L ockdown Refl ections on Freedom and Cultural Intimacy

Michael Herzfeld

ABSTRACT: In this article I address the role now being played by libertarian a acks on the en- forcement of health regulations such as the wearing of masks. I suggest that a kind of cultural intimacy now emerging may take the form of guilty but willful complicity in a libertarian stance, not for reasons of social solidarity or collective freedom but for a NIMBY-like selfi sh- ness. That a itude constitutes a larger threat to society and is cultivated by racist and other hate-directed groups o en sheltering behind bullying national leaders. These groups adopt the libertarian rhetoric and nationalist tropes of concern to protect individual freedoms, whether in the United States or the United Kingdom. The article ends with an appeal for anthropolo- gists, in particular, to respond by framing a more socially conscious vision of freedom.

KEYWORDS: bullying, cultural intimacy, fascism, libertarianism, NIMBY, pandemic

I am not an expert on COVID-19. I hope never to be- to displace what they view as faux knowledge with come one. Partly this is because a COVID-19 expert is their own competitive brand of ignorance. (Neoliber- someone who has had (or still has) COVID-19. I am alism is not solely about money; ever since William O. inspired to make this categorical assertion by James Douglas coined the phrase ‘the marketplace of ideas’, Thurber’s (1994) sage observation that ‘a dog lover the stock-exchange model of competitive unknowing is a dog in love with another dog’.1 My refusal to be has spawned increasingly phantasmagoric mutations a COVID-19 expert springs from my irritation with of dangerous idiocy.) As anthropologists, we can the current proliferation of self-declared experts on study the phenomenon, even doing so as participant everything from viruses to violence and from refu- observers, but we should avoid pontifi cating on gees to recycling. This expansion of claims to arcane ma ers on which we have no ethnographic or other knowledge may already have brought the very idea experience. of expertise into terminal disrepute. Too many self- What I can do is focus on what I know. That is what proclaimed experts, armed with NGO or academic real experts do. There is, were one willing to face it, credentials, and largely dependent on local inter- a direct link between the intimacy of lockdown and mediaries and interpreters for any kind of insight at its a endant inconveniences and advantages on the all, have produced too many reports that politicians one hand, and, on the other, the intimacy of a coun- and policy-makers read selectively or simply ignore.2 try – the United States – that is famous for its technol- This is a trebly damaging situation: it breeds insecu- ogy but seems now unaccountably beset by massive rity about what information to trust; it feeds populist failures of political and administrative nerve. One as- hostility towards experts who really do know what pect of this collapse is a crisis of confi dence in expert they are talking about; and it off ers politicians a fi g- knowledge, a crisis of which a populist president has leaf for their ignorance. been all too eager to take advantage. In his purview, Expertise has especially suff ered by becoming the no form of expertise can be spared the searing light easy target of angry right-wing propagandists keen of comparison with his own personal experience,

