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Mobility and Marginalization in the Space Politics of Ahmedabad Author
A Caste-coded City: Mobility and Marginalization in the Space Politics of Ahmedabad Author: Dyotana Banerjee The dissertation examines how caste operates as one of the principal axes of urban political economy of post-liberalization Ahmedabad. It uses an ethnographic study to capture the major shifts and continuities in the cultural and political production of two distinct kinds of pre and post-liberalization Dalit neighbourhoods in Ahmedabad. Highlighting the politics of identity, aspiration, resistance and marginalization in Dalit engagement with the urban spaces of Ahmedabad, the dissertation situates these local forms of spatial politics against the backdrop of urban political economy in post-liberalization India. It argues that greater economic mobility associated with rapid urbanization produces increasingly homogenous and exclusionary spaces in terms of class within caste and vice versa. In Ahmedabad, middle class and working class Dalit identities are articulated, materially and discursively, through a range of socio-cultural dispositions that are embedded within the dominant Hindutva politics of the state. The emergent Dalit politics and spaces draw on and simultaneously reconstitute hegemonic norms of aesthetics, political aspirations and contestations that reveal the complexities of the urban- caste nexus. The dissertation largely draws from the theoretical understanding on spatial reorganization of social relations in the urban political economy by Henry Lefebvre, Manuel Castell and David Harvey. One of the chapters of the dissertation focuses on how the role of caste is both masked and intensified in the formation of new neighbourhoods in the backdrop of city-remaking projects. What are the mechanisms by which inter-caste (between upper castes and Dalits) and intra- Dalit exclusion get produced in emergent middle-class neighbourhoods? It analyzes the processes that underpin the migration of Dalit communities from Ahmedabad’s old industrial centres such as Gomtipur to the emergent neighbourhood of Chandkheda in the city’s periphery. -
The Politics of Roman Memory in the Age of Justinian DISSERTATION Presented in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the D
The Politics of Roman Memory in the Age of Justinian DISSERTATION Presented in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree Doctor of Philosophy in the Graduate School of The Ohio State University By Marion Woodrow Kruse, III Graduate Program in Greek and Latin The Ohio State University 2015 Dissertation Committee: Anthony Kaldellis, Advisor; Benjamin Acosta-Hughes; Nathan Rosenstein Copyright by Marion Woodrow Kruse, III 2015 ABSTRACT This dissertation explores the use of Roman historical memory from the late fifth century through the middle of the sixth century AD. The collapse of Roman government in the western Roman empire in the late fifth century inspired a crisis of identity and political messaging in the eastern Roman empire of the same period. I argue that the Romans of the eastern empire, in particular those who lived in Constantinople and worked in or around the imperial administration, responded to the challenge posed by the loss of Rome by rewriting the history of the Roman empire. The new historical narratives that arose during this period were initially concerned with Roman identity and fixated on urban space (in particular the cities of Rome and Constantinople) and Roman mythistory. By the sixth century, however, the debate over Roman history had begun to infuse all levels of Roman political discourse and became a major component of the emperor Justinian’s imperial messaging and propaganda, especially in his Novels. The imperial history proposed by the Novels was aggressivley challenged by other writers of the period, creating a clear historical and political conflict over the role and import of Roman history as a model or justification for Roman politics in the sixth century. -
Reassessing Religion and Politics in the Life of Jagjivan Ram¯
religions Article Reassessing Religion and Politics in the Life of Jagjivan Ram¯ Peter Friedlander South and South East Asian Studies Program, School of Culture History and Language, College of Asia and the Pacific, Australian National University, Canberra, ACT 2600, Australia; [email protected] Received: 13 March 2020; Accepted: 23 April 2020; Published: 1 May 2020 Abstract: Jagjivan Ram (1908–1986) was, for more than four decades, the leading figure from India’s Dalit communities in the Indian National Congress party. In this paper, I argue that the relationship between religion and politics in Jagjivan Ram’s career needs to be reassessed. This is because the common perception of him as a secular politician has overlooked the role that his religious beliefs played in forming his political views. Instead, I argue that his faith in a Dalit Hindu poet-saint called Ravidas¯ was fundamental to his political career. Acknowledging the role that religion played in Jagjivan Ram’s life also allows us to situate discussions of his life in the context of contemporary debates about religion and politics. Jeffrey Haynes has suggested that these often now focus on whether religion is a cause of conflict or a path to the peaceful resolution of conflict. In this paper, I examine Jagjivan Ram’s political life and his belief in the Ravidas¯ ¯ı religious tradition. Through this, I argue that Jagjivan Ram’s career shows how political and religious beliefs led to him favoring a non-confrontational approach to conflict resolution in order to promote Dalit rights. Keywords: religion; politics; India; Congress Party; Jagjivan Ram; Ravidas;¯ Ambedkar; Dalit studies; untouchable; temple building 1. -
Immigration's Future: Closing the Door on the American Dream?
