More Black than Blue: Politics and Power in the 2019 Black Census Introduction

The Black Futures Lab’s Black Census Project is the largest survey of Black people conducted in the United States since Reconstruction. Reached through online outreach methods and community partnerships, over 30,000 Black people from across the country participated in the Black Census Project, providing experiences, views and opinions about politics, society, and the opportunities and challenges facing Black communities and the nation. The Black Census Project amplifes the concerns and aspirations of the most politically and civically engaged Black adults in the U.S., revealing issues critical to activating and engaging Black communities in the years ahead.

1 More Black than Blue: Politics and Power in the 2019 Black Census | Black Futures Lab The Black Futures Lab works to make Black communities powerful in politics. Launched in 2018, the Black Futures Lab strengthens the capacity of Black communities across the United States to build independent, progressive, Black political power. We know that the challenges facing Black communities are complex, and the solutions to those challenges require innovation, experimentation, and Black political power.

To conduct the Census, the Black Futures Lab worked in The report reveals that many Black Census respondents partnership with more than 30 grassroots organizations are highly engaged in elections: Not only did more than serving Black communities nationwide. The Black Futures 73 percent report voting in 2016, but 40 percent also report Lab also partnered with 2 of the largest online civil rights some other form of electoral activity, such as engaging as organizations serving Black communities and their allies— donors, volunteers, or canvassers. Yet despite the notable PushBlack and Color of Change. As a result, the Black Census level of participation, most respondents believe that the includes populations that are usually not represented or are Black community is not highly valued in return: 52 percent of underrepresented in traditional surveys, such as homeless Black Census respondents say that politicians do not care people, incarcerated people, LGBTQ people, Black Republicans about Black people, and an additional 35 percent assert that and conservatives, Black immigrants, and mixed-raced people politicians only care a little. with a Black parent, among others. The Black Census is not a traditional probabilistic survey sample, which ofen fails to There is a high degree of agreement among Black Census fully represent populations whose experiences are important respondents—including those most engaged in elections— to understanding the complexity of Black life. Instead, the on both the prescription of ills in the community and the Black Census utilized unique survey collection methods that potential policy solutions to those challenges. In other words, drew on robust online networks and sent local organizers into Black Census respondents know what to do to address the Black businesses, churches, libraries, barbershops and other problems Black communities face and many are actively community gathering places from North Carolina to Nevada, engaged in the political and electoral system to bring about providing a rare and important opportunity to hear and learn change. Yet too ofen, urgent concerns go unheard: It is vital from voices too ofen at the margins of America’s political that the political system listen, engage and respond to the debate. concerns and needs of Black communities. As the unwavering base of the Democratic Party, if the politically engaged This is the frst in a series of reports on the Black Census, Black population ceased to vote and gave up on the system, focusing on the most pressing economic and criminal justice it would upend the Democratic Party and have devastating issues among Black Census respondents, with a spotlight efects on our democracy as a whole. on how respondents are engaged in the electoral process.

2 More Black than Blue: Politics and Power in the 2019 Black Census | Black Futures Lab Drawing on Black Political Networks: Black Census Project Methodology

The Black Census is a self-administered survey conducted online and in person in 2018. It was originally developed by Darnell Moore, Brittney Cooper, Bryan Epps, Kasim Ortiz, Melanye Price, Julie Martinez, and Edgar Rivera Colon for the Black Lives Matter Global Network, and was adapted with permission by the Black Futures Lab in partnership with Color of Change, Dēmos, and Socioanalítica Research. Socioanalítica Research re-designed the survey.

Respondents were able to access the Black Census in a number of ways. The Black Futures Lab and its partners conducted a dynamic online outreach efort to promote the Black Census Project website (www.blackcensus.org) including texts, email blasts, and a social media strategy with custom graphics and infuencers deployed to promote the site. About two-thirds of respondents accessed the Black Census by visiting the website landing page. The other third of respondents took the survey through the Black Census partners in the feld. Black Census Project respondents were reached in person by trained Black organizers in 28 states. The Black Futures Lab worked with It was important to the Black Futures Lab not to conduct a Celeste Faison and Associates to train 106 Black organizers traditional probabilistic survey sample, as traditional methods in the survey methodology alongside community organizing can exclude important information about communities that methods. The partners who felded the survey included are under-represented. The Black Futures Lab was intentional organizations such as the Hood Incubator in California, Friends about oversampling communities where rich information and Families of Louisiana’s Incarcerated Children (FFLIC) in about their experiences, the challenges they face, or their Louisiana, the TAKE (Transgender Advocates Knowledgeable vision for the future is ofen not available. Surveys are Empowering) Resource Center in Alabama, the Miami Workers themselves political—for example, some Census surveys were Center in Florida, and Southerners on New Ground (SONG) in used to justify the classifcation of Black people as mentally Georgia. (See the Appendix for a full list of partners.) unft.1 The Black Census Project designed a survey that was Partner organizations developed feld plans that took them intended to serve a political purpose: to make the case that into communities to administer the survey. People taking the Black communities are not getting our needs met from politics, survey in person were given iPads to collect responses, using and this impacts the way that Black communities understand an app that could be used with or without internet access. the challenges that our communities face, and the solutions People reached by the organizers were also given the option needed to address those problems. The broad sample size and to answer the survey online with a referral link unique to each diversity of respondents makes it possible to analyze various organization. Finally, some partners also distributed surveys segments of the sample with confdence, focusing on how among incarcerated Black people. The reach of the partners segments of respondents difer from one another. On some and the diverse Black communities they serve allowed the issues, the diferences are minor between various segments Black Census to reach various Black communities and Black of respondents. On other questions the social, economic, people from diverse backgrounds. Respondents were not paid political, and lived experiences come to the fore and shed light incentives to participate. on how these diferences shape many of the debates within the wider Black community.

3 More Black than Blue: Politics and Power in the 2019 Black Census | Black Futures Lab Who Are the Black Census Respondents?