Anthropology in Action, 27, no. 3 (Winter 2020): 44–50 © The Author(s) ISSN 0967-201X (Print) ISSN 1752-2285 (Online) doi:10.3167/aia.2020.270310 This article is distributed under the terms of the Creative Commons A ribution Noncommercial No Derivatives 4.0 International license (h ps://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0/). For uses beyond those covered in the license contact Berghahn Books. Lockdown Refl ections on Freedom and Cultural Intimacy | AiA as witness his promotion of ingesting an antiseptic tual a itude, admi ed or not)? And – perhaps more cleanser as eff ective protection against the coronavi- to the point – what do potential revolutionaries do rus. His inept handling of the pandemic crisis places when the government starts making statements that the economically most powerful country in the world suggest that discretion is no longer necessary and even lower down in the list of crisis management that it is now acceptable – even if with a certain sly achievement than his leadership has already sunk it indirection – to invoke racist and sexist stereotypes in the press freedom charts. in political speech? If the fi rst case is represented Why does support for that leadership still seem, by harsh dictatorships, some of which have indeed while reduced, substantial enough to threaten a second- cracked under the weight of their own humourless term presidency? Those of us who have not grown intolerance of minor dissent (see Glaeser 2004), the up in the United States are particularly puzzled that second is arguably represented by Trump’s (decreas- the president still has any support at all, but Ameri- ingly) United States and, more subtly perhaps, by cans who have never liked his abrasive style are o en Boris Johnson’s (not very) United Kingdom. I would indignant that he still has a following. The answer is not put the Confederate fl ag and Scots nationalism clearly not with those who, like in the in the same political category, but the fact that both 2016 election, regard his followers with contempt as, have enjoyed resurgent visibility under these popu- in Clinton’s words, ‘a basket of deplorables’. That re- list leaders suggests that the cat is out of the bag – fusal of humanity to groups of citizens who felt them- that the hitherto unacceptable, politically incorrect selves dispossessed and misunderstood not only may ‘everyday ethics’ of the usually silent majority have have cost her even the chance of victory, it also invited slipped from secretive locker-room giggles to in-your- a contest of prejudice between the two sides that those face aggression.4 who were more practised in hate-mongering and rac- We watch this unravelling of a hitherto privileged ist innuendo could hardly fail to win. collective intimacy from constricted physical space Another part of the answer to ’s vic- and a distorted temporality. Lockdown, traversed by tory, however, lies in the unique international stature multiple channels of electronic communication, has of the United States. It is arguably the only country produced its own peculiar impact. A phenomenon that is truly both imperial and post-colonial at one many of us share, we discover in the cha ier mo- and the same time. This endows it with both a sense ments of Zooming with colleagues and friends, is the of the power to lead the world (‘manifest destiny’) awareness of how unaware we have become of time’s and a collective chip on the cultural shoulder. The passage. As days merge with weeks and weeks with power is certainly still real, if dwindling. But it may months, temporality seems to have lost its ability to be the fi rst time that a signifi cant number of Ameri- remind us constantly of the value of being alive, and cans realise that other, less wealthy nations are view- we have to look to other reminders: personal inti- ing its distress with pitying Schadenfreude, that toxic macy, to be sure, and creative activities like cooking, mixture of contempt and derision that shows where music and writing. cultural power really lies, but also that it is vulner- Under these limiting circumstances, I actually able (see Collinson and Hu 2020). This condescen- know very li le about how Americans are dealing sion feeds greedily on images of the ‘ugly American’, with their collective embarrassment other than that who, as an object of foreign revulsion, became the it exists. I do know that those who do not support the symbol and embodiment of what I call ‘cultural current behaviour of their government feel a moral intimacy’.3 Perhaps this, the crumbling of cultural in- obligation in this regard; they admit to feeling embar- timacy’s defences, is what theorists of revolution and rassed, and for good reason. And while the American social change have missed until now. Is it that revolt media have themselves expressed a fair amount of surges when people realise that they can no longer Schadenfreude (a useful a itude in the game of inter- rely on the state or other institutional structures to national tit-for-tat) at the plight of the United King- protect their right to be uncouth, naughty, mildly dom, they do seem understandably preoccupied with criminal or simply irreverent? their own diffi culties. Cultural intimacy is that zone of collusion in which Although I am a British citizen, I have no reason to ordinary people break social norms with a guilty but feel that their a itude is baseless; indeed, it is recipro- shared sense of pleasure. What do people do when cated. I have lived in the United States long enough government (at whatever level) cracks down hard to feel embarrassed with them, but I am also aware of and destroys that intimate space on which its own the embarrassments of a Brexit-mired United King- survival depends (tolerance being a necessarily mu- dom. This at least now allows me to experience a