Barry Law Review Volume 24 Article 2 Issue 1 Barry Law Review: Fall 2018 1-1-2019 Immigration's Future: Closing The oD or On The American Dream? Ritcy Canelon Follow this and additional works at: https://lawpublications.barry.edu/barrylrev Part of the Immigration Law Commons, International Law Commons, Jurisprudence Commons, Legislation Commons, and the Other Law Commons Recommended Citation Ritcy Canelon (2019) "Immigration's Future: Closing The oorD On The American Dream?," Barry Law Review: Vol. 24 : Iss. 1 , Article 2. Available at: https://lawpublications.barry.edu/barrylrev/vol24/iss1/2 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by Digital Commons @ Barry Law. It has been accepted for inclusion in Barry Law Review by an authorized editor of Digital Commons @ Barry Law. : Immigration's Future IMMIGRATION’S FUTURE: CLOSING THE DOOR ON THE AMERICAN DREAM? Ritcy Canelon* I. INTRODUCTION History repeats itself, sometimes with new characters, new scenarios, or new twists. Throughout its history, the world has continuously seen people flee in masses from tyranny, wars, and other devastations. In the United States, the first settlers were fleeing from the religious oppression from their native homes.1 We study his- tory to feign we’ve learned from our past while ignoring all the signs of its reoccur- rence. If we never learn from history, we are Bound to repeat it, and the progress for our future may be halted by not fixing the problems from our past. The history of human immigration is not one that should be ignored. As the -
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Missing Lawyer at Risk of Torture
Further information on UA: 248/17 Index: ASA 20/8191/2018 India Date: 10 April 2018 URGENT ACTION DALIT RIGHTS ACTIVIST STILL DETAINED WITHOUT CHARGE Chandrashekhar Azad ‘Ravan’, a prominent Dalit rights activist, has been held in administrative detention since 3 November 2017. His current term of detention expires in May 2018. However, under the National Security Act, he is at risk of being detained for up to 12 months without charge or trial. Chandrashekhar Azad has been held in administrative detention, without charge or trial, for the past six months. His current term of administrative detention was ordered by a non-judicial Advisory Board that submitted a report to the Uttar Pradesh authorities stating that Chandrashekhar Azad should be detained for six months, with effect from 2 November 2017. On 3 November 2017, Chandrashekhar Azad, the founder of the Dalit rights organisation “Bhim Army”, was arrested and placed under administrative detention under the National Security Act (NSA) on the order of the District Magistrate of Saharanpur. The National Security Act (NSA) permits administrative detention for up to 12 months on loosely defined grounds of national security and maintenance of public order. It is a repressive law that has been used to target human rights defenders in India. Hearings pertaining to Chandrashekhar Azad’s administrative detention are currently underway before the relevant non-judicial Advisory Board. According to his lawyer, the state government remains adamant that Chandrashekhar Azad must be detained for up to six more months after his current term expires in May 2018. The day before he was arrested under the NSA, Chandrashekhar Azad had been granted bail by the Allahabad High Court in relation to his arrest on 8 June 2017. -
The Integration Outcomes of U.S. Refugees
THE INTEGRATION OUTCOMES OF U.S. REFUGEES Successes and Challenges By Randy Capps and Kathleen Newland with Susan Fratzke, Susanna Groves, Gregory Auclair, Michael Fix, and Margie McHugh MPI NATIONAL CENTER ON IMMIGRANT INTEGRATION POLICY THE INTEGRATION OUTCOMES OF U.S. REFUGEES Successes and Challenges Randy Capps and Kathleen Newland with Susan Fratzke, Susanna Groves, Gregory Auclair, Michael Fix, and Margie McHugh June 2015 Acknowledgments This report was originally prepared to inform the Migration Policy Institute (MPI) roundtable “Mismatch: Meeting the Challenges of Refugee Resettlement,” held in Washington, DC in April 2014. The private meeting convened resettlement providers, federal and state-level government officials, and civil-society stakeholders for a candid conversation on the strengths and weaknesses of the U.S. refugee resettlement program, and future directions for policy development and program expansion. The roundtable and this report were supported by a grant from the J. M. Kaplan Fund. Additional support was provided by the John D. and Catherine T. MacArthur Foundation. © 2015 Migration Policy Institute. All Rights Reserved. Cover Design and Layout: Liz Heimann, MPI No part of this publication may be reproduced or transmitted in any form by any means, electronic or mechanical, including photocopy, or any information storage and retrieval system, without permission from the Migration Policy Institute. A full-text PDF of this document is available for free download from www.migrationpolicy.org. Information for reproducing excerpts from this report can be found at www.migrationpolicy.org/about/copyright-policy. Inquiries can also be directed to: Permissions Department, Migration Policy Institute, 1400 16th Street, NW, Suite 300, Washington, DC 20036, or by contacting [email protected]. -
