Woldeyesus Ammar, 1992. Eritrea, Root Causes of War and Refugees
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ERITREA - W olde-Y esus Ammar ERITREA Root Causes of WAR & REFUGEES - Wolde-Yesus Ammar Sindbad Printing Co - Baghdad In memory of Michael Ghaber, a teacher of Eritrean nationhood All Rights Reserved Printed in Baghdad - 1992 PREFACE This is an attempt to examine more deeply the complex root causes of the Eritrean liberation struggle and its refugee phenomenon. The study was submitted, only two weeks before the liberation of Asmara, to the Graduate School of Webster University in St. Louis, Missouri, in partial fulfillment for the degree of Master of Arts in international relations. The rapid developments that had unfolded in Eritrea and its environs since then have not affected any part of the analysis. And despite a previous intention of combining it with other related topics on Eritrea for a different project, I accepted the advise of compatriots and friends to publish it now so that it could serve at least as a reference material on issues which need be attended to seriously at this crucial hour of decision on the fate of Eritrea and its struggling people who have been unjustly subjected to too much suffering for so long. Although a partisan in the conflict for over 30 years, I have tried to the best of my ability to treat the subject with rigorous objectivity. Proceeding on the same academic requirement, I have drawn conclusions, which I believe are objective and balanced - albeit sensitive - based on concrete evidences and living realities of the variegated society. This work is, therefore, the original thesis project on the Eritrean liberation struggle and its refugees with slight editing touches on tense of verbs and a sentence or two on opening chapters for updating purposes. However, an epilogue was deemed necessary to make a quick glimpse into certain essential issues and events of the past which were not adequately treated in the text. Similarly, the epilogue surveys the political and social implications of the latest developments on the future of Eritrea. Certain words in use in the region like Ethiopia, Habasha, Tigre, Tigrai and Tigrayans are often confusing because of their shifting meanings, depending on the user. An attempt had been made to explain them in footnotes. In particular, the words Kabassa (plateau or highland) and Kabassans (highlanders) are extensively used here referring to the mainly Tigrigna-speaking region and vi ERITREA: ROOT CAUSES OF WAR & REFUGEES people in Eritrea because of lack of a better word and in order to avoid calling them by the generic word Habasha which is not, strictly speaking, correct. This geographical reference to the Eritrean plateau also helps to distinguish the same people from the rigrayans or Tigrigna speakers in Ethiopia. Furthermore, the adjective Christian had been prefixed whenever applicable to differentiate Kabassans of the dominant Coptic Orthodox culture from the Jabarti and Saho Moslems, most of whom are also Kabassans. A carefully selected material is appended to the study attempting to show in a nutshell the social and political factors behind the persistently divergent viewpoints in Eritrea. The communal divisions and estimated population figures for 1952 (there has not been any population census in Eritrea since 1931) arc indicative of the linguistic and cultural differences in the bocicty that partly gave birth to 15 parties in 1951 and to nine fronts in 1992, including a pan-Afar movement in the region. Views expressed during the consultations of the UN Commissioner ,or Eritrea in 1951 with Eritrean parties and the interviews ionducted with veteran Eritrean fighters 30 years later underline not only enduring commitment to separate Eritrean statehood but also call attention to the paramount importance of fully accommodating the interests of those concerned social forces in order not to stop with half solutions this time round. The ultimate objective is, therefore, to present some of the bitter truths of the Eritrean reality without glossing them over by falsehoods and wishful rationalizations. I use this space to note that my modest project would not have been started under the present theme without the encouragement of my thesis advisor, Professor Raymond Smyke, and course supervisor, Associate Professor Earl Noelte. I am indebted to both for having advised me to combine the two subjects of liberation struggle and refugeeism in an international relations thesis, which conveniently fitted the Eritrean situation. I also thank the two Webster University professors for their suggestion that I could use the analysis presented in my previous seminar papers relevant to this subject. The papers included: (1) The Ethio-Eritrean Conflict: What Solution? (2) International Law and National Liberation Movements, (3) Lebanization in International Relations: Case Study, Eritrea, (4) Super-power Rivalry in the Horn of Africa, and (5) Ethnic Nationalism in Yugoslavia: What Prospects in the 1990s? Likewise, I am deeply indebted