| 45 AiA | Michael Herzfeld

couvade-like empathy at the birth of self-awareness aware that can happen anywhere, and espe- that such desperate yearnings to share the misery cially when people say that it could not happen in a indicate. I also fear that whenever Trump makes his particular country. When my undergraduate adviser objectionable, snide remarks about ‘kung fl u’ or ‘the in England told me that a spell in Auschwitz would Wuhan virus’, some US citizens, in secret discomfort, do me good, I realised that polite or jocular racism feel that the Chinese deserve this – if the Democrats could be the most insidious of all. It was hard to an- win the November election, they are not going to swer at the time (though a good friend wished I had become pro-Chinese overnight – and that the only said that some of my relatives had tried that method reason China has fared be er with the virus of late is and found it rather extreme). Prejudice fl ourishes that it has such an undemocratic way of doing things. where its existence is denied. That may be true, although recent events raise chill- It also takes many forms, and it is easily provoked ing questions about the future of democracy in the by a itudes of cultural superiority. It is easy, for ex- United States (and, for that ma er, about the unequal ample, to understand the post-colonial bi erness that distribution of its benefi ts up to the present). But has so many Americans reacting resentfully to the my point is a diff erent one: that this racist rhetoric sound of the upper-class British accents they so aff ect connects all too easily with the seemingly care-free, to admire – an admiration that also partly explains happy-go-lucky rhetoric of the anti-maskers. It is the resentment. Such is the nature of post-colonial much easier to blame the Chinese than to question a itudes, and, while the idea might be distasteful to one’s own unwillingness to wear a mask, beyond some Americans, these are as deeply entrenched in the usual excuse that it is un-American (shades of the United States as in Nigeria or India. Indeed, one McCarthy here!) to require people to do so because it might also ask what right I have, as a ‘Brit’, to call the impinges on their personal freedom. most powerful country in the world ‘post-colonial’? That, in a nutshell, is the main issue. The anti- But freedom of expression and especially of cultural maskers have ba ened onto a traditionalist rhetoric critique is not the same as the freedom to use hate that invokes the foundation of their country and an speech. Cultural critique invites mutual engagement; individualistic ethos of liberty. Note, however, that hate speech refuses it. The issue is thus one of how this is about personal rather than collective free- far one is willing to take responsibility for one’s opin- dom. It is easily connected to the infamous NIMBY ions; and the ‘methodological nationalism’ that en- (‘not in my back yard’) a itude – a refusal to share genders questions about foreigners’ rights to engage risks posed by a range of unwanted interventions in such critique can itself deteriorate very easily into including toxic waste but also socially undesired a form of prejudice or even racism.6 neighbours and services – towards centralised urban As I experience the curious temporality of lock- planning.5 And while it may superfi cially resemble down and read the news, day by day, of the hu- the pursuit of personal freedom (itsaraphap) that miliation of both the United Kingdom and the United leads impoverished Thai farmers to follow physically States, while also ge ing on with the press of work dangerous and politically charged professions in the on my desk, I fi nd myself refl ecting on how the pan- national capital, that freedom is still linked to the demic has upended conventional views of power. ability to earn money to support the care of elderly There is no doubt about the American sense of hu- parents and deprived siblings back home (Sopran- miliation, and it fuels both the a acks on Trump and ze i 2017). These impoverished ex-farmers have a the fury of his supporters. But there have been other, powerful sense of the moral obligation to support more global ripples too, and these may be of greater others, also demonstrating a strong sense of mutual- geopolitical signifi cance in the long run. (What? The ity and generosity to each other, which is lacking in United States will not always be at the center of a en- the comfortable middle-class urbanites who regard tion?) Take the case of Greece, a country where I have these former peasants as condemned by their karma conducted my most extensive research. While Brexit to a permanent inferiority. has rendered the United Kingdom economically help- When people pursue only self-interest, they cre- less and COVID-19 seems to be fi nishing off the job, ate the conditions under which racism and classism the bad child of the European Union – even under a become acceptable. Self-interest is also blind to the stalwartly neoliberal leader – has pulled a big surprise. future: ‘It can’t happen here’ is the usual response to Greek diplomats and journalists are expressing pride any talk of coups, pogroms and concentration camps. that this time, at least, their country has apparently But as the son of refugees from Nazi Germany, and – done, not just the right thing, but the disciplined thing. perhaps consequently – as an anthropologist, I am They are certainly entitled to bragging rights laced

