The Rationale Behind Weakly Tied Networking of the Bangladeshi Diaspora in Malaysia

Russian Journal of Agricultural and Socio-Economic Sciences, No. 8 (8) / 2012

THE RATIONALE BEHIND WEAKLY TIED NETWORKING OF THE BANGLADESHI DIASPORA IN MALAYSIA

Sultana Nayeem, Associate Professor

Department of Development Studies, University of Dhaka, Dhaka-1000, Bangladesh Phone: +880-1924752886, E-mail: [email protected]

Received August 7, 2012

ABSTRACT This paper is an exploration of the survival strategies of the Bangladeshi Diaspora in Malaysia. To cope with the realities, Bangladeshi migrants develop different forms of survival strategies. As a result intra and inter-ethnic strong and weak ties are formed in the receiving country. Empirical analysis depicts that respondents with weak ties have higher income mobility than those with strong ties. It also demonstrates that the Bangladeshi migrants of the study areas do not restrict themselves only to their close social networks; rather they develop distant networks for higher social mobility. Or in other words, though the ideal socio-cultural model emphasizes community cohesion (something that can be conceptualized as an example of a tightly structured social system), the actual behavior of the Bangla- deshi migrants indicates a loosely or disintegrated social system. Migrant’s embeddedness in the ongoing social relations and power structures regulates the nature and strength of these ties.

KEY WORDS Mixed embeddedness; Bangla bazaar; Bangladeshi diaspora; Strong ties; Weak ties.

Migration and settlement of Bangladeshis in concomitant coping strategies. There (in the re- Malaysia is a common fact during this period of ceiving society) networking is an asset. Our anal- globalization. The question is, therefore, not ysis has moreover evidenced that depending on whether Bangladeshis migrate, instead, how they their demands firstly of adaptation (to cope and survive in a foreign country and develop different survive in a foreign country) and secondly of strategies to improve their fortunes. Bearing this upward mobility both strong and weak ties have question in mind an intensive ethno-survey was been developed along the lines of horizontal and conducted both in Bangladesh (country of origin) vertical networking. These networking are for- and Malaysia (country of residence)1. These mi- mulated (by the migrants) on the basis of the di- grants are found as the heterogeneous groups of verse everyday realities they face through their people, embedded in the diverse realities and lia- “mixed embeddedness”3. Regarding this, both the bilities of the origin and host societies2. socio-economic, political and institutional struc- Therefore, in this study, the readers may tures of the origin and receiving countries as well come across their non-homogeneous interests and as migrants’ socio-economic statuses, transnational contacts and duties are found as the regula- tors. Thus, along with bonds of strong and weak 1 Sultana, N. 2008. The Bangladeshi Diaspora in Malaysia. Organi- ties different types of alliances and cleavages are zational Structure, Survival Strategies and Networks, ZEF Devel- opment Studies. LIT: Berlin developed by the well-off and poor migrants in 2 Research for this study was carried out through the financial assis- the horizontal level. Consequently, instead of tance of DAAD (German Academic Exchange Service). Field re- homogeneity, heterogeneity and diversity are the search in Malaysia and Bangladesh was conducted among the im- migrants and their families from June 2005 till August 2006. Field common criteria for the Bangladeshi Diaspora in research data are derived from an interview-survey among 150 Malaysia. current Bangladeshi migrants in Malaysia and intensive ethnographic fieldwork in Bangladesh and Malaysia. Along with 165 semi- However, apart from these primordial types structured interviews (with returned and current migrants), some of networking, a kind of inter-ethnic strong (in- group discussions were arranged with returned migrants, their families, friends and neighbourhoods as well as with a N.G.O (estab- lished by well-off repatriated migrants). Sources of secondary data 3 Robert Kloosterman, Joanne van der Leun and Jan Rath. 1999. were literature reviews, newspaper articles, published and unpub- Mixed Embeddedness: (In) formal Economic Activities and Immi- lished reports and conference papers. grant Businesses in the Netherlands, p. 2.

