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'My Life As a Second-Class Human Being': Experiences of a Refugee Academic

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'My Life As a Second-Class Human Being': Experiences of a Refugee Academic EDUCATION AND CONFLICT REVIEW 2020 ‘My life as a second-class human being’: Experiences of a refugee academic Tejendra Pherali, Centre for Education and International Development, University College London, United Kingdom [email protected] Introduction Abstract One Friday evening, after we had our dinner in a This paper reviews some theoretical ideas downtown restaurant, Mohammad (pseudonym) about how refugees are positioned within invited us to his rented apartment for some Syrian social, psychological and humanitarian bites and tea. My colleague and I sat on the sofa and debates and then, discusses the concept of started looking around his sitting room. There were ‘refugee academics’ with references to the books, artworks and artefacts that represented his struggles of Syrian scholars who are living in ‘home’ in Syria. Every time I meet with Mohammad exile. Drawing upon one Syrian academic’s during my research trip to Tuleeg (pseudonym for experiences of displacement and academic Mohammad’s country of exile), I ask him about how life in exile, it argues that the social and the situation is like back ‘home’ in Syria. During my political constructs of ‘refugeeness’ and first meeting with him, Mohammad had mentioned depiction of these academics as victims about a new library he had set up at home but had or societal threats as refugees need to to leave everything behind when he fled suddenly be transformed into narratives of human as the security risks mounted. In the middle of our acceptance, opportunities of coproduction of conversation that night, he went silent for a moment knowledge, academic diversity and mutual and mentioned, ‘I never thought I would live my benefits. life as a second-class human being.’ This was an individual who was professionally well accomplished Key Words as a medical doctor, public health professional and Refugee academics academic researcher but suddenly found himself Syrian conflict devoid of his political rights, personal freedom, professional dignity because of being a refugee. Displacement Exile In conflict-affected settings and autocratic regimes, academic freedom, scholarship and safety of scholars is often at risk. This paper reviews some theoretical debates about social discrimination of refugees and experiences of Syrian refugee academics and then, reports on experiences of Mohammad, one such academic who is living in exile in Tuleeg. I first met with Mohammad in 2014 and was inspired by his wealth of experience, positivity and intellect, which, later on, developed into research collaboration and friendship. As a researcher on education in conflict-settings, I have always found Mohammad’s story inspirational as well as revealing, hence, invited him to a research interview to reflect To cite this article: Pherali, T. (2020) ‘My life as a second-class human being’: upon his journey to and experience of life in exile. Experiences of a refugee academic, This interview was conducted in May 2020 as Education and Conflict Review, 3, 87–96. part of a larger research project that focuses on 87 EDUCATION AND CONFLICT REVIEW 2020 developing sustainable ways to improve the quality Fiddian-Qasmiyeh, 2013; Egeland, 2011; Chimni, of life of the people in protracted crisis. Reflecting 2000). Humanitarian agencies in these settings may upon his experiences as a refugee academic and be perceived as agents of neo-colonial Northern engaging with theoretical ideas, the paper argues dominations with implicit security and economic that social and political constructs of ‘refugeeness’ interests. The international humanitarian regime tend to override all other forms of identities and the has lately been critiqued as ‘a contemporary academic in exile is no exception. Comparatively, manifestation of colonial imperatives’ (Pacitto and from the basic survival perspective, refugee Fiddian-Qasmiyeh, 2013: 6). Chimni described academics might be considered privileged given humanitarianism as ‘the ideology of hegemonic their extended social and cultural capital and states in the era of globalisation marked by the end personal agency to navigate pressures around of the Cold War and a growing North-South divide’ access to food, health and education for their (Chimni, 2000: 244), used to justify interventionism, children but limitations around spatial mobility, often selective, on the ground of human security but political freedom and uncertainty around their mainly on the basis of whether there are geopolitical futures are similar to general refugee populations or economic benefits to the Western powers. Klein who are stuck in camps or host communities. (2008) points out that emergencies such as natural