46 | Lockdown Refl ections on Freedom and Cultural Intimacy | AiA with the sweet taste of vengeful reciprocity; but if I no reason to assume any responsibility. There, I fear, were a Greek I would be spi ing in all directions, the an immature maleness may resuscitate the less at- best-known Greek defense against the evil eye. Greece tractive aspects of high-school life, where surrepti- has for too long been the favourite victim of Western tious giggles and guff aws and bully-boy tactics on European bullying for its insolence in pulling off such the playground create the complicit intimacy that a dramatic success to be allowed to stand. then, repeated over and over, becomes cultural. ‘No, But Greece has some other, less well-known achieve- sir, we didn’t do that,’ say the perpetrators, safe in the ments to celebrate. The neo-Nazi party called ‘Golden knowledge that authority off ers only weak protec- Dawn’, which at one point had 18 deputies in the Na- tions against their bullying. Nor would the bullied tional Parliament, lost all its seats in the last election victim accuse them; it would be too dangerous – and several of its leading lights have been sentenced dangerous, that is, not because the victim would get to substantial prison terms for murder and other beaten up again (he would anyway), but because the forms of violence. More signifi cantly, perhaps, many mortifi cation of being seen as a sneak might even be of the solidarity movements that have sprung up in a intensifi ed by some unsympathetic Arnoldian head- country long known for its intense nationalism have master telling him to ‘be a man’. Such a itudes, culti- supported and protected ‘illegalised’ migrants from vated in the privacy of lockdown, may again become a hostile police apparatus long suspected of being the substance of a virulent form of cultural intimacy infected with the virus of Golden Dawn (De Genova on the public stage. Indeed, this has to some extent 2017; Rozakou 2017). Is there, one wonders, a link already happened. between the sense of social obligation – ipokhreosi, a But masculinity, which I have studied in the Cre- term etymologically cognate with khreos (‘debt’) and tan highlands, is not necessarily about bullying (see denoting a concept that underlies the Greeks’ deep Herzfeld 1985; and Kalantzis 2019). Political leaders resentment of their treatment by their international who mistake bullying for leadership fail to distin- creditors over the past dozen years – and the capacity guish between the two; and every sycophant who to achieve solidarity with the outsider, the recipient reinforces their fragile egos is, willy-nilly, refusing of an always-conditional and forever demonstrative to consider such a subtle refi nement, dismissing it hospitality? as sissy, or academic, or just too complicated. Cretan Conversely, is it the self-absorption of imperial village men abhor cowardice, and they know that countries like the United Kingdom and the United bullying is a form of cowardice. They tend to respect States that tolerates structural violence – crowded the quiet, tough man who, just occasionally, will use living conditions, limited fi nancial resources, high force or pull political muscle. But they look down on unemployment – against minorities in times of pan- the loudmouth who cannot deliver and runs away demic, and redoubles that violence by using it as a a er u ering threats, or who allows authority to do reason for targeting those minorities as consequently his dirty work for him. The Trumps and Johnsons more likely to spread the disease (see particularly of this world would not survive long in that village. Santiago 2020). Does gated NIMBY individualism They would not be killed, or even beaten up (unless enhanced by the systemic selfi shness of neoliberal- they did something stupid even by their standards). ism so destroy that capacity for empathy that lib- They would be humiliated by laughter, ostracised ertarianism wins the day and clears the space for with knowing smiles, beli led through pity. That is unrestrained racism? On both sides of the Atlantic, what has happened to the United States, erstwhile the freedom of speech – or, more generally, ‘free- bully in the global schoolyard. dom’ – that is so passionately defended by libertar- Under lockdown, my empirical evidence lies al- ians is not a social freedom. It is a selfi sh freedom: most entirely in reading media reports. Yet that is suf- freedom to own guns; freedom to run amok and fi cient to fuel the suspicion that awareness of growing slaughter schoolchildren and housewives; freedom international humiliation feeds a defi ant libertarian- to spout hate-laden obscenities; freedom to infect ism, so that the anti-maskers can claim that they others through active disregard – nay, denial – of are rescuing the individualistic ethos of pioneering elementary hygienic measures. (White) America from the evil (le ist and un-White) Lockdown may not impede, and may indeed mag- bogey. Be er, so the implicit argument goes, to die nify and spread, the sweaty adolescent masculinity of this terrible sickness than to surrender cravenly to that one associates with particularly nasty forms of the demand for social consensus (otherwise known racism. A er all, it is an imposed privacy for which as Obamacare, socialism and political correctness). libertarians and hard-core rightists alike would see These demonstrators are deeply suspicious of experts

