,•,r,.lGlo~ " . ?.. ,,,, .,.:.. BRILL Asian Medicine 3 (2007) 177-188 www.brill.nl/asme

Endpiece

Geoffrey Samuel

The contributions in this issue provide a useful opportunity to reflect on the whole question of , both in its own right and in relation to lndic medical traditions. Probably, for many western lay readers, for whom 'yoga' means primarily postural yoga and relaxation, the connection between the two appears obvious and straightforward. Yoga is seen, and indeed widely repre• sented, as centrally about health. This is not only a western perception. It also corresponds to the official policy of the modern Indian state, which recognises yoga as one of a number oflndian systems of medicine, supported along with naturopathy and homeopathy as State-sponsored alternatives to biomedicine. 1 In the description of the Department of Ayurveda, Yoga and Naturopathy, Unani, and Homoeopathy (AYUSH), however, we can already see some ambivalence about presenting yoga purely as a practice for health:

Yoga is primarily a way of life propounded by in a systematic form. It consists of eight components, namely, restraint, observance of austerity, physi• cal postures, breathing exercise, restraining of sense organs, contemplation, meditation and . These steps in the practice of Yoga have potential for improvement of social and personal behaviour, improvement of physical health by encouraging better circulation of oxygenated blood in the body, restraining the sense organs and thereby inducing tranquility and serenity of mind. The practice of Yoga prevents psychosomatic disorders/diseases and improves individual resis• tance and ability to endure stressful situations. Though Yoga is primarily a way of life, nevertheless, its promotive, preventive and curative interventions are efficacious. 2 AYUSH's view of yoga is undoubtedly closer to ',' in Elizabeth de Michelis's terminology, than to 'Classical Yoga'. 3 The practice of yoga is

1 AYUSH is a department of the Government of 's Ministry of Health and Family Welfare. It was established as the Department of Indian Systems of Medicines and Homoeopa• thy (ISM and H) in the Ministry of Health and Family Welfare in March 1995 and renamed in November 2003 (AYUSH 2006, p. I). 2 AYUSH 2006, p. I 0. 3 De Michelis 2004; see also her article in the present issue.

© Konink.lijke Brill NV, Leiden, 2007 DOI: 10.1163/157342107X207263

Downloaded from Brill.com10/01/2021 12:45:39PM via free access 178 G. Samuel I Asian Medicine 3 (2007) 177-188 justified here in thoroughly modern terms: it leads co an 'improvement of social and personal behaviour' as well as 'improvement of physical heal ch'. As a number of recent studies have pointed out, chis kind of picture of yoga resulcs from the systematic removal of elements chat are nevertheless still present beneath the surface. As put it in a previous issue of Asian Medicine,

The power attributed to yoga as medicine and as a regimen of public health is intimately linked to tenth and eleventh-century ideas about sex, magic and alchemy, even though these ideas have, for the most part, been systematically and self-consciously purged from the discourse and practice of yoga. 4 The first four pieces in the present issue all deal in various ways with chis trans• formation by which yoga became modern. De Michelis's article provides a valuable survey of the literature on chis topic, a literature co which she, along with Alter, and Mark Singleton, has already made nota• ble contributions. Alcer's piece here focuses on the problematic attempts co transform yoga into a programme of physical training linked co the growing nationalise movement. Yoga might fie with Gandhi's Swadeshi movement, but the need for a more strongly muscular and masculine physical training pro• gramme in pose-Independence India led co a progressive marginalisation. Newcombe and Singleton deal with the western side of the creation of mod• ern yoga, focusing on Britain in the 1960s and 1970s, and the USA in the early twentieth century, respectively. What is evident-if hardly surprising• in both of these articles is chat yoga in the West was adopted for reasons, and used in ways, chat derived their logic from western society, not from India. The adoption was doubcless often made easier because yogic practices were already being reshaped in response co modernity in the Indian context. This was barely visible, of course, co most of the western enthusiasts, who tended co cake claims of age-old tradition at face value. This is not co say chat the western adoption of yoga or of Indian spiritual traditions more generally was necessarily superficial, lee alone 'inauthentic' or invalid. Modern yoga has become a significant pare of contemporary western practices of bodily culcivacion, and it should be judged in its own terms, not in terms of its closeness co some presumably more authentic Indian practice. le is important co appreciate, though, chat the process both at the Indian and at the western ends was and is one of creative adaptation rather than of literal transmission. Thus yoga as a healing practice, in the forms in which we know it today, both Asian and Western, is largely a produce of modernity. Ac the same time,