Department of Media and Film Studies Annual Report 2019-2020
Department of Media and Film Studies Annual Report 2019-2020 - 1 - Introduction The Media Studies department at Ashoka University is led by journalists, commentators, researchers, academics and investigative reporters who have wide experience in teaching, reporting, writing and broadcasting. The academic team led by Professor Vaiju Naravane, teaches approximately 25 audio- visual and writing elective courses in a given academic year in the Undergraduate Programme. These range from news writing, audio-visual production, social media, media metrics, film appreciation and cinema, digital storytelling to specialized courses in research methodology, political coverage and business journalism. In a spirit of interdisciplinarity, these courses are cross-listed with other departments like Computer Science, Creative Writing, Political Science or Sociology. The Media Studies department also collaborates with the Centre for Social and Behaviour Change to produce meaningful communication messaging to further development goals. The academic year 2019/2020 was rich in terms of the variety and breadth of courses offered and an enrolment of 130 students from UG to ASP and MLS. Several YIF students also audited our courses. Besides academics, the department also held colloquia on various aspects of the media that explored subjects like disinformation and fake news, hate speech, changing business models in the media, cybersecurity and media law, rural journalism, journalism and the environment, or how the media covers rape and sexual harassment. Faculty published widely, were invited speakers at conferences and events and also won recognition and awards. The department organized field trips that allowed students to hone their journalistic and film-making skills in real life situations. Several graduating students found employment in notable mainstream media organisations and production hubs whilst others pursued postgraduate studies at prestigious international universities. -
Indian Parliament LARRDIS (L.C.)/2012
he TIndian Parliament LARRDIS (L.C.)/2012 © 2012 Lok Sabha Secretariat, New Delhi Published under Rule 382 of the Rules of Procedure and Conduct of Business in Lok Sabha (Fourteenth Edition). LARRDIS (L.C.)/2012 he © 2012 Lok Sabha Secretariat, New Delhi TIndian Parliament Editor T. K. Viswanathan Secretary-General Lok Sabha Published under Rule 382 of the Rules of Procedure and Conduct of Business in Lok Sabha (Fourteenth Edition). Lok Sabha Secretariat New Delhi Foreword In the over six decades that our Parliament has served its exalted purpose, it has witnessed India change from a feudally administered colony to a liberal democracy that is today the world's largest and also the most diverse. For not only has it been the country's supreme legislative body it has also ensured that the individual rights of each and every citizen of India remain inviolable. Like the Parliament building itself, power as configured by our Constitution radiates out from this supreme body of people's representatives. The Parliament represents the highest aspirations of the people, their desire to seek for themselves a better life. dignity, social equity and a sense of pride in belonging to a nation, a civilization that has always valued deliberation and contemplation over war and aggression. Democracy. as we understand it, derives its moral strength from the principle of Ahimsa or non-violence. In it is implicit the right of every Indian, rich or poor, mighty or humble, male or female to be heard. The Parliament, as we know, is the highest law making body. It also exercises complete budgetary control as it approves and monitors expenditure. -
The Journal of Parliamentary Information
The Journal of Parliamentary Information VOLUME LIX NO. 1 MARCH 2013 LOK SABHA SECRETARIAT NEW DELHI CBS Publishers & Distributors Pvt. Ltd. 24, Ansari Road, Darya Ganj, New Delhi-2 EDITORIAL BOARD Editor : T.K. Viswanathan Secretary-General Lok Sabha Associate Editors : P.K. Misra Joint Secretary Lok Sabha Secretariat Kalpana Sharma Director Lok Sabha Secretariat Assistant Editors : Pulin B. Bhutia Additional Director Lok Sabha Secretariat Parama Chatterjee Joint Director Lok Sabha Secretariat Sanjeev Sachdeva Joint Director Lok Sabha Secretariat © Lok Sabha Secretariat, New Delhi THE JOURNAL OF PARLIAMENTARY INFORMATION VOLUME LIX NO. 1 MARCH 2013 CONTENTS PAGE EDITORIAL NOTE 1 ADDRESSES Addresses at the Inaugural Function of the Seventh Meeting