| 47 AiA | Michael Herzfeld of any kind; here, we are talking about opposition to their own power. Prayuth Chan-ocha in Thailand, a genuine expertise that knows its own limitations Rodrigo Duterte in the Philippines, Viktor Orbán in and confronts them – as Dr. Anthony Fauci did when Hungary and perhaps others who have been able to responding to the charge that he has changed his impose strict curfews and intensifi ed street surveil- advice to the American people. lance are doubtless benefi ing from this opportunity Fauci’s stance is that of a true scientist. The scientist (Gebrekidan 2020). In Thailand, in particular, po- knows that all knowledge is imperfect, provisional litical opponents and critics of the regime are fearful and conditional. Unfortunately, libertarians and rac- that nigh ime curfews allow the military and police ists see such a position as weak, and so they reject it to pounce with impunity, an impunity that has a long under the leadership of a bully who still claims to history in Thailand (Haberkorn 2018) and that is fur- ‘have a very good relationship with’ Dr. Fauci rather ther enabled by these measures. than engaging him in a serious national discussion What the American libertarians tragically fail to (see Holmes and Cole 2020). Thus it is that someone address is that their actions subvert the democracy apparently lacking any training in medical science, they claim to uphold. Those who oppose curfews White House economics adviser Peter Navarro, can also demand controls over the policing of cities. That pronounce on the expertise of the health specialists, is very diff erent from opposing a requirement to wear using the prefi x ‘doctor’ to assume an air of unchal- a mask to protect others from the risk of contagion. lengeable authority (see, for example, Rogers 2020). In the fi rst case, those who protest are protecting the Because Trump wants to ‘open up’ the economy, his very basis of the freedom to criticise a policy. In the acolytes must conspire to act as though the pandemic second, they are invoking a highly mythologised was already disappearing. rendition of a national foundation myth of libera- I do not propose to speculate here on why a presi- tion from Great Britain – a country that, ironically, dent who claimed that he never expected to win the seeks images of redemption in its own mythologised 2016 election seems grimly determined to win in creation of eternal democracy (Magna Carta and the 2020, although one is entitled to guess in light of the Mother of Parliaments). many unresolved legal issues that he will face when Freedom – social freedom – faces a terrible pan- he does step down. But if he claims victory in No- demic of its own. Ostensibly identical to the virtu- vember, it will not ma er much – in terms of his own ous condition it mimics, this virus is the freedom of career – that he will have failed to lead his country social irresponsibility. The more it spreads, the more through this terrifying experience. If the libertarians diffi cult it is to stop. Liberty is not ipso facto a noble are endowed with any intelligence at all, they must ideal. Its virtue depends on others, such as generos- realise that, in taking up their cause on the issue of ity, inclusiveness and moral courage. The kind that masks and quarantines and dressing it up as a fi ght for operates in molecular fashion by bonding with those personal freedom, they are aiding and abe ing what social values is what makes us see in a casual nod has become the greatest threat to collective freedom – from a stranger on the street, or in an empathising freedom from disease, freedom from censorship, free- gesture at a diffi cult moment, and especially when dom from random acts of hatred – to have appeared in faced with the fragility of life, the true capacity of the United States and globally in many decades. Per- human beings to care for each other and thereby to haps they do know, but we have no way of determin- realise themselves. There are multiple cultural varia- ing the extent to which they are consciously complicit. tions on this theme, and they may look signifi cantly So my suspicion, on entirely circumstantial evi- diffi cult, but those who live by such mutual concern – dence, is that the cultural intimacy being defended and accept the premise of diff erence as easily as that here is a guilty realisation that people are citing of mutuality – can recognise in those moments the freedom to excuse a selfi sh reluctance to give up con- transcendent commonality of human care.7 venience and pleasure for the greater good. In this It was the breakdown of that understanding that regard, it behooves us to think (as anthropologists opened the fl oodgates to fascism in the twentieth should) comparatively, and to compare their a itude century. Is it too much to ask that we learn the les- with that of politicians around the world who are sons of history before it is too late? There are two exploiting the pandemic for similarly una ractive pandemics raging around us, each feeding the other, purposes. each imitating the other in their shared a ack on the It is increasingly evident that some national lead- intimacy of everyday sociability. Never was social ers see in the pandemic a golden opportunity to ramp consciousness more necessary for the survival of up real restrictions on freedom and to consolidate common humanity. Never was the idea of a social