to my devoted wife, Lateab, for having lent me her courage to attend study courses at middle-age and for typing all the seminar papers which I scribbled, including the thesis. I am also thankful to my daughters Sophia and Harinet whose indignation over my scattered papers had been limited to the harmless remark: 'Oh! toujours I'Erythree!' And at last, but not least, I must acknowledge that the work appeared in its present form thanks to the skilful re-typing and formatting efforts exerted on it by Ms. Ayda Sarafian of Baghdad, who was a colleague at the United Nations Iraq Relief Coordination Unit in 1991-1992 where I have been serving as Programme Officer for Information and Research. I am grateful to the invaluable help she offered me by sacrificing many of her long- awaited weekend days. Wolde-Yesus Ammar Baghdad, October 1992 vi ERITREA: ROOT CAUSES OF WAR & REFUGEES people in Eritrea because of lack of a better word and in order to s\poicf calling them by the generic word Habasha which is not, strictly speaking, correct. This geographical reference to the Eritrean plateau also helps to distinguish the same people from the rigrayans or Tigrigna speakers in Ethiopia. Furthermore, the adjective Christian had been prefixed whenever applicable to differentiate Kabassans of the dominant Coptic Orthodox culture from the Jabarti and Saho Moslems, most of whom are also Kabassans. A carefully selected material is appended to the study attempting to show in a nutshell the social and political factors behind the persistently divergent viewpoints in Eritrea. The communal divisions and estimated population figures for 1952 (there has not been any population census in Eritrea since 1931) are indicative of the linguistic and cultural differences in the bocicty that partly gave birth to 15 parties in 1951 and to nine fronts in 1992, including a pan-Afar movement in the region. Views expressed during the consultations of the UN Commissioner .or Eritrea in 1951 with Eritrean parties and the interviews conducted with veteran Eritrean fighters 30 years later underline nt>t only enduring commitment to separate Eritrean statehood but also call attention to the paramount importance of fully accommodating the interests of those concerned social forces in urder not to stop with half solutions this time round. The ultimate objjective is, therefore, to present some of the bitter truths of the Eritrean reality without glossing them over by falsehoods and wishful rationalizations. I use this space to note that my modest project would not have been started under the present theme without the encouragement of my thesis advisor, Professor Raymond Smyke, and course supervisor, Associate Professor Earl Noelte. I am indebted to both for having advised me to combine the two subjects of liberation struggle and refugeeism in an international relations thesis, which conveniently fitted the Eritrean situation. I also thank the two Webster University professors for their suggestion that I could use the analysis presented in my previous seminar papers relevant to this subject. The papers included: (1) The Ethio-Eritrean Conflict: What Solution? (2) International Law and National Liberation Movements, (3) Lebanization in International Relations: Case Study, Eritrea, (4) Super-power Rivalry in the Horn of Africa, and (5) Ethnic Nationalism in Yugoslavia: What Prospects in the 1990s? Likewise, I am deeply indebted to my devoted wife, Leteab, for having lent me her courage to attend study courses at middle-age and for typing all the seminar papers which I scribbled, including the thesis. I am also thankful to my daughters Sophia and Harinet whose indignation over my scattered papers had been limited to the harmless remark: 'Oh! toujours ZErythree!' And at last, but not least, I must acknowledge that the work appeared in its present form thanks to the skilful re-typing and formatting efforts exerted on it by Ms. Ayda Sarafian of Baghdad, who was a colleague at the United Nations Iraq Relief Coordination Unit in 1991-1992 where I have been serving as Programme Officer for Information and Research. I am grateful to the invaluable help she offered me by sacrificing many of her long- awaited weekend days. Wolde-Yesus Ammar Baghdad, October 1992 CONTENTS PREFACE INTRODUCTION PART ONE THE EVOLUTION OF AN ERI'TREAN ENTITY CHAPTER 1: AN HISTORICAL PERSPECTIVE A. 'Eritrea' Before 1890 1. Axum: 'Eritrean' or 'Ethiopian' 2. Five Beja Kingdoms 3. The Ottoman Turks in 'Eritrea' 4. Eritrea During the 19th century B. Eritrea Under Italian Rule:1890-1941 C. The British Period: 1941-1952 1. Education 2. Political Participation 3. Economic Constraints CHAPTER 2: THE DISPOSAL OF ERITREA A. Ethiopia's Position B. Allied Powers C. Eritrean Actors CHAPTER 3: FEDERATION: PRELUDE TO WAR OF LIBERATION A. Eritrea's Federal Status B. Ethiopia Violates the Federation C. External Factors 1. Decolonization 2. Arab Nationalism PART TWO ERITREA: LIBERATION WAR AND REFUGEES Introduction CONTENTS Religion Ethnicity CHAPTER 4: ARMED STRUGGLE AND REFUGEES PHASE ONE: 1961-1975 A.