SULTANA NAYEEM, University of Dhaka

ter-ethnic friendship, marital and other kinds of High Commission in Malaysia failed to provide intimate relationships) and weak ties (commercial any data about the “hotspots” of Bangladeshi mi- networking like partnership in business etc.) were grants or their statistical figure in Malaysia. On also found as the outcome of the migrants’ em- the contrary, each of them spoke of the migrants’ beddedness in the receiving society, with which essentially mobile character. They also empha- after all they had to cope with. sized that Bangladeshi migrants used to stay and The question is which of these characteris- work there as undocumented workers and even, tics are prominent, how do they contribute to the some of them could be found as husbands of Ma- organizational structure of the community and in laysians. Consequently, some open-ended ques- what context does that happen? Therefore, in the tions were added in the survey questionnaires that next sections at first we will define how strong provided information about the nature of their and weak ties are operationalized. Later on, Gra- integration, embeddedness in local society and novetter’s (1973, 1983, and 1985) conception of coping strategies. “strong” and “weak ties” and the concomitant Besides, utilizing the networks of the res- strength of weak ties (posited by him) will be pondents selected for interview-survey, intervie- analyzed testing against the data of this study4. wees were selected for more intensive interviews. This type of comparison is important on the These in-depth interviews were conducted to see ground that the formulation of different forms of whether or not the best solution was taken by networking, like friendship (for adaptation) or Bangladeshi migrants to deal with their multi- distant relationships (for survival in the host so- dimensional embeddedness. Data, collected in ciety), were defined by the migrants as a must that way, revealed that social networks, devel- that may bear a resemblance to his (Granovetter) oped along the lines of horizontal and vertical point of view. This study will continue discussion networking, supported the migrants bearing their highlighting the following aspects: methodology; socio-cultural and psychological responsibilities operational definitions of strong and weak ties; in the transnational hubs. The said networks, revisiting Granovetter’s conception on strong and moreover, decreased their costs of migration. weak ties. Operational definitions of strong and Methodology. A brief overview of the weak ties. Trust is a common factor in close so- sources of data and the methods that were applied cial networks. Unless an extreme situation to collect data is important to support the argu- (struggle for a scarce resource, e.g. an opportuni- ments of this study. Field research in Malaysia ty of migration to a foreign country) arrives, re- and Bangladesh was conducted among the immi- spective fellow feelings, duties and moral obliga- grants and their families from June 2005 till Au- tions remain intact within these strong ties that gust 2006. Field research data are derived from may echo the examples of the Chinese Gunaxi an interview-survey among 150 current Bangla- model as portrayed in Hammond’s work5. Refer- deshi migrants in Peninsular Malaysia and inten- ring to the work of Gao and Ting Toomey (1998) sive ethnographic fieldwork (with returned and he has argued that the unconditional sharing of current migrants) in Bangladesh and Peninsular information (even secret) within the insider net- Malaysia. works, is the main function of the Gunaxi rela- Applying snowball sampling (something tionship. In these relationships members are con- usually applied to find hidden population) Ban- sidered highly trustworthy and they are obliged to gladeshi respondents were selected. In fact, nei- maintain that honor. According to him, within the ther the immigration department of the host coun- insider networks relationships are perceived as try nor the emigration authorities of the home family or like a family that cannot be altered ex- country had any concrete information about Ban- cept under extreme conditions. However, it is gladeshi migrants. Likewise, the central statistics now known to us from the previous section’s dis- bureau, the local police as well as the Bangladesh cussion that with the exception of friends (that means fictive ties) most of the actors of strong ties always remain intimate since they possess 4 Mark S. Granovetter. 1973. The Strength of Weak Ties. AJS volume 78, Number 6 and Mark S. Granovetter. 1983. The Strength of common goals as each other’s consanguine and Weak Ties: A Network Theory Revisited. Sociological Theory, affine. volume 1. See also Mark Granovetter. 1985. The University of Chicago. Economic Action and Social Structure: The Problem of Embeddedness. AJS Volume 91 Number 3, p. 481-510. 5 Scott et al. (2004)