48 | Lockdown Refl ections on Freedom and Cultural Intimacy | AiA conscience more comprehensively threatened by a Cabot, H. (2019), ‘The Business of Anthropology and plague of selfi shness, hatred and rage. the European Refugee Regime’, American Ethnologist 46, no. 3: 261–275, doi:10.1111/amet.12791. MICHAEL HERZFELD is the Ernest E. Monrad Research Collinson, S., and C. Hu (2020), ‘The World Isn’t Professor of the Social Sciences in the Department of Laughing at America – It’s Pitying Us’, CNN, Anthropology at Harvard University and served as 29 June, h ps://www..com/2020/06/28/world/ the founding Director (2014–2018) of the Thai Stud- meanwhile-in-america-june-26-intl/index.html. ies Program at the Asia Center at Harvard University. Dear, M. (1992), ‘Understanding and Overcoming the He is Senior Advisor on Critical Heritage Studies to NIMBY Syndrome’, Journal of the American Planning the International Institute for Asian Studies, Leiden, Association 58, no. 3: 288–300, doi:10.1080/01944369 and Visiting Professor at Leiden University. He also 208975808. holds honorary appointments at Shanghai Interna- De Genova, N., (ed.) (2017), The Borders of ‘Europe’: tional Studies University, Thammasat University and Autonomy of Migration, Tactics of Bordering (Durham, the University of Rome (La Sapienza). Author of 11 NC: Duke University Press). books (most recently Siege of the Spirits: Community Fischel, W. A. (2001), ‘Why Are There NIMBYs?’ Land and Polity in Bangkok, 2016) and Cultural Intimacy: Economics 77, no. 1: 144–152, doi:10.2307/3146986. Social Poetics and the Real Life of States, Institutions, and Gebrekidan, S. (2020), ‘For Autocrats, and Others, Societies, 2016), and producer of two ethnographic Coronavirus Is a Chance to Grab Even More Power’, fi lms about Rome, he was Lewis Henry Morgan Lec- Times, 30 March, h ps://www.nytimes turer for 2018 (book version forthcoming, Duke Uni- .com/2020/03/30/world/europe/coronavirus-govern versity Press). He currently specialises in nationalism, ments-power.html. bureaucracy, cra production and apprenticeship, Glaeser, A. (2004), ‘Monolithic Intentionality, Belong- knowledge politics, and heritage conservation and its ing, and the Production of State Paranoia: A View social impact (with a comparative focus on Europe through Stasi onto the Late GDR’, in Off Stage / On Display: Intimacy and Ethnography in the Age of Public and Asia). Culture, (ed.) A. Shryock (Stanford, CA: Stanford E-mail: [email protected] University Press), 244–276. Haberkorn, T. (2018), In Plain Sight: Impunity and Hu- man Rights in Thailand (Madison: University of Wis- Notes consin Press). Herzfeld, M. (1985), The Poetics of Manhood: Contest and 1. ‘I am not a dog lover. A dog lover to me means a dog Identity in a Cretan Mountain Village (Princeton, NJ: that is in love with another dog’ (Thurber 1994). Princeton University Press). 2. See especially Heath Cabot’s (2019) biting com- Herzfeld, M. (2016), Cultural Intimacy: Social Poetics and mentary. 3. See my earlier discussions of racism, populism and the Real Life of States, Societies, and Institutions, 3rd cultural intimacy (Herzfeld 2016, 2019). ed. (New York: Routledge). 4. On everyday ethics, see, for example, Lambek (2015). Herzfeld, M. (2019), ‘How Populism Works’, in Democ- 5. Ironically, the term was coined, not by an American, racy’s Paradox: Populism and Its Contemporary Crisis, but by a British politician, Conservative Minister of (eds) B. Kapferer and D. Theodossopoulos (Oxford: the Environment Nicholas Ridley, in 1980. On its im- Berghahn), 122–138. plications for planning, see Dear (1992); and Fischel Holmes, K., and Cole, D. (2020), ‘Trump Calls Fauci “a (2001). Li le Bit of an Alarmist’ as Coronavirus Cases Rise’, 6. On methodological nationalism, see Wimmer and CNN Politics, 19 July, h ps://www.cnn.com/2020/ Glick Schiller (2002). 07/19/politics/trump-fauci-alarmist-coronavirus/ 7. See, for example, Aulino (2019) on Buddhist Thai- index.html. land and Kleinman (2019) on the United States. Kalantzis, K. (2019), Tradition in the Frame: Photography, Power and Imagination in Sfakia, Crete (Bloomington: Indiana University Press). References Kleinman, A. (2019), The Soul of Care: The Moral Educa- tion of a Husband and a Doctor. (New York: Viking). Aulino, F. (2019), Rituals of Care: Karmic Politics in Lambek, M. (2015), The Ethical Condition: Essays in Ac- an Aging Thailand (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University tion, Person, and Value (Chicago: University of Chi- Press). cago Press).