disasters and violent conflicts are often followed Firstly, this paper provides some theoretical by vigorous neoliberal policies, undermining the discussions on the critique of humanitarianism and state’s responsibility to cater for the needs of the ways attitudes towards refugees are produced in affected populations; intensifying corporatisation of host countries. Then, a brief review of the concept public services; and pushing through free market in of refugee academics and support systems which the emergency works as a ‘shock therapy’. is provided before discussing the debilitating In contexts of crisis where opportunities are scarce experiences of Syrian refugee academics. This is and economic hardships are severe, competitive followed by an analysis of displacement experiences free market regimes destroy citizens’ safety nets of the Syrian academic and a conclusion is drawn and the presence of refugees in those contexts with reference to the theoretical ideas and wider only fuels citizens’ perceptions of their social and issues of academics in exile. economic vulnerability. Humanitarianism and attitudes From a social psychology perspective, like towards refugees immigrants, refugees also may face two types of attitudes from citizens: ‘group inclusion’ that Historically, the use of term ‘refugees’ has been brings out shared, egalitarian natures or prospects helpful in advocating for protection of forcibly of contribution to their society, or ‘group threat’ displaced populations from neglect and persecution exposing citizens’ prejudicial, oppressive natures in their host communities. The definition of refugees (Pratto and Lemieux, 2001). ‘Group inclusion’ also reminds host governments of their legal may be increased when there are social and obligations to protect human rights and basic economic benefits of refugee inflows to the host needs of the non-citizens who live within their communities. For example, refugees ‘can bring territorial boundaries (UNHCR, 1951). It helps the skills and contribute to the human capital stock, international community and national governments as well as stimulate trade and investment’, as well to uphold the agenda of justice, refugees’ rights as ‘create employment opportunities, and attract to return home or get resettled and the need for aid and humanitarian investments in, for example, political engagement to address the causes of infrastructure, which would benefit refugees as human sufferings. International agreements on the well as the society as a whole’ (Khoudour and protection of refugees underpin the notion of human Andersson, 2017: 11). However, refugees also rights and national governments’ humanitarian place a burden on host countries’ public responsibilities beyond their own citizens. However, expenditures with negative impacts on labour there is also a growing critique of humanitarianism as market outcomes such as wages, employment a field of research and practice which is dominated and labour force participation of the host by western agendas, funding and staffing that is population (Khoudour and Andersson, 2017: 12). opposed in many Southern contexts (Pacitto and 88 EDUCATION AND CONFLICT REVIEW 2020 These experiences exemplify ‘group threat’, creating words, people’s innate personality characteristics inter-group tensions between refugees and host and their social conditioning predict their attitudes communities. towards the out-groups. In particular, historical events (e.g. sectarian or ethnic violence, civil wars, Citizens’ attitudes towards refugees also characterise conflict between the country of refugee origin and ideas of ‘fairness’ on humanitarian grounds or host country etc.), national political dynamics and ‘threats’ to their own social identity or economic social structures (e.g. religious or ethnic composition wellbeing. The ‘fairness motives’ lead to a welcoming of the host society in relation to the backgrounds environment to refugees and asylum seekers of the refugee populations) shape the processes whereas, the ‘threat motives’ produce hatred, of in-group’s self-categorisation and socio-political racism, exclusion or rejection (Louis et al., 2007: positioning. These theoretical ideas are useful in 54). These dilemmas are deeply rooted in citizens’ explaining why refugee academics, as low power understanding and increased awareness of ‘social groups, are discriminated against or welcomed identity (who are we and who are they?), prejudice in host countries’ institutional environments. For and discrimination (how do we feel about each other example, as Watenpaugh et al. (2014: 14) note, and how do we treat each other?) and intergroup ‘Lebanese policy makers and much of the population relations (what relation will our groups have?)’ (Pratto view social problems, politics, and security issues and Lemieux, 2001: 413–414). Social recognition through the
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