Russian Journal of Agricultural and Socio-Economic Sciences, No. 8 (8) / 2012

For weak ties, the opposite situation is sup- cio-economic position and are not the possessors posed to be normal, since this relationship is de- of equal capabilities (as well). veloped to mitigate different kinds of supply and As a matter of fact, if they all held equal demand. Since their (migrants’) close networks power, information and capabilities to command fail to fulfill their necessities (because of limited any act, then none of them would waste money capabilities), they develop weak ties. For exam- and time on these then essentially useless their ple, managing a way of migration or finding al- weak ties. Rather, as a rational human being, they ternative sources of income etc. are fulfilled by would find their own way depending solely on developing weak ties. The actors of weak ties are their strong ties. As an opposite form of relation- not closely related to each other and hence do not ship the strong ties on the other hand, are infor- meet frequently. In the same way, these people mal and primary (fundamental/original) in nature. are not morally bound to assist each other, unless They become parts of their close social networks their service is purchased by the clients. Though naturally, owing to their embeddedness in kin- the relationship is also developed instrumentaliz- ship (blood related and marital kin) and friend- ing national brotherhood, but it mainly works ship circles. So, these are the strong and weak tie depending on commercial exchange, instead of situations in the study areas of Peninsular Malay- relying only on moral obligations (that can be sia. seen in strong ties). Nevertheless, to make clear how strong and Due to mutual demand for upward mobility weak ties are operationalized in this research, well-off brokers support their clients (after ex- discussion on the following variables are incor- tracting service charges from them) as parts of porated to extract ideas about the roles and mod- their manpower business; while on the other es of networking as a potential survival strategy. hand, in order to find ways of migration or higher The variables and values are: income mobility, poor migrants develop relation- Frequency - the following questions were ships with them. Better-off businessmen cum asked to find out how often actors of a network brokers depend on poor migrants to make a profit meet or get chances for interpersonal interaction: via manpower and “hundy” business. They (the With whom are you living here? With whom poor migrants) are also the buyers of Bangladeshi are you working here? Do you have any fixed goods and food stuffs from these entrepreneurs’ place or area for community get together? Where enterprises, which operate in the study areas. is this meeting place? When do you usually meet? Hence the actors of weak ties know that these ties How do you pass your leisure time? Normally are secondary (derivative/unoriginal) in nature where do you meet your inter-ethnic friends? and are essentially a tool for upward mobility. Concerning these queries the following table Accordingly it delineates that within the weak is constructed: ties - all the actors cannot belong to the same so-

Table 1 – Frequency of Networks

Fixed Get together place for Passing Housemate Co-workers with inter-ethnic community leisure time friends get together Within Outside Neighbor-hood 1-Housemates

c 1-Enjoying (18%) )

c i i ) 1-Visiting Kotaraya n n

% movies at 2-Workmates

h % h d 3

)

) t

t . (23.3%) 7 ) ) e ) c c e .

e 1

i i home (9.3%) (48.7%) - x % % s - 6 % % i r 6 o % n n r ( 6 3 e f ( e

3 . . 7

e 2 h h

. t . 3-Mosjid and

N t t t t e Y 4 7 c 3 5 n 2 i o n 2-Going to pub 12.7%) n ( 9 9 E E i ( ( i

( ( n

o 2-Gossiping in restaurant N l d h d t n n A local restaurant (15.3%) E a A 3-Attending religious, (12%) 4-Neighbour political meetings and (18%) community get together 3-Visiting local (32.6%) friends (10%) Source: Survey data in Peninsular Malaysia.