of Women Speakers of Parliament on Gender-Sensitive Parliaments, Central Hall, 3 October 2012 3 ARTICLE 14th Vice-Presidential Election 2012: An Experience— T.K. Viswanathan 12 PARLIAMENTARY EVENTS AND ACTIVITIES Conferences and Symposia 17 Birth Anniversaries of National Leaders 22 Exchange of Parliamentary Delegations 26 Bureau of Parliamentary Studies and Training 28 PARLIAMENTARY AND CONSTITUTIONAL DEVELOPMENTS 30 PRIVILEGE ISSUES 43 PROCEDURAL MATTERS 45 DOCUMENTS OF CONSTITUTIONAL AND PARLIAMENTARY INTEREST 49 SESSIONAL REVIEW Lok Sabha 62 Rajya Sabha 75 State Legislatures 83 RECENT LITERATURE OF PARLIAMENTARY INTEREST 85 APPENDICES I. Statement showing the work transacted during the Twelfth Session of the Fifteenth Lok Sabha 91 (iv) iv The Journal of Parliamentary Information II. Statement showing the work transacted during the 227th Session of the Rajya Sabha 94 III. Statement showing the activities of the Legislatures of the States and Union Territories during the period 1 October to 31 December 2012 98 IV. -
Western Uttar Pradesh: Caste Arithmetic Vs Nationalism
VERDICT 2019 Western Uttar Pradesh: Caste Arithmetic vs Nationalism SMITA GUPTA Samajwadi Party patron Mulayam Singh Yadav exchanges greetings with Bahujan Samaj Party supremo Mayawati during their joint election campaign rally in Mainpuri, on April 19, 2019. Photo: PTI In most of the 26 constituencies that went to the polls in the first three phases of the ongoing Lok Sabha elections in western Uttar Pradesh, it was a straight fight between the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) that currently holds all but three of the seats, and the opposition alliance of the Samajwadi Party, the Bahujan Samaj Party and the Rashtriya Lok Dal. The latter represents a formidable social combination of Yadavs, Dalits, Muslims and Jats. The sort of religious polarisation visible during the general elections of 2014 had receded, Smita Gupta, Senior Fellow, The Hindu Centre for Politics and Public Policy, New Delhi, discovered as she travelled through the region earlier this month, and bread and butter issues had surfaced—rural distress, delayed sugarcane dues, the loss of jobs and closure of small businesses following demonetisation, and the faulty implementation of the Goods and Services Tax (GST). The Modi wave had clearly vanished: however, BJP functionaries, while agreeing with this analysis, maintained that their party would have been out of the picture totally had Prime Minister Narendra Modi and his message of nationalism not been there. travelled through the western districts of Uttar Pradesh earlier this month, conversations, whether at district courts, mofussil tea stalls or village I chaupals1, all centred round the coming together of the Samajwadi Party (SP), the Bahujan Samaj Party (BSP) and the Rashtriya Lok Dal (RLD). -
The Nepali Caste System and Culturally Competent Mental
THE NEPALI CASTE SYSTEM AND CULTURALLY COMPETENT MENTAL HEALTH TREATMENT: EXPLORING STRATIFICATION, STRESS, AND INTEGRATION. A Dissertation Presented to The Graduate Faculty at The University of Akron In Partial Fulfillment Of the Requirements for the Degree Doctor of Philosophy Scott Swiatek May 2021 THE NEPALI CASTE SYSTEM AND CULTURALLY COMPETENT MENTAL HEALTH TREATMENT: EXPLORING STRATIFICATION, STRESS, AND INTEGRATION. Scott Swiatek Dissertation Approved: Accepted: ___________________________ _____________________________ Advisor Department Chair Dr. Juan Xi Dr. Rebecca Erickson ___________________________ ______________________________ Committee Member Dean of the College Dr. Clare Stacey Dr. Mitchell S. Mckinney ___________________________ _____________________________ Committee Member Dean of the Graduate School Dr. Manacy Pai Dr. Marnie Saunders ___________________________ _____________________________ Committee Member Date Dr. Kathy Feltey ___________________________ Committee Member Dr. Marnie Watson ii ABSTRACT During the late 1990s, the Northern Bhutanese enacted policies marginalizing Bhutanese of Nepali Descent. Thousands of Bhutanese refugees were forcibly displaced to Nepal and established refugee camps where they lived for decades. While in the camps, refugees encountered traumatic life events, including torture, imprisonment, and sexual violence. Starting in 2008 and continuing for years. Bhutanese/Nepali refugees were resettled in the Akron area and encounter a new set of acculturation stressors related to finding employment, learning English, and reestablishing a new set of social networks. Older adults may cling to the Nepali caste system to cope with the unique stressors during the integration process. For over 100 years, people of Nepali descent subscribed to Muluki Ain, which codified discrimination against lower castes and mandated every individual be assigned a caste. Further, members of the ethnic and religious minority were often placed in the lower castes.