| 49 AiA | Michael Herzfeld

Rogers, K. (2020), ‘A er A acks from Trump Aides, Sopranze i, C. (2017), Owners of the Map: Motorcycle Fauci Says “Let’s Stop This Nonsense” and Focus Taxi Drivers, Mobility, and Politics in Bangkok (Berke- on Virus’, New York Times, 15 July, h ps://www ley: University of California Press). .nytimes.com/2020/07/15/us/politics/fauci-navarro- Thurber, J. [1939] (1994), ‘I Like Dogs’, in People Have coronavirus.html. More Fun Than Anybody (New York: Harcourt Brace), Rozakou, K. (2017), ‘Solidarity #Humanitarianism: The h ps://quotepark.com/quotes/1891629-james- Blurred Boundaries of Humanitarianism in Greece’, thurber-i-am-not-a-dog-lover-a-dog-lover-to-me- Etnofoor 29, no. 2: 99–104, h ps://www.jstor.org/ means-a-do/ (accessed 19 July 2020). stable/26296172. Wimmer, A., and N. Glick Schiller (2002), ‘Methodolog- Santiago, F. (2020), ‘Florida Governor Owes an Apol- ical Nationalism and Beyond: Nation-State Building, ogy for Blaming COVID-19 Spike on “Hispanic” Migration and the Social Sciences’, Global Networks Workers’, Miami Herald, 24 June, h ps://www 2, no. 4: 301–334, doi:10.1111/1471-0374.00043. .miamiherald.com/news/local/news-columns-blogs/ fabiola-santiago/article243725817.html.

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