SULTANA NAYEEM, University of Dhaka

Table 1 denotes that apart from maintaining you manage to cope here? Why are you living networks with their housemates, workmates and together with others? How did/will you manage neighbors, Bangladeshis also attend different po- to stay longer? Why do you maintain homeland litical and religious meetings and cultural cele- contacts? Why did you prefer inter-ethnic mar- brations. There are certain places for this kind of riage? How did you meet your inter-ethnic celebration which the migrants (both poor and spouse? How did you manage your business vi- better-off) try to visit. It is found that the better- sa? How did you get this property? How did you off migrants become the conveners of these cul- manage risks? tural and politico-religious programs, where poor As a matter of fact, friendship ties were migrants participate in their free times. They visit found primarily within people of the same socio- Kotaraya (‘Bangla Bazaar’) to buy Bangladeshi economic background. For example, un-skilled goods from ethnic enterprises as well as to meet and semi-skilled workers identified other workers powerful labor brokers. as their friends who often also were their house- The data also indicates that the migrants’ mates, neighbors and workmates. In the same common living and working environment pro- way, no professional and businessman was found vides them the opportunity for regular contact who considered a semi-skilled and un-skilled with their ethnic and inter-ethnic friends. The worker as his or her friend. It is not likely that all common living and working niche as well as eve- of the neighbors or co-workers converted each ryday interactions enable them to develop friend- other’s friend. Nor was national brotherhood con- ships with each other. In fact, along with the sidered as the only factor for friendship. Rather, common experiences of immigration and every- migrants emphasized those as their friends whom day contacts, they (the Bangladeshis) face more they could trust in need. According to Ranjan or less the same realities as neighbors and work- Mallik (he used to work in a furniture factory of mates. Besides, they are found to spend their lei- Kajang), sure hours together in their common surround- “My co-workers, likewise Bangladeshi ings (apart from visiting distant places and weak workers in Kajangjaya, are my friends. We are tie based networks). However, while the locals do not so well-off. We have to send money to our not need to face an alien way of life (since they families. I also have some friends in my home are all insiders there), owing to regular corres- town. They take care of my family. Sometimes I pondence either in local restaurants or at their send gifts for them or try to make phone calls. home and work places both of these groups still But I don’t have any girlfriend. I also don’t like get the chance to construct networks. Banglade- the rich and educated Bangladeshis. They behave shis meet the locals of Muslim belief in local like we are not their countrymen. I know they mosque and “suraus”. Because of the same reli- would not assist me in danger. I don’t know any gious background (Islam) most of the Banglade- female workers. It is better to avoid them, be- shi migrants and their (Malay, Indian Muslim and cause they might create extra burdens and our Indonesians etc.) friends enjoy and practice more families would not be happy about that.” or less similar religious festivals and rituals. It can be ascertained (from the above com- Strength and Intensity - To pull out infor- ment) that professionals and businessmen gener- mation on the emotional intensity, reciprocal ex- ally are not friends with poor income groups. At change and respective obligations to each others the same time, it also assists us to know what in the network some questions were asked, such they (the poor migrants) expect from their as: friends. Provision of trust, certainty, regular cor- Whom do you consider your friend? How do respondence and assistance are the qualities you define your friend? Why do you maintain among others through which their friendship is networks? How do you manage jobs and work defined. On the basis of these moral and reci- permits? How did you get your dwelling place? procal obligations (for each other) they maintain Who introduced you to your employer? Where do friendship even with their home-based residues. you go to acquire a better job and other facili- Transnational networking helps them by allowing ties? Do you pay them? Why do you assist them to maintain contact with their home based poor/undocumented workers? How did you mi- friends. They (the migrants) are also assured that grate? How do you send remittance to home their friends reciprocate their obligations to the country? How did you learn Bahasa? How do migrants by taking care of their families. These