Because traditional surveys too ofen erase the diverse 2.6 percent of Black Census respondents did not complete experiences of Black people and particular segments of the high school. In spite of having a higher educational attainment Black community, the Black Census Project intentionally than Black people nationally, the economic condition of Black oversampled certain populations: Black Census respondents Census respondents seems to be worse. The Black Census are younger, more likely to be female, and more likely to sample reports slightly lower household income than Black identify as LGBTQ+ than the Black population as a whole. The adults nationally: 57.2 percent report earning less than $50,000, Black Census sample has a higher educational attainment while 53 percent of Black adults nationally report the same. than the adult Black population nationally (nearly a ffh has Most Americans rely on homeownership to build the majority earned an advanced degree), yet respondents report slightly of their wealth.6 The homeownership rate for the Black Census lower household income than the typical Black household respondents is also lower than that of Black adults nationally. and are less likely to be homeowners—factors which may be Black Census respondents report a homeownership rate of 28.5 related to the relative youth of Black Census respondents. percent, but Black adults nationally have a rate approaching 2 These divergences illuminate the diferences within the Black times that percentage—45.7 percent.7 community, enabling the Census to include communities that are ofen lef out and to understand the diversity of the “The median age for the adult Black Black community in ways that traditional surveys ofen fail population nationally is 43.” to capture. This section provides a look at who Black Census respondents are demographically, and how respondents compare to the national adult Black population. Looking at the distribution of Black Census respondents by state, there are similarities and diferences with the Black adult The Black Census respondents on average are younger than population nationally. The shares are fairly similar in New the adult Black population nationally. Respondents ranged York and Florida. New York has 7.8 percent of the adult Black from 18 to 99 years old (the highest allowable age entry), but population, and 7.6 percent of the Black Census respondents, had a median age of 38. The median age for the adult Black while 8.1 percent of the Black Census sample lives in Florida, population nationally is 43.2 and 9.3 percent of Black adults reside there. On the other hand, we see signifcant diferences in states like California Nearly 60 percent of the Black Census respondents are Black and Georgia. While 5.8 percent of African Americans reside in women. It is widely recognized—if ofen taken for granted—that California, 8.8 percent of Black Census respondents are located Black women are a crucial component of political and electoral in the state. Nearly 8 percent of Black people live in Georgia, 3 organizing in Black communities. Black Census respondents but only about 5 percent of Black Census respondents live in are also much more likely to report being lesbian, gay, bisexual, the state. or transgender than are the respondents of other surveys. Fifeen (14.5) percent of Black Census respondents report One of the most striking diferences between Black Census being LGBT, while in other surveys about 4 to 5 percent of the respondents and the Black population as a whole is the degree adult population of all races report the same.4 The 14.5 LGBT of engagement with elections and the electoral process. percentage in the Black Census does not include all of those In 2018, 85.6 percent of Black Census respondents were who report “other” for their sexual orientation, or “gender registered to vote, 20.3 percentage points higher than for the non-conforming” or “diferent” for their gender.5 The LGBT population of Black adults nationally.8 In the 2016 election, percentage plus these other categories total 18.5 percent. 73.5 percent of the Black Census respondents voted, 17.6 percentage points higher than for Black adults nationally.9 The Black Census sample has a higher educational attainment The next section explores electoral engagement among Black than the adult Black population nationally. Nearly a ffh (18.4 Census respondents in more detail. percent) of Black Census respondents report having a degree beyond a bachelor’s degree, but only 6.9 percent of Black adults nationally have these advanced degrees. Nineteen (18.5) percent of Black adults did not complete high school, but only

4 More Black than Blue: Politics and Power in the 2019 Black Census | Black Futures Lab A Closer Look at Electorally-Engaged Black Census Respondents

Nationally, Black voters are a key part of the American electorate, making up about 11 percent of registered voters A third (34 percent) of Black Census respondents has overall and 19 percent of voters who are registered as a high level of engagement around elections—these Democrats or say that they lean Democratic, and about 2 respondents voted in 2016 and reported engaging in one percent of the Republican party base.10 The Pew Research or more of the following activities: Center projects that there will be 30 million eligible Black • helped in a voter registration drive voters in 2020—the key question is how many will be motivated to come out and vote.11 Black Census respondents, who are • gave people a ride to the polls on Election Day highly engaged in elections and the electoral process, may • contributed money to a political candidate hold the answer to this question. Nearly 9 in 10 (85 percent) • attended a fundraiser for a candidate Black Census respondents reported being registered to vote. Almost three-quarters (73 percent) reported voting in the 2016 • handed out campaign material or placed campaign presidential election. Yet while voting is the most common material on cars. form of electoral engagement, many Black Census respondents are far more involved.

Fig 1. Black Census Respondents by Electoral Engagment

Only 16 percent of Black Census respondents report not voting in 2016 and having no other involvement in electoral-engagement activities. Chart 1

No Answer 5%

Voted and engaged in No electoral engagement electoral activities 16% 34%

Did not vote, but engaged in other electoral activities 6%

Voted only 39%

5 More Black than Blue: Politics and Power in the 2019 Black Census | Black Futures Lab These levels of electoral engagement illuminate important of electoral engagement. Low wages are considered the most diferences within Black communities. Black women accounted pressing economic problem among Black Census respondents, for 57 percent of Black Census respondents, but Black women with 90 percent viewing it as a problem, including 85 percent account for 63 percent of electorally engaged voters. Black men who consider it a major problem. Among respondents who represent one-third of Black Census respondents, but men are are electorally engaged voters, this proportion increases to 97 overrepresented among respondents who are not electorally percent, while 92 percent of Black Census respondents who are engaged. Four in 10 (41 percent) respondents who did not vote not engaged also say that low wages are a problem. or engage in any of the electoral activities listed above are Black men. “Low wages are considered the most However, age is the basis for the most striking diferences pressing economic problem among between respondents who are electorally engaged and those who are not. Roughly 3 in 10 (29 percent) Black Census Black Census respondents, with 90 respondents are young people between the ages of 18 and percent viewing it as a problem, 29. This group accounts for just 18 percent of electorally engaged voters among Black Census respondents. However, including 85 percent who consider it young people account for almost half (49 percent) of Black a major problem.” Census respondents who are not engaged electorally. Black respondents over the age of 45 account for a majority (52 percent) of electorally engaged Black Census respondents, and These fndings suggest that addressing these issues is vital just 21 percent of respondents who are not electorally engaged. to reaching Black people. Because those who are highly Black people over 45 account for 39 percent of all Black Census electorally engaged share concerns with those who are not respondents engaged with elections, the latter are the key to activating the Black community. Despite these diferences, the concerns and priorities of respondents are very similar regardless of respondents’ level

