UNIVERZITA KARLOVA CHARLES UNIVERSITY Disertační Práce

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UNIVERZITA KARLOVA CHARLES UNIVERSITY Disertační Práce UNIVERZITA KARLOVA CHARLES UNIVERSITY FAKULTA SOCIÁLNÍCH VĚD FACULTY OF SOCIAL SCIENCES Institut politologických studií Institute of Political Studies Katedra mezinárodních vztahů Department of International Relations Disertační práce Ph.D. Thesis 2017 Vilém Řehák CHARLES UNIVERSITY FACULTY OF SOCIAL SCIENCES Institute of Political Studies Department of International Relations Vilém Řehák Reception of Strategic Economic Narratives: Case Study of the Kenyan News Discourse Ph.D. Thesis Supervisor: PhDr. Irah Kučerová, Ph.D. Submitted: August 2017 i Abstract Strategic narrative is a communicative tool for political elites to construct a shared meaning to the international politics, to articulate state´s interests, to change the discursive environment, and to shape the behaviour of other actors. It has three different dynamics, which proceed simultaneously and reinforce each other: formation of the narrative within the given state, its projection in the international arena, and its reception in other states. Theory of strategic narratives fits well into the framework of new regionalism, which tries to analyse relations between the processes of globalization, globalism, regionalization, and regionalism. Until recently, such analyses were conducted from state-level and positivist perspective. As a result, the dimension of reception remained understudied. The presented thesis is an attempt to fill this gap. It analyses global political economy from the interpretivist constructivist perspective: it uses the leading local newspaper as a data sources and analyses media (news) discourse as one form of a broad societal discourse. Such an analysis can help us to analyse how local society assesses and reacts to strategic narratives and their internalization or rejection by local elites. In my thesis, I focus on narratives of the three superpowers (the US, the EU, and China) and their reception in Africa. Kenya was chosen as a representative case due to its vivid relations with all the three superpowers. Furthermore, I analyse also local and regional narratives related to regional integration under the umbrella of the East African Community and to the Kenyan development strategy as realised by the state. China has clearly defined “African” narrative and actively uses local media to disseminate it. While Kenyan political elite seems to have internalized this narrative, Chinese engagement is seen as highly controversial within part of the Kenyan society. At least two main constituent parts of the narrative (non-conditionality and selflessness) are contested. The US also actively uses local media. However, its message is much less clear and much less persuasive. The US disseminates two different narratives focusing on trade/investment and democracy, which it unsuccessfully tries to merge into a single narrative. Thus, the audience can exploit this ambiguity to choose between the two narratives. Not surprisingly, Kenyan leaders and businessmen have adopted the economic narrative and rejected the political one. Civil society is more critical as it recognizes that Africa has never been the US priority and current US activities are rather symbolic. Contrarily, the EU seems to be the least controversial partner as it is portrayed as an indispensable long-term trade partner. This narrative is projected by EU representatives and seems to be internalized by Kenyan audience both within elite groups and within society as a whole. Maybe surprisingly, even regional integration is often challenged. Regional leaders express their deep commitments to integration, but this rhetoric is not followed by concrete actions to eliminate barriers to free movement of production factors. Moreover, people are not involved in the integration process and thus they can hardly identify with it. This confirms the contrast between Asian societally driven regionalization and Africa, where societal interplays have been substituted by ambitious mandates of the regional communities. Similarly, Kenyan development strategy focusing on massive investment into infrastructure megaprojects (financed from external sources) is challenged by many ii commentators and readers. According to them, Kenyan successive administrations have prioritized the economic pillar of the development at the expense of the political and particularly social pillars. While this strategy leads to economic growth, it does not lead to development and empowering the people. Instead, the rich become richer, the poor become poorer, and the inequality gap increases. To sum up, my analysis shows that although the media generally reproduce the elite discourse (which The Daily Nation confirms), we can find a very broad spectre of voices in the