4 Alter 2005, p. 120.

Downloaded from Brill.com10/01/2021 12:45:39PM via free access G. Samuel I Asian Medicine 3 (2007) 177-188 179 many, if not all, of the practices that have been variously classified as or con• nected with yoga clearly do have health implications; they are technologies of the body as well as of the self. Historically, too, some at least of them were undoubtedly practised for healing purposes. It may be useful to attempt an overall sketch of the history of yogic practices as we are beginning now to understand it, as a more general background to the material in this volume. The following pages summarise parts of a forthcoming book on the early his• tory of yoga and , while also attempting to take my argument there a little further (Samuel in press). I will conclude with some further comments on the assimilation of yoga within the modern, global context. To begin with, I note that it is important to take 'yoga' in a wide sense, and to include the variery of related Buddhist and Jain practices, which may or may nor be called yoga, as well as the yogic and tantric traditions within the various religious currents that eventually led to modern . As we will see, developments within these various traditions were closely entwined with each other. A useful starting point is provided by the work of , who has sketched a picture of early yogic and ascetic practices on the basis of Buddhist, Jaina and Brahmanical sources. According to Bronkhorst, the Brah• manical sources describe two traditions of ascetic practice, a semi-renunciate style, pursued by unmarried or married practitioners who live in the forest and subsist on forest produce while maintaining a ritual fire like a normal Vedic household, and a fully renunciate type who have no sacred fire. This first type seems to correspond to the ja_tila or matted-hair Brahmins who are described in the Buddhist texts as being regarded by the Buddha with considerable respect. 5 In later times such forest-dwelling practitioners (vdnaprastha, vaikhdnasa, etc) became little more than a literary conceit, asso• ciated mainly with the idea of the Vedic rfis. In the period referred to by these Brahmanical and Buddhist sources, however, there seems to be at least a mem• ory of them as real people. The two types are generally described as having different aims, the first being concerned with the attainment of rebirth in heaven, the second with libera• tion from the cycle of rebirth. The terminology for the types of practitioner in the Si"mas and other early texts is variable, and in fact the Dharma disapprove of both types; it seems to be only at a considerably later stage that they became legitimised through inclusion as the third and fourth stages of a sequence of four dframas. 6

5 Bronkhorst 1998; Tsuchida 1991, pp. 54-7. 6 Cf. Olivelle 1993.

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Both types seem, however, to have been part of a shared ascetic sub-culture, among which were Brahmanical ascetics and also members of the various framm:za sub-groups, including early members of the Buddhists, Jains and Ajivikas or their ancestors. We have indications of a body of teaching stories and instructions shared among these groups, such as the Jaina text known as the lsibhasaiyam, the story of the conversion of the materialist king Paesi or Payasi, or the stories of the early ascetic king Nami or Nimi.7 We also have indications of a common body of practices, though in the early Brahmanical and Jaina sources, there appears little in the way of detailed instruction; the aim is to stop the activities of the body and mind, a process that is also often associated with stopping breathing.8 This is a form of ascesis () which may generate great power, but it also may lead to a holy , as is familiar from the Jaina practice of sallekhana or to death, a process in which 'the body is "scoured out" (sallikhita) of its negative factors and the mind can focus solely upon spiritual matters as death approaches'. 9 There are indications too of mental disciplines shared by these various early practitioners. Thus the four Brahmic States (brahmavihara), a well-known set of practices involves the cultivation of maitri (P. metta, love/friendliness towards other beings), karur;a (compassion), mudita (sympathy towards the joy of oth• ers), and upeksa (equanimity), are described in the early Buddhist texts as hav• ing been practised by both Buddhists and by some non-Buddhists, although the Buddha is reported as saying that his followers take them further. 10 The Buddhist tradition by contrast describes their own practice as that of attaining equanimity towards the senses, rather than making the senses cease to function. 11 The key to doing this for the early Buddhist textual tradition is through the four dhyana (Palijhana), a standard series of meditative states.12 The Buddha is described as entering these states in order to purify his mind, and then being able to attain to various kinds of wisdom, culminating in the liberating insight that led to Buddhahood and freedom from rebirth. The theme of a 'holy death' occurs conspicuously in a perhaps surprising context, that of the warriors of the Mahabharata. 13 Here however it is not just a matter of spiritual purification but of a specific technique by which one can