6 More Black than Blue: Politics and Power in the 2019 Black Census | Black Futures Lab Diversity of Political Afiliation

While only 2 percent of Black Census respondents identify ffh have unfavorable views toward the Democratic Party. politically as Republicans, the remainder are not all Democrats. The Democratic Party has a net favorability rating (favorable Nearly a quarter identify as independents. About 60 percent percentage minus unfavorable percentage) of 43 percent, much identify as Democrats. Another 6 percent have allegiance to better than the Republican Party’s net favorability rating of some other political party. minus 67 percent. However, if one compares the Democratic Party’s 43 percent net favorability rating to the NAACP’s 60 Black Census respondents are more positive toward the percent, it becomes clear that there is room for improvement in Democratic Party than the Republican Party, but nearly a the Democratic Party in the eyes of the respondents.

Fig 2. Favorability of Political Parties and Organizations

Favorable 62% Democratic Party Unfavorable 20% Net Favorability 43%

Favorable 6% Republican Party Unfavorable 73% Net Favorability -67%

Favorable 69% NAACP Unfavorable 9%

Net Favorability 60%

7 More Black than Blue: Politics and Power in the 2019 Black Census | Black Futures Lab Among the fndings:

On economic policy:

• Nine in 10 Black Census respondents (90 percent) view and nearly all consider it the government’s role to wages too low to sustain a family as a problem in the provide health care for all Americans (90 percent). community, and a large majority (85 percent) support • Almost 9 in 10 say that the lack of affordable housing raising the minimum wage to $15 an hour. is a problem in the community (86 percent), and agree • More than 80 percent of respondents see rising college that the government should provide adequate costs as a problem in the community (85 percent), and a housing (87 percent). similar percentage favor making college afordable for • More than three-quarters support increasing taxes on any person who wants to attend (84 percent). individuals earning $250,000 or more, and nearly 60 • Most of the respondents agree that the lack of afordable percent oppose reducing corporate taxes. health care is a problem in the community (86 percent),

On criminal justice policy:

• The vast majority of Black Census respondents see the • Nearly 90 percent of Black Census respondents view gun excessive use of force by police oficers (83 percent) violence as a problem in the community. and police oficers killing Black people (87 percent) as • Respondents express strong support for the Black Lives problems in the community. Matter movement (85 percent favorable) and a majority • Nearly three-quarters of respondents (73 percent) (55 percent) have an unfavorable opinion of the NRA. agree that holding police oficers responsible for the • More than 4 in 5 Black Census respondents (84 misconduct would improve police-community relations, percent) favor restoring the voting rights of formerly while 60 percent favor requiring police oficers to wear incarcerated people. body cameras.

Overall, Black Census respondents are deeply concerned “Nearly 90 percent of Black Census about the economic hardships in Black communities and the unjust and inefective policing of Black neighborhoods. respondents view gun violence as a Respondents are worried about low wages that aren’t enough to sustain Black families and about the high cost of living, problem in the community.” including the cost of college education, health care, and important or even which solutions to adopt, but rather about housing. Respondents want to see the restoration of the the efectiveness of taking action. Said simply, ignoring the voting rights of family, friends, and community members who concerns and needs of Black communities leads to cynicism have returned from prison. Respondents are also frustrated about change being possible in the current political system, by the seemingly intractable problems of unjust policing that and is a key barrier to Black political participation. Political leads to police killings and brutality toward Black people, leaders who rely on the political participation of Black and a failure to address gun violence. These same concerns people must pay attention and act on the concerns of are mirrored among the respondents who are most engaged Black Census respondents if they want Black communities with the electoral process—people who not only vote but are to remain engaged or mobilize further. engaged as donors, volunteers, or canvassers. This agreement suggests that electorally engaged respondents do not need to convince those who are less engaged about what problems are

8 More Black than Blue: Politics and Power in the 2019 Black Census | Black Futures Lab Economic Policy Priorities

Economic issues rank among the most pressing problems that When asked about the single most pressing problem facing Black Census respondents identifed in Black communities. Black communities, Black Census respondents were more The experience of economic insecurity is personal for many likely to identify low wages than any other problem. Nearly respondents: Nearly half (48 percent) report living in a 9 in 10 (85 percent) respondents say that wages that are not household that lacked enough funds to pay a monthly bill in enough to sustain a family are a “major problem.” Another the last 12 months, and 31 percent personally cut back on food 5 percent see low wages as a “minor problem.” Widespread to save money. Respondents strongly support policies that concern about low pay makes sense considering that 14 would make Black people more economically secure, including percent of Black workers are not paid enough to lif a family guaranteeing higher wages and increasing the afordability of out of poverty.12 Pay discrimination is a very real barrier to housing, health care, and college. Additionally, respondents economic security: Black workers are paid 16.2 percent less favor increasing taxes on the rich as a means of raising revenue than white workers even afer gender, education, age, and to address these policy priorities. geography are taken into account, and wage gaps for Black women are even greater.13

