleven h annversay of Sharp ville and ta mark the UN yar for atinn in camhat .a.niMONDAY MARCH 22 7. 30 CENTRAL HALL WESTMINSTER Speakers: Guy Clntton-Brock JeremyThorpe MP LordGifford DameSybilThorndike Film: 'Witnesses' Chairnan: Canon L. JolmCollins Organied by the Defenee and Aid Fund, 2 Anen Court London EC4. not to make the arma. The ont which st can hr achieved is hy potitinat activity (h persuadipg rh through thelr shop-stewards that est, te not in enahlIng the arma supply ams to South Africa, hu t ing the Afriran wekr in thir ftg apartheid. ars and a t'ior of poie horses. leder, rare se his recognitlon of t ight to demonstrate, dsmssrd t Action Y. Immigratioi A(TION is tigplanud againt the tlmi geatian Bif is the flowmn nn London March 13, teach-in at asainmhaes Mannh 13 by Indian Sheffield Maech 13, h yOvers s Ediehnugh For deois ijorowia, cia nonthampt9 sia' Union. PHOTOCRAFT flampstea 4 Heath Street, London, N.W.3 Tel. 01-435 9932 photographic dealern & photogr Join theAnti-Apartheid Movement. Receive ANTI-APARTHEID NEWS and regular information on anti-apartheid activitien. N am e ...... Addres" .. Telephione ...... Membership: £1 pa. 10/- for studenis. Affiliation: £20 student unions; £5 national organisations; £2 local Organisations. Anti-Apartheid Movement, 89 Charlotte Street, London WIP 2DQ Tel: 01-580 5311. 'STOPARMS FORAPARTHEID' MARCH AND RALLY Sharpevillemassacre:tms to South Africa WESTLANDFACTORYHAYES SpeakersComer, SATURDAY MARCH202.30pm HydePaÅk " undayMarch21 Trade union speakers including: Ernie Roberts, TGWU and John Gaetsewe, SACTU (South AfricanCongress of Trade Unions) Assemble: Botwell Green, Central Hayes, Middx. from 3 pm Coachles will leave from outside the AAM affice, 89 Charlotte St., London W.I front 1 pm onwadsa.. FUrgheedetil: ÄAN,89 ChagteS Published by the Anti-ApartheMovent, 89 Charlotte St., London W t and printed by SW (Litho) Printer Ltd. (TU) 6 Cottn ar.e London E. dm~t ,,,, 1,1