newspaper. Journalists, analysts, civil society representatives, and readers are contesting the official discourse, and their tone is often very sharp and critical. Economic relations with the US, the EU, China, and within the EAC are seen by many commentators as reflecting interests of political and business elites and overlooking interests and needs of ordinary people, who are not allowed to participate. Keywords new regionalism, strategic narratives, perception of global powers in Kenya, discourse analysis, media discourse, national models of political economy Abstrakt Strategický narativ je komunikační nástroj politických elit, které jeho prostřednictvím konstruují sdílený význam mezinárodního dění, formulují národní zájmy, snaží se změnit mezinárodní diskurzivní prostředí a také ovlivnit chování ostatních aktérů. Strategický narativ je složen ze tří dynamických procesů, které probíhají současně a vzájemně se ovlivňují a posilují: formování narativu v daném státě, jeho projekce na mezinárodní scéně a jeho recepce v ostatních státech. Teorie strategických narativů zapadá do teoretického rámce tzv. nového regionalismu, který se snaží analyzovat vztahy mezi procesy globalizace, globalismu (globálního vládnutí), regionalizace a regionalismu. Až donedávna byla tato analýza prováděna výhradně ze státně-centrické a pozitivistické perspektivy, což víceméně znemožňovalo zahrnout do analýzy otázku percepce a recepce mezinárodně-politických, resp. mezinárodně-ekonomických událostí. Předložená dizertace se snaží vyplnit tuto mezeru v současném výzkumu. Dizertace analyzuje globální politickou ekonomii z interpretativního konstruktivistického pohledu: jako zdrojová data využívá články z místního nejčtenějšího deníku a analyzuje mediální (zpravodajský) diskurz jako jednu z forem širokého společenského diskurzu. Takto provedená analýza nám může pomoci odhalit, jak místní společnost hodnotí a reaguje na strategické narativy a jejich přijímání nebo odmítání místními elitami. Ve své dizertaci se zaměřuji na narativy tří velmocí (USA, EU, Čína) a jejich recepci v Africe. Pro případovou studii byla zvolena Keňa jako reprezentativní případ s ohledem na své rozsáhlé vztahy se všemi třemi supervelmocemi. Mimo to také analyzuji místní a regionální narativy související s regionální integrací pod hlavičkou Východoafrického společenství (EAC) a s keňskou strategií rozvoje, jak je realizována místními vládami. Čína má jasně definovaný "africký" narativ a aktivně využívá místní média k jeho šíření. Zatímco keňská politická elita ve velké míře přijala tento narativ za svůj, část keňské společnosti považuje čínské angažmá za značně kontroverzní a otevřeně zpochybňuje minimálně dva základní prvky čínského narativu (nepodmíněnost a nezištnost). USA také aktivně využívají místní média, jejich narativ je však mnohem méně jasný a přesvědčivý. USA šíří dva různé narativy zaměřené na obchod/investice a demokracii, které se neúspěšně snaží propojit do jediného narativu. Příjemci tak mohou tuto iii dvojznačnost využít k tomu, aby si mezi dvěma narativy vybrali ten pro ně výhodnější. Není proto příliš překvapivé, že keňští političtí lídři a představitelé obchodních kruhů přijímají ekonomický narativ a odmítají politický narativ. Občanská společnost je kritičtější a upozorňuje, že Afrika nikdy nebyla americkou prioritou a současné americké angažmá má spíše symbolický než reálný charakter. EU je v keňské společnosti vnímána jako nejméně kontroverzní a je vykreslována jako nepostradatelný dlouhodobý obchodní partner. Tento narativ samozřejmě šíří zástupci EU, nicméně je keňským publikem přijímán, a to jak v rámci místních elit, tak ve společnosti jako celku. Překvapivým zjištěním může být, že také regionální integrace, nezřídka vnímaná jako určitá protiváha globálním vztahům, je často zpochybňována. Regionální lídři sice vyjadřují svou oddanost k regionální integraci, ale za touto rétorikou nenásledují konkrétní kroky, které by směřovaly k odstranění překážek volného pohybu výrobních faktorů. Občanská společnost navíc není do procesu integrace zapojena, proto se s ním jen obtížně identifikuje. To potvrzuje kontrast mezi asijskou regionalizací vycházející ze společenských vazeb a Afrikou, kde tyto vazby jsou nahrazeny ambiciózními mandáty regionálních organizací. Podobně je mnoha komentátory a čtenáři zpochybňována i keňská rozvojová strategie zaměřená na masivní (zahraniční) investice do infrastrukturních projektů. Podle těchto kritických hlasů keňské vlády upřednostňují ekonomický pilíř rozvoje na úkor politického a zejména sociálního pilíře. Tato strategie sice vede k ekonomickému růstu, ale nevede k rozvoji a k posilování lidského kapitálu. Namísto toho se bohatí stávají bohatšími, chudí chudšími a příjmová nerovnost v zemi se zvětšuje. Předložená analýza ukazuje, že média obecně reprodukují oficiální (elitní)
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