Fig 3. The Most Pressing Economic Problems in Black Communities

Low wages that are not Key enough to sustain a 85% 5% family Major Problem

Minor Problem

Lack of afordable health care 77% 9%

Rising college costs that make it unafordable 77% 8%

Lack of afordable quality housing 76% 10%

9 More Black than Blue: Politics and Power in the 2019 Black Census | Black Futures Lab Black Census respondents support increasing the minimum the cost of attending college, including community college, has wage to $15 an hour to begin addressing the issue of low grown dramatically.15 With less household wealth to draw on, wages. More than 7 in 10 (71 percent) respondents “strongly Black students typically need to borrow more money to attend favor” increasing the minimum wage to $15 an hour, while an college than students of other backgrounds.16 Almost 9 in 10 (85 additional 14 percent “favor” the policy. In total, 85 percent percent) Black Census respondents see rising college costs as support a $15 minimum wage. a problem for the community. Seventy-seven percent see it as a major problem, and 8 percent see it as a minor problem. To Higher education can be a powerful gateway to economic address this problem, 84 percent of respondents favor making mobility. Indeed, the percentage of Black students pursuing college education afordable for any person who wants to and earning college degrees has steadily increased in recent attend. decades.14 Yet as states invest less in public higher education,

Fig 4. Support for Economic Policy Solutions

Increasing the minimum wage to $15 an hour 14% 71% Key Favor

Strongly in Favor

Making college education afordable for any person 8% 76% who wants to attend 76%

The high cost of health care is another pressing economic particular concern for Black Census respondents over the age concern. Again, the issue is personal for Black Census of 60. Eighty-four percent of senior respondents say the lack of respondents: Nearly 1 in 3 (32 percent) has put of seeing afordable health care is a “major problem,” while 73 percent of a doctor for fnancial reasons in the last 12 months, and young respondents under age 30 say the same. another 14 percent lives with someone who has. Although the Afordable Care Act contributed to substantial gains in To improve access to afordable health care, 90 percent of health insurance coverage among Black people, Black people Black Census respondents support the idea of the government remain less likely than white people to have health coverage.17 providing afordable and quality health care. Within this And even among those with health insurance, uncovered high level of agreement, there are small diferences among procedures or providers, high deductibles, and out-of-pocket generations. Black Census respondents over the age of 60 are cost sharing contribute to unafordable health care costs and nearly unanimous (96 percent) in the belief that government medical debt.18 In fact, older Black adults are nearly 3 times as should provide health care. Among the youngest respondents likely as older white adults to have medical debt.19 (18-29) that agreement is a still-strong 86 percent.

Black Census respondents recognize that we do not have a A majority of Black people live in a rental home, and most Black health insurance system that provides the needed care at renter households spend a disproportionate amount of total 20 an afordable cost for all Americans, and are aware that the income on rent. For a large share of the Black population, system disproportionately fails Black people. Nearly 90 percent “the rent is too damn high.” Nearly a third (31 percent) of Black of Black Census respondents see the lack of afordable Census respondents report being unable to pay the rent or health care as a problem in the community. This problem is of mortgage in the last 12 months or having someone else in the

10 More Black than Blue: Politics and Power in the 2019 Black Census | Black Futures Lab household unable to pay. Nearly 90 percent of Black Census housing is a major problem, but among those who do not respondents see the lack of afordable quality housing own their home, this proportion increases to 81 percent. As a as a problem in the community. On this question there are solution to this issue, 87 percent of respondents believe in a modest, but important, diferences between respondents who right to housing: The government should provide adequate are homeowners and those who are not. Three-quarters of housing for people who do not have access. respondents who are homeowners think the lack of afordable

Fig 5. Support for a Government Role in Solving Economic Probems 5%

Government should Key provide adequate 87% 8% housing for people who Should lack it 3% Should Not

No Answer Government should provide afordable and 90% 7% quality health care for all Americans 6%

Government should address the gap 86% 8% between rich and poor

Black Census respondents do not see the economic challenges more than $100,000. Only a majority (53 percent) of this group of Black communities in a vacuum. Respondents understand strongly favors increasing taxes on the wealthiest Americans, that economic inequality is at the heart of many of these but overall agreement with the policy is still in line with the problems, and respondents prefer redistributive solutions. larger sample of Black Census respondents. Eighty-six percent of respondents think it is the role of government to address the gap between the rich and the poor. In addition to favoring increased taxes on the wealthy, Black Black Census respondents also strongly support a tax system Census respondents oppose corporate tax cuts that fuel that demands more from the wealthy to fund public goods, an growing inequality in the country. Nearly 6 in 10 (58 percent) improved social safety net, and a reduction in inequality. assert that the government should not cut corporate taxes. The main opposition to corporate tax cuts comes from More than three-quarters (76 percent) of respondents favor respondents with high incomes. More than three-quarters increasing taxes on individuals earning $250,000 or more, (76 percent) of Black Census respondents with incomes over including a majority (55 percent) who strongly favor this $100,000 oppose reducing taxes on corporations; only 9 policy. While there is major agreement, there are some telling percent favor this policy. Black Census respondents with the diferences in intensity regarding this policy. At least 6 in 10 lowest incomes (less than $15,000) are divided in opinion, respondents from all income groups strongly favor increasing while generally opposed: 45 percent are opposed and 36 taxes on the wealthy, with the exception of those earning percent are in favor.

11 More Black than Blue: Politics and Power in the 2019 Black Census | Black Futures Lab Fig 6. Support for Taxing the Wealthy and Subsidizing Business

Strongly Favor Increasing taxes on individuals 55% earning $250,000 or more

Favor 21%

Oppose 6%

Strongly Oppose 3%

No Opinion/ Answer 16%

Strongly Favor Reducing taxes on corporations 13%

Favor 6%

Oppose 20%

Strongly Oppose 38%

No Opinion/ Answer 23%

Black Census respondents have a coherent view of the respondents support progressive economic solutions that economic problems of Black communities and see economic would increase the incomes and economic security of Black issues as interrelated. Respondents recognize that Black people in the United States. people sufer from low incomes, low wealth, high debts, and economic insecurity. To address these issues, Black Census

12 More Black than Blue: Politics and Power in the 2019 Black Census | Black Futures Lab Criminal Justice Priorities

Black Census respondents express deep concern on criminal being held accountable for their crimes is a problem, while justice issues, including the illegitimate use of force by 83 percent describe excessive use of force by police oficers the police and the prevalence of gun violence in Black as a problem. More than half (55 percent) of respondents communities. Recognizing the impact of mass incarceration on have personally had a negative interaction with the police at political power, respondents also want voting rights restored to some point, and 28 percent have had at least one negative formerly incarcerated people. interaction in the last 6 months. More than a third (38 percent) of Black Census respondents had their frst negative interaction Policing is a major area of concern for Black Census Chartwith 7the police before the age of 18. Younger respondents are respondents. More than 8 in 10 respondents consider police also more likely to report recent negative police interactions, oficers killing Black people a problem in the community with 38 percent describing a negative encounter with police in (87 percent). Eighty-four percent say that police oficers not the last 6 months.

Fig 7. Criminal Justice and Policing Problems in Black Communities

The killing of Black people by police oficers 77% 10% Key Minor Problem

Major Problem Police oficers not being held accountable for their crimes 76% 8%

Excessive use of force by police oficers 73% 10%

Policing in Black communities has always been a site of and helped to inspire the formation of the Black Panther Party contention. From the nation’s earliest history of slave for Self-Defense one month later.22 An immediate end to police patrols searching for and punishing enslaved people they brutality was central to the Black Panthers’ Ten-Point Program, thought were trying to escape, police forces have too ofen as members organized armed patrols of Black community been deployed to suppress the rights of Black people in the members to counter police violence.23 United States rather than to improve public safety in Black communities. Today, systemic racism continues to permeate Today, the Black Lives Matter movement is shining a powerful police departments across the country: Unarmed Black people spotlight on the persistence of police violence and misconduct. remain far more likely to be victims of police violence than their Black Census respondents strongly support Black Lives white counterparts.21 Matter, giving the movement a net favorability (favorable percentage minus unfavorable percentage) rating of 81 Many of the uprisings in the 1960s were sparked by police percent, which is about the same rating as the respondents brutality. For example, when a white police oficer repeatedly give to President Barack Obama. Meanwhile, net favorability shot unarmed 16-year-old Matthew Johnson in San Francisco in toward the police is minus 37 percent. September 1966, the killing sparked the Hunters Point uprising

13 More Black than Blue: Politics and Power in the 2019 Black Census | Black Futures Lab Fig 8. Selected Favorability Ratings

Favorable 85% President Barack Obama Unfavorable 5% Net Favorable 80%

Favorable 85% Black Lives Matter

Unfavorable 4% Net Favorable 81%

Favorable 22% The Police

Unfavorable 59% Net Favorable -37% Favorable 11% The NRA

Unfavorable 55% Net Favorable -44%

Despite an unfavorable view of police departments, most Black proponents see them as tools to hold law enforcement Census respondents believe that relations between police and broadly accountable for their actions, potentially changing local Black communities can be improved (only 7 percent of the culture of policing. About half of respondents recommend respondents assert that “I don’t think the relationship between measures such as having police oficers live in the communities the police and Black people in my community can improve,” where they work, recruiting more police oficers from Black and an additional 5 percent maintain that the relationship and other minority communities, and creating community needs no improvement). The most popular proposal for boards to supervise police departments. About half (53 improving relations with the police is ensuring that oficers percent) of respondents over the age of 60 believe that police- are held accountable for their misconduct, endorsed by 73 community relations would be improved if parents took more percent of Black Census respondents. In addition, 60 percent responsibility for the behavior of their children, but younger of respondents believe that requiring police oficers to wear respondents were less supportive of this approach. Only 24 body cameras to record interactions with the community percent of respondents believe that relations would improve would improve relations. While individual-level body cameras if members of the community were more respectful of police clearly cannot address systemic racism in policing, many oficers.

14 More Black than Blue: Politics and Power in the 2019 Black Census | Black Futures Lab Fig 9. Ideas to Improve Relations between Black Communities and Police

Body cams on police oficers to record interactions 60% Key Percentage of respondents reporting the idea would help More police oficers coming improve relations from Black and other minority 49% communities

Having police oficers live in the community where they work 51%

Holding police oficers accountable for their misconduct 73%

Members of the community need to be more respectful of police oficers 24%

Parents should take more responsibility for the behavior of 39% their children

Creating community boards that supervise police departments 51%

Other 5%

Gun violence is an area of deep concern, described by nearly the country have mobilized for years against gun violence, 90 percent of Black Census respondents as a problem in Black pioneering the use of restorative justice practices, violence communities. Three-quarters of respondents see it as a major interrupters, and other innovative strategies to address the problem. In nearly half of states, the Black frearm death rate is prevalence of gun violence. Congresswoman Lucy McBath 2 or more times the white rate.24 Gun violence is the single most (D-GA), whose 17-year-old son, Jordan Davis, was murdered common cause of death for Black children and teenagers.25 by Michael Dunn, a white man enraged by his loud music, was In response to this epidemic, Black communities across elected to ofice in 2018 on a gun control platform.