7 Schubring 1942-52; Bollee 2002; Wiltshire 1990; Samuel in press. 8 Bronkhorst 1993. 9 Dundas 2002, p. I 79. 10 Bronkhorst 1993, pp. 93-4. 11 Bron_khorst 1993, p. 30. 12 Cousins 1971; Bronkhorst I 993. These states are also described in some Jaina sources, but the Jainas, unlike the Buddhists, do not seem to have regarded them as a possibility for practice. 13 Brockingron 2003; White 2006.

Downloaded from Brill.com10/01/2021 12:45:39PM via free access G. Samuel I Asian Medicine 3 (2007) 177-188 181 attain to the heavenly realms at death. One of the oldest pieces of the yogic internal physiology is the channel that goes to the fontanelle at the top of the head and thence to heaven. Another element of yoga in the Mahabharata is the technique of transferring one's consciousness into the body of another person. This is not necessarily for harmful purposes. In one instance, Vipula guards the chastity of his guru's wife against Indra's amorous overtures by taking posses• sion of her yogically. 14 In another, Vidura transfers his consciousness perma• nently to Yudhighira, along with his strength, knowledge and wisdom, leaving his now-dead body behind. 15 has used these and similar examples to argue that yoga at this time was not a purely inner-directed prac• tice, based on a 'closed' model of the human body, but one where the body is essentially 'open'. He argues that this

is the most perennial and pervasive understanding of yoga in South Asia: not the identification of the individual Self in meditative isolation (kaivalyam), but rather the yoking of the mind-body complex to an absolute located outside of the self [... ] or to that of other bodies, other selves ... 16

Frederick Smith's article in the present issue explores similar themes in its discussion of birth and death in the Mahabharata and the classical medical treatises. An important theme here is that birth itself is a kind of controlled possession (avesa) by which the jiva or living being (i.e. consciousness) takes over the embryo. Smith's discussion here links up to that in his important recent book, The Self Possessed, in which he demonstrates the centrality of the idiom of possession, benign and harmful, throughout South Asian cultures past and present. 17 If life is a process by which consciousness possesses the body, this can happen more or less effectively, with obvious implications for the understanding of health. 18 Ultimately, however, all this is less to do with health than with power: the power to control others, and eventually also the power to control one's own death. All this makes good sense in the context of the Mahabharata, as an appro• priate cult for a society whose ideal figure is the warrior. For the warrior on the battlefield, the ability to dominate one's body through a kind of controlled trance (to use an admittedly problematic term), was of obvious utility. The

14 Brockington 2003, p. 18. 15 White 2006, p. 9. 16 White 2006, p. 12. 17 Smith 2006. 18 Such yogic healing techniques as prd,:za vidyd, in which 'consciousness' is directed deliber• ately to various parts of the body, can be seen as contemporary transformations of this mode of thinking.

Downloaded from Brill.com10/01/2021 12:45:39PM via free access 182 G. Samuel I Asian Medicine 3 (2007) 177-188 warrior has to persuade himself to risk death, and also to act as calmly, pre• cisely and effectively as possible in battle. Here relations with