Russian Journal of Agricultural and Socio-Economic Sciences, No. 8 (8) / 2012

types of reciprocal obligations may remind us of bors (33.3%) or through inter-ethnic friends’ con- the Chinese style of reciprocity, which is, “favors tacts (66.7%). Because of the embeddedness in are always remembered and returned, but not al- the institutional structures of the host society, ways quickly. People who don’t return favors are these well-off businessmen instrumentalize inter- seen as poisoning the well”6. ethnic networking to by-pass the anti-integrating Migrants on the other hand, reciprocate their immigration policy. Therefore, these privileged service through being related with them. Main- Bangladeshis not only empower themselves tenance of correspondence sometimes by gift do- through patron client relationships, but also nations or by long distance phone calls (allowing through inter-ethnic business and marital rela- migrants to keep themselves informed about re- tions. cent events) eases the cross border friendships. Learning from their predecessors, poor mi- Thus along with the consanguine and affine, grants also try to develop inter-ethnic strong ties friends (both home and abroad) become part of as they can then settle down in Malaysia and gain the close social networks of the migrants. different means for shadow economic activities. All of the workers (100%) argued that they Consequently, though for intra-ethnic strong ties needed to buy these services (management of a moral obligations are the major factor, for inter- new job, renewal of work permit, immigration to ethnic strong ties commercial necessity is also a Malaysia, transfer of money back to home etc.) significant factor (for Bangladeshi migrants). from their powerful patrons (e.g. brokers cum However, these are identified as strong ties (ra- businessmen). They went on to say that these ther than weak ties) on the ground that the marital brokers tried to “cheat” workers if they noticed relationship opens a scope of options for integra- that their so-called clients failed to participate in tion into the host society. Regarding this, Ban- their forgeries and other un-lawful activities. gladeshi husbands also do not need to pay their Poor migrants thus instead of feeling loyalty and inter-ethnic spouses. Actors do not belong to sep- gratefulness (what they feel for their strong tied arate households; rather they interact on a daily networks) towards their distant vertical networks, basis. Bangladeshi husbands and their inter- preferred to consider them as a strategy for high- ethnic wives have more or less common aims er social mobility. Therefore, from the compari- (the well-being of their offspring and household). sons between horizontal (intimate networks) and Revisiting Granovetter’s Conceptions on vertical networking (distant networks) we may Strong and Weak Ties7. In his two articles en- safely say that distant and close social networks titled ‘The Strength of Weak Ties’ and ‘The fundamentally do not resemble each other. Strong Strength of Weak Ties: A Network Theory Revi- ties and close social networks incorporate mutual sited’, Granovetter (1973, 1983) sets some argu- feelings and emotions towards each other, whe- ments on the functions of interpersonal networks, reas in weak ties the expectation of material gains such as: (1) if any information is passed through (higher income mobility, finding ways of settle- weak ties it will reach a larger number of people ment etc.) was more vital than any other con- and also cross more social distance than if same cerns. Considering weak ties as distant relation- is attempted by strong ties (restricted to a small ships, actors visit them only when they become group of friends), because weak ties bridge dif- unable to fulfill their demands. As a result, the ferent groups of people from different levels, (2) relative frequency of interactions of weak ties is a person who has few or no weak ties is less like- lesser than that of strong ties. ly to manage a way for upward mobility. Individ- Whilst poor migrants strive after vertical uals with numerous weak ties can overcome this networking with their affluent country men, the constraint. Since strong ties possess the same well-off businessmen try to enrich themselves type of information that he already has, (such as, (buying houses, setting up business enterprises, information about appropriate jobs openings at managing permanent resident status, staying on the exact time etc.), he fails to achieve his goals spouse visa etc.) through inter-ethnic business and marital relationships as well as depending on 7 See also Nayeem Sultana. 2010. The Solutions of the ‘Trans- intra-ethnic weak ties. They meet their inter- migrants’ Dilemma. The Bangladeshi Diaspora in Malaysia. Dhaka ethnic spouses either as co-workers and neigh- University Journal of Development Studies, 1(1): 181-192. Dhaka University Journal of Development Studies, 1(1): 181-192. Nayeem Sultana. 2010. Re-visiting the Strength of Weak Ties: Bangladeshi 6 Scott et al. (2004) Migration to Malaysia. Journal of Diaspora Studies, 3(2): 115-142.

SULTANA NAYEEM, University of Dhaka

unless he increases his stock of information all other variables constant, the average monthly through forming weak ties. wages of migrants with weak ties are higher by The hypothesis of the following statistical about RM 363.78 than those with strong ties. Our analysis is migrants with weak ties have higher data in this study is cross-sectional one where income mobility than others with strong ties. heteroscedasticity may involve frequently. So, we

Some proxies are made to define weak and strong assume that ui is normally distributed with mean ties, e.g. respondents were asked how they passed 2 2 zero and variance σ , i.e. u ~ N(0,σ ) . We test their leisure time? Their answers are coded as: i i i Weak tie: visiting ‘Bangla Bazaar’ of Kota- by graphical method and White’s general hete- raya, going to pubs and shopping centres, attend- roscedasticity test (White, 1980) with the null ing religious and political discussion and com- hypothesis: H0: there is no heteroscedasticity in munity get togethers. the error variance and found H0 may be rejected. Strong tie: watching movies using satellite (with the housemates), visiting local friends 8000 (neighbours) and gossiping in a restaurant (local). 6000

We have regressed their monthly wage with 4000 both quantitative regressors: job alteration, length 2000 of stay in years in Malaysia and qualitative or 4000 dummy regressor: weak or strong tie. ANCOVA 3000 0 2000 (Analysis of Covariance) model is as follows: 1000

0 Y = β + β D + β X + β X + u -1000 i 1 2 2i 3 2i 4 3i i , -2000 20 40 60 80 100 120 140 where, Y = monthly wage of the ith migrant in i Residual Actual Fitted

RM, X 2i = job alteration of the ith migrant, X 3i = length of staying in years of the ith migrant, D = Figure 1 – Plotting residual to check heteroscedasticy 2i 1, if the migrant has weak tie; 0, otherwise (if From the above figure, it is depicted that the strong tie). With u = error term, = constant, i β1 residual term of the fitted regression showing