15 More Black than Blue: Politics and Power in the 2019 Black Census | Black Futures Lab Yet politicized narratives blame Black communities for These laws continue to operate as designed: 7.4 percent of the violence, ignoring the systemic factors that contribute to its Black voting-age population was disenfranchised in 2016 due persistence: High rates of gun violence are rooted in poverty, to felony convictions.36 This percentage translates to 2.2 million inequality, and racial segregation.26 Neighborhoods that are Black citizens who are not allowed to vote. In fact, 6 percent of isolated from basic services and provide little access to stable, Black Census respondents who did not vote in 2016 indicated well-paid employment experience more violence.27 Thus, that the reason for not voting was ineligibility due to a felony while the Black Census did not ask respondents directly about conviction. policy solutions to address gun violence, many of the policies respondents most strongly support—such as raising pay and “7.4 percent of the Black voting-age guaranteeing quality and afordable housing, health care, and population was disenfranchised in education in Black communities—in fact show great promise in reducing violence.28 Improving police-community relations, 2016 due to felony convictions. This through eforts such as reliably holding police accountable for their misconduct, can also help establish a foundation for percentage translates to 2.2 million preventing gun violence.29 Black citizens who are not allowed Researchers fnd that the states with the highest rates of to vote” frearm deaths are also among the states with the weakest gun control laws—even though gun dealers also purchase Restoring the voting rights of formerly incarcerated people weapons in states with weak laws to sell in cities and states is popular among Black Census respondents. Eighty-four with stronger regulations.30 The National Rife Association percent of respondents favor this policy, including 63 percent (NRA) is the nation’s leading lobbying group opposing strong who strongly favor it. Among Black Census respondents gun regulations, leading many Black Census respondents to who reported being ineligible to vote in 2016 due to a felony disapprove of the organization.31 The NRA’s net favorability conviction, almost 8 in 10 strongly favor restoring voting rights rating among Black Census respondents is minus 44 percent, (79 percent). Across the country, Black-led organizations are with only 12 percent expressing a favorable opinion of the mobilizing to restore voting rights to people with past criminal group. convictions: In 2018, the Florida Rights Restoration Coalition, led by Desmond Meade, won a critical victory with the passage Politicians pursuing the War on Drugs and “tough on crime” of a ballot proposition that restored voting rights to over policies in the 1980s and 90s produced dramatic growth in U.S. 1.4 million Floridians and is expected to substantially increase prison and jail populations. Today, the U.S. incarcerates more Black political power in the state. In Georgia, Stacey Abrams people than any other country, locking up 2.2 million people is advancing an even broader vision of free and fair elections, nationwide. Black communities feel the harshest impact of combatting unfair laws and practices that disproportionately mass incarceration because poverty, unemployment, and restrict the voting rights of Black citizens. de facto segregation drive crime, while racial bias in rates of arrest, charging, conviction, and sentencing increase rates of Black Census respondents’ views on policing and criminal Black incarceration further.32 As a result of this systemic racism justice stem from lived experiences. While most Black throughout the criminal justice system, Black men are 6 times Census respondents want to address matters of crime and as likely to be incarcerated as white men, and Black women safety in their community, such as the violence from gun are nearly twice as likely to be incarcerated as white women.33 use, respondents also seek policing that is respectful of the Afer incarcerated people return to their communities, many community. Respondents want to see oficers held accountable states do not automatically restore their rights to vote until for misconduct and abuse that too ofen targets Black parole and probation are complete: 12 states go even further communities. and restrict voting rights even afer a person has completed a prison sentence and is no longer on probation or parole.34 Felony disenfranchisement laws were enacted in many southern states as part of a deliberate efort to exclude the growing number of black voters afer Reconstruction.35

16 More Black than Blue: Politics and Power in the 2019 Black Census | Black Futures Lab Conclusion

With its unprecedented look at the priorities and concerns preferences with respondents who are less politically engaged. of Black people in the U.S., the Black Census reveals a high Highly engaged respondents do not need to convince those level of agreement about the problems confronting Black who are less engaged about what problems are important communities and the solutions required to address them. It or even which solutions to adopt, but rather about the is notable that the most electorally engaged respondents— efectiveness of taking action. If political leaders are ready to people who not only vote but also work to register voters, listen to the issues and concerns of Black Census respondents, contribute money to political candidates, and hand out the community is ready to mobilize. campaign material—are largely aligned in concerns and policy

17 More Black than Blue: Politics and Power in the 2019 Black Census | Black Futures Lab Appendix: Black Census Project Partner Organizations

The following partner organizations mobilized to collect responses to the Black Census, both in person and online.

African Career and Education Resource, Inc. (Minnesota) New Florida Majority (Florida)

Alliance for Boys and Men of Color (online-only) NextGen America (online-only)

Auburn Seminary (online-only) Ohio Organizing Collaborative (Ohio)

Black LGBTQIA Migrant Project (Michigan) One Struggle KC (Missouri)

Black Lives Matter Paterson (New Jersey) Picture The Homeless (New York)

Black Visions Collective (Minnesota) Power U/Highlander Center (Florida)

Brooklyn Movement Center (New York) PROOF Inc (Georgia)

Dignity & Power Now (California) PushBlack Network (online-only)

Equity and Transformation (EAT) (Illinois) Southerners On New Ground (SONG) (Georgia)

Faith in Indiana (Indiana) TAKE Resource Center (Trans United) (Alabama)

Families and Friends of Louisiana’s Incarcerated Children Texas Organizing Project (Texas) (FFLIC) (Louisiana) The Hood Incubator (California) Houston Justice Coalition (Texas) The People’s Advocacy Institute (Mississippi) Ignite (North Carolina) Trans Sistas of Color Project-Detroit (Michigan) Make it Work Nevada (Nevada) Transgender, Gender Variant and Intersex Justice Project Maryland B.L.O.C. (Maryland) (TGIJP) (California)

MassVOTE (Massachusetts) Ubuntu Village NOLA (Louisiana)

Metropolitan Organizing Strategy Enabling Strength (MOSES) WEPOWER (Missouri) (Michigan) WHEW Women Healing & Empowering Women (Texas) Miami Workers Center (Florida)

Michigan Voices (Michigan)

National Awareness Alliance (New Jersey)

18 More Black than Blue: Politics and Power in the 2019 Black Census | Black Futures Lab Acknowledgements

There’s an adage that says, “If you want to go fast, go alone. If you want to go far, go together.” The Black Census Project was made possible by a team of people and organizations who decided and agreed to go far and go together and collectively, we made it possible to complete the largest survey of Black people in America in 154 years.

There’s something special that happens when people take a leap of faith, together, with our ancestors at our backs cheering us on and pushing us forward. Deep bows and endless gratitude to the following organizations, institutions and individuals (and to our ancestors):

• 31,800 Black Census Project • Women Donors Network • Ai-jen Poo respondents and the more than 30 • Marguerite Casey Foundation • Mir Harris Black-led, grassroots organizations that collected survey responses (see • Wellspring Philanthropic Fund • TIMES UP, with a special shout out to Appendix for a full list of mobilizing • Carnegie Corporation Tracee Ellis Ross, Shonda Rhimes, Ava Duvernay, and Amandla Stenberg partners) • Rockefeller Brothers Fund • Black Futures Lab Advisory Board • Our core partners: • NEO Philanthropy • Anthony Thigpenn • SocioAnalitica Research • NextGen America • Melissa Harris Perry • Demos • The Workers Lab • Tracy Sturdivant • Color of Change • Open Society Foundation • Maya Harris • PushBlack • Nathan Cummings Foundation • Lateefah Simon • Dancing Hearts Consulting and • Roddenberry Foundation Esperanza Tervalon-Garrett • Tim Silard • Atlantic Philanthropies • Celeste Faison • Rashad Robinson • Arcus Foundation • Faison and Associates, Inc • Heather McGhee • Irvine Foundation • Mijente • The staf of the Black Futures Lab - • Hertz-Gilmore Foundation • Center for Empowered Politics and Demetria Huntsman, Brittany Ferrell, • Kovin Foundation Chinese Progressive Association Devonte Jackson, Robbie Clark, • Ford Foundation Sessen Holloway • Tides Center and Tides Advocacy • Public Welfare Foundation • African Communities Together • Shanthony Art + Design • Fanm Saj, Inc. • A/B Partners • Carinne Issanda • Moodie-Mills Strategies • Our philanthropic partners: • W. Kamau Bell • NoVo Foundation • Van Jones • Akonadi Foundation • Jessica Morales Rocketto • Rosenberg Foundation

19 More Black than Blue: Politics and Power in the 2019 Black Census | Black Futures Lab Endnotes

1 Ibram X. Kendi, Stamped from the Beginning: The Defnitive 10 Wide Gender Gap, Growing Educational Divide in Voters’ History of Racist Ideas in America (New York: Nation Books, Party Identifcation, Pew Research Center, March 20, 2018. 2016). https://www.people-press.org/2018/03/20/wide-gender-gap- growing-educational-divide-in-voters-party-identifcation/. 2 The Black national median age is from the American Community Survey (ACS). The ACS has a top code of 96 years 11 Ibid. old and therefore is not exactly comparable to the Black Census sample. The ACS top-code would lower the ACS median age 12 David Cooper, Workers of Color Are Far More Likely to be estimate, but it is still higher than that from the Black Census. Paid Poverty-Level Wages than White Workers, Economic Policy Institute, 2018. https://www.epi.org/blog/workers-of-color-are- 3 Marcia Chatelain, “When Black Women Organize: far-more-likely-to-be-paid-poverty-level-wages-than-white- Liberals Owe Doug Jones’s Win to a Rich History of Black workers/. Women’s Organizing in the South. When Will They Really Start Listening?,” Dissent, December 19, 2017, https://www. 13 Economic Policy Institute, State of Working America Data dissentmagazine.org/online_articles/doug-jones-win-alabama- Library, “Black-White Wage Gap,” 2019. https://www.epi.org/ thank-Black-women-organizing-history. data/.

4 Tim Fitzsimons, “A Record 4.5 percent of U.S. Adults 14 “Digest of Educational Statistics: Table 104.10. Rates of Identify as LGBT, Gallup Estimates,” NBC News, May 25, 2018, high school completion and bachelor’s degree attainment https://www.nbcnews.com/feature/nbc-out/record-4-5- among persons age 25 and over, by race/ethnicity and sex: percent-u-s-adults-identify-lgbt-gallup-n877486. Selected years, 1910 through 2017,” National Center for Education Statistics, 2017, https://nces.ed.gov/programs/ 5 All genders can have a variety of sexual orientations. digest/d17/tables/dt17_104.10.asp Transgender individuals, for example, are represented in all of the sexual orientation categories. 15 Mark Huelsman, The Unafordable Era, Demos, 2018. https://www.demos.org/research/unafordable-era-50-state- 6 Christopher Ingraham, “The One Surefre Way to Grow look-rising-college-prices-and-new-american-student. your Wealth in the U.S.,” Washington Post, September 28, 2017, https://www.washingtonpost.com/news/wonk/ 16 Mark Huelsman, The Debt Divide: The Racial and Class Bias wp/2017/09/28/the-one-surefre-way-to-grow-your-wealth-in- Behind the “New Normal” of Student Borrowing, Demos, 2015. the-u-s/. https://www.demos.org/research/debt-divide-racial-and-class- bias-behind-new-normal-student-borrowing. 7 U.S. Census Bureau, “Table 16. Quarterly Homeownership Rates by Race and Ethnicity of Householder: 1994 to Present 17 Samantha Artiga, Kendal Orgera, and Anthony Damico, [XLSX - 325K],” Historical Tables, Housing Vacancies and Changes in Health Coverage by Race and Ethnicity Since Homeownership, https://www.census.gov/housing/hvs/data/ Implementation of the ACA, 2013-2017, Henry J. Kaiser Family histtabs.html. Foundation, 2019. https://www.kf.org/disparities-policy/issue- brief/changes-in-health-coverage-by-race-and-ethnicity-since- 8 The Black alone population—citizens and non-citizens— implementation-of-the-aca-2013-2017/. voted at a rate of 65.3 percent. The Black Census was not restricted to U.S. citizens or the Black alone population. 18 Signe-Mary McKernan, Steven Brown, and Genevieve M. https://www.census.gov/data/tables/time-series/demo/voting- Kenney, “Past-Due Medical Debt a Problem, Especially for Black and-registration/p20-580.html. Americans,” Urban Wire, March 26, 2017, https://www.urban. org/urban-wire/past-due-medical-debt-problem-especially- 9 Of the Black alone population, 55.9 percent voted. Black-americans. https://www.census.gov/newsroom/blogs/random- samplings/2017/05/voting_in_america.html. 19 Jacqueline C. Wiltshire, Keith Elder, Catarina Kiefe, and Jeroan J. Allison, “Medical Debt and Related Financial

20 More Black than Blue: Politics and Power in the 2019 Black Census | Black Futures Lab Consequences Among Older African American and Color, Chief Justice Earl Warren Institute on Law and Social White Adults,” AJPH, February 15, 2016, https://ajph. Policy, Berkeley Law, 2011. http://www.racialequitytools.org/ aphapublications.org/doi/abs/10.2105/AJPH.2016.303137. resourcefles/Youth-Violence-for-Boys-and-Men-of-Color-.pdf.