β2 , β3 , β4 = coefficients of dummy, job alteration heteroscedasticity for different values of the re- and length of staying respectively. The following gressors. The variances of the error (according to regression results are obtained: the black line of zero value) are fluctuating for different values at different band width. ∧ Y i = −7.295 + 363.779D + 93.556X + 83.228X 2i 2i 3i Table 2 – White Heteroskedasticity Test Results se = (250.001) (173.518) (74.742) (19.806) F-statistic 9.932964 Probability 0.000000 t = (-.029) (2.096) (1.252) (4.202) Obs*R-squared 38.46709 Probability 0.000000 p-value= (.977) (0.038)* (.213) (0.000)*

2 R = .171, n= 150 So, this study performed the White heteros-

cedasticity-consistent variances and standard er- Where, se means standard error of the esti- ror test for the remedy of heteroscedasticity and mated coefficient, t is t-statistic, p-value is the to get robust standard errors. probability value, * - indicating p-value is signif- 2 icant at 5% level of significance, R is multiple Table 3 – White Heteroskedasticity-Consistent Stan- coefficient of determination, i.e. the 17% varia- dard Errors & Covariance tion in wages are explained by the regressors and n is the sample size. Variable Coefficient Std. Error t-Statistic Prob. From the above results, it can be concluded CONST -7.295058 279.9356 -0.026060 0.9792 that the dummy variable and length of stay have Dummy 363.7786 130.4603 2.788424 0.0060 statistically significant relationship with the Alteration of job 93.55614 82.85140 1.129204 0.2607 wage. Duration of migrant life in the host country Length of staying 83.22766 33.05351 2.517968 0.0129 has the strong positive effect on wage. Keeping

Russian Journal of Agricultural and Socio-Economic Sciences, No. 8 (8) / 2012

From the above results, it is depicted that (as undocumented workers) they lost their job, standard errors are changed from the earlier esti- (4) for security, (5) to prolong their duration of mates but the dummy and duration of abode in stay they change jobs (to bypass law that imposes Malaysia remain significant at 5% level of signi- a restriction on the un-skilled and semi-skilled ficance. So, there is significantly and robustly migrant workers saying that they are not allowed higher average wage of migrants with weak ties to work for more than ten years), (6) due to sick- than those with strong ties. ness (caused by a hard working job), (7) some Our regression result shows that job altera- workers identified some jobs as “risky” (immi- tion is insignificant and is very much related to gration police might come and want to check the other realities of the study areas (of Peninsu- their ‘jalan card’) and not preferable (e.g. work- lar Malaysia). It was noticed that migrants ing under sun or in open space, mostly, in the changed their jobs or were forced to quit it not construction site) and changed jobs etc. only for higher earning, but also for other causes. However, the above result regarding the Such as: (1) dismissal from job by the employer, contributions of weak ties on the higher income (2) to find a permanent job (though sometimes mobility of migrants can also be shown through the new one is not highly paid), (3) being arrested the following line graph:

Figure 2 – Contribution of Strong and Weak Ties for Higher Income Mobility

The line graph depicts that migrants with known to us that documented migrant workers’ weak ties have higher income mobility than those wages are increased by the factory authority ac- with strong ties. Though we do not see a smooth cording to their level of work experience. They line graph, the average monthly income rate non- allow them to work for a maximum of 10 years etheless shows that weak tied groups on average and provide them increments on the basis of their manage to stay longer and earn RM 6000, whe- work experiences. As a result, the highest amount reas for strong tied groups the highest income of income (of the strong tie groups) shows that rate is around RM 2000 in their 9th year. The line they managed to earn this amount in their ninth graph does not indicate that strong tied networks year according to the employment act of the help them to earn this amount. Rather, it is country. After that, concerning strong ties we can

SULTANA NAYEEM, University of Dhaka

see a decreasing rate of earning until their 11 year already have). Having failed to find a suitable job of stay. In their 12th and 13 years they slightly at home, they migrate to Malaysia to make their increased their slim earnings, but in the end were fortunes (within a short time frame). They also not successful at this. They even failed to reach want to earn more for a “better future”. They their previous rate of income (RM 2000), though know, if they fail to earn enough money, they they had stayed in Malaysia for more than 10 will be unable to maintain their expenditures both years. Or in other words, their length of stay did at home and abroad. As a result, even though not assist the strong tied groups to earn more. they consider their weak ties exploitative they Though they had stayed more than 10 years, they depend on them unless better ones are found. had restricted themselves to their own (ethnical) Through criticizing them they feel psychological domain. Limited capabilities and information relief. They also express their expectations to- (which in any case they already possessed) failed wards well-off countrymen. For example, “He is to show them paths for higher income mobility. rich, but very polite! Not like others.” This single On the contrary, regarding weak ties though sentence denotes how through discursive practic- we notice a lower income rate at the very begin- es migrants are expressing their experiences and ning, it finally helps the migrants to reach their expectations towards well-off people. According peak. Migrants who migrated depending only on to Moerman (1988), weak ties (commercial labour brokers) could not “In every moment of talk, people are expe- adapt to the foreign environment in the begin- riencing and producing their cultures, their roles, ning. As they lacked the strong ties, necessary to their personalities.” cope (with foreign customs, language, ways of However, though weak ties are identified as working etc.) with their immigrant life, they exploitative, the line graph nevertheless shows failed to earn more. But after staying a while they that respondents with weak ties have higher in- gradually achieved local knowledge on “what to come mobility than those with strong ties. At the do, where to go” and also managed to develop same time, it also demonstrates that the Bangla- new networks, necessary for upward mobility. deshi migrants of the study areas do not restrict These new ties not only provided them with the themselves only to their close social networks; opportunities for higher income mobility, but rather they develop distant networks for higher also incorporated risks. Therefore, the decreasing social mobility. Thus the migrants of a certain rates of income of the followers of weak ties can area remain connected with other migrants from be explained highlighting risks. It is found that in different parts of the host society. They thus get the host society migrants encounter different opportunities to construct interpersonal networks types of risks ranging from intra-ethnic tension to through weak ties, because most of the less privi- inter-ethnic conflict. For example, while some of leged migrants visit either ‘Noakhali’ group or the poor migrants identify their weak ties or pa- ‘Barishal’ group for their higher social mobility. trons as exploiters, they also express their fears of Through their transnational business activities, Tamil Indians. However, to overcome these the better-off merchants assist poor migrants so drawbacks they need to find another weak tie (a that they can maintain transnational networks well-connected person both with the local power with their kith and kin. structure and other well-off countrymen). They Conclusion. Through this study, we have try to find a better one who likewise possesses come to notice a dilemma concerning migrants’ the necessary capabilities, links (networks) and perceptions on weak ties and their actual beha- who is also knowledgeable in combating risks. vior. On the one hand, most of the poor migrants To find a “risk free” & better strategy they form perceive their intra-ethnic weak ties as exploita- new weak ties so they can stay longer in the tive and they depend on them for higher income study areas and also manage opportunities for mobility and for long term settlement in the re- higher income mobility. Though they consider ceiving country. In fact, their strong tied net- weak ties as commercial and exploitative, they works are noticed as poor and less connected still do not prefer to depend only on their trust- with the macro level authorities. Hence they lack worthy strong ties. Their strong ties represent the necessary power and information, required their own workmates, housemates as well as rela- for upward mobility. Therefore, they need to de- tives (who possess more or less same level of pend on weakly tied networks in order to over- information and networks that they themselves come economic insolvency and achieve higher

Russian Journal of Agricultural and Socio-Economic Sciences, No. 8 (8) / 2012

social status and prestige both in the origin and a tightly structured social system), the actual be- receiving countries. The well-off businessmen havior of the migrants indicates a loosely or dis- cum manpower agents, who make up the weak integrated social system. On the contrary, the ties of these poor migrants, also try to continue well-off professionals and professionals cum the relationship because of their business inter- merchants mainly depend on trust based strong ests. ties, since these networks possess enough infor- Along with kinship based strong ties, it also mation and contacts required for upward mobili- incorporates weak ties, where profit maximiza- ty. Micro level individual’s life is thus connected tion, conflicting interests etc. are major concerns. with the macro level authorities, while the mi- Or in other words, though the ideal socio-cultural grant’s embeddedness in the ongoing social rela- model emphasizes community cohesion (some- tions and power structures regulates the nature thing that can be conceptualized as an example of and strength of these ties.

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