20 “Renter Cost Burdens by Race and Ethnicity,” Joint Center 28 Nicole D. Porter, “Expanding Public Safety in the Era of for Housing Studies of Harvard University, 2016, https://www. Black Lives Matter,” University of Miami Law Review, vol 70, p jchs.harvard.edu/ARH_2017_cost_burdens_by_race. 533, 2016, https://www.sentencingproject.org/wp-content/ uploads/2016/05/Expanding-Public-Safety-in-the-Era-of- 21 Cody T. Ross, “A Multi-Level Bayesian Analysis of Racial Black-Lives-Matter.pdf; Proven Investments in Kids Will Reduce Bias in Police Shootings at the County-Level in the United Crime and Violence, Fight Crime: Invest in Kids, 2014. https:// States, 2011–2014,” PLOS, November 5, 2015, https://journals. strongnation.s3.amazonaws.com/documents/37/3293c393- plos.org/plosone/article?id=10.1371%2Fjournal.pone.0141854. 2978-4bc6-aa02-9d8fb62430cf.pdf?1545143238&inline;%20 22 Gary Kamiya, “Oficer’s ’66 Killing of Black Teen Sparked flename=%22Four%20Part%20Plan.pdf%22; Sarah Lyons Hunters Point Riots,” San Francisco Chronicle, September 16, and Nastassia Walsh, Money Well Spent: How Positive Social 2016, https://www.sfchronicle.com/bayarea/article/Oficer-s- Investments Will Reduce Incarceration Rates, Improve Public 66-killing-of-black-teen-sparked-9228042.php. Safety, and Promote the Well-Being of Communities, Justice Policy Institute, 2010. http://www.justicepolicy.org/images/ 23 “’Policing The Police’: How The Black Panthers Got Their upload/10-09_REP_MoneyWellSpent_PS-DC-AC-JJ.pdf. Start,” WGLT.org, September 24, 2015, https://www.wglt.org/ post/director-chronicles-black-panthers-rise-new-tactics-were- 29 Sam Bieler, Kilolo Kijakazi, et. al., Engaging Communities needed#stream/0. in Reducing Gun Violence A Road Map for Safer Communities, Justice Policy Center, 2016. https://jointcenter.org/sites/ 24 Henry J. Kaiser Family Foundation, “Number of Deaths default/fles/Engaging%20Communities%20Policy%20 Due to Firearms per 100,000 Population by Race/Ethnicity,” Roadmap%20Final.pdf. State Health Facts, https://www.kf.org/other/state-indicator/ frearms-death-rate-by-raceethnicity/?currentTimeframe=0&so 30 Annual Gun Law Scorecard, Gifords Law Center to Prevent rtModel=%7B%22colId%22:%22Location%22,%22sort%22:%2 Gun Violence, 2018, https://lawcenter.gifords.org/scorecard/. 2asc%22%7D. 31 German Lopez, “Unique Gun Violence Problem, Explained 25 Centers for Disease Control and Prevention. National in 17 Maps and Charts,” Vox, November 8, 2018, https://www. Centers for Injury Prevention and Control, Web-based Injury vox.com/policy-and-politics/2017/10/2/16399418/us-gun- Statistics Query and Reporting System (WISQARS) Fatal Injury violence-statistics-maps-charts; Robert Preidt, “Loose Gun Reports, 2017. Laws Tied to More Mass Shootings,” U.S. News and World Report, March 7, 2019, https://www.usnews.com/news/health- 26 Joanne M. Kaufman, “Explaining the Race/Ethnicity- news/articles/2019-03-07/loose-gun-laws-tied-to-more-mass- Violence Relationship: Neighborhood Context and shootings. Social Psychological Processes,” Justice Quarterly 22, no. 2 (2005): 224-251, https://www.tandfonline.com/doi/ 32 Nazgol Ghandnoosh, Black Lives Matter: Eliminating Racial abs/10.1080/07418820500088986; Anita Knopov, Emily Inequity in the Criminal Justice System, The Sentencing Project, F.Rothman, et. al., “The Role of Racial Residential Segregation 2015. https://www.sentencingproject.org/publications/black- in Black-White Disparities in Firearm Homicide at the State lives-matter-eliminating-racial-inequity-in-the-criminal-justice- Level in the United States, 1991-2015,” Journal of the National system/. Medical Association, Volume 111, Issue 1, February 2019, Pages 33 The Sentencing Project, “Trends in U.S. Corrections,” 2018, 62-75, https://www.sciencedirect.com/science/article/pii/ https://sentencingproject.org/wp-content/uploads/2016/01/ S0027968417303140. Trends-in-US-Corrections.pdf.

27 Carol Silverman, Michael Sumner and Mary Louise 34 Jean Chung, Felony Disenfranchisement: A Primer, The Frampton, The Consequences of Structural Racism, Sentencing Project, 2018. https://www.sentencingproject.org/ Concentrated Poverty and Violence on Young Men and Boys of publications/felony-disenfranchisement-a-primer/.

21 More Black than Blue: Politics and Power in the 2019 Black Census | Black Futures Lab 35 Pippa Holloway, “‘A Chicken-Stealer Shall Lose His Vote’: Disfranchisement for Larceny in the South, 1874-1890,” Journal of Southern History, Vol. 75, No. 4, pp. 931-962, November 2009, https://papers.ssrn.com/sol3/papers.cfm?abstract_ id=1508526.

36 The Sentencing Project, “6 Million Lost Voters: State-Level Estimates of Felony Disenfranchisement,” 2016, https://www. sentencingproject.org/wp-content/uploads/2016/10/6-Million- Lost-Voters.pdf.

22 More Black than Blue: Politics and Power in the 2019 Black Census | Black Futures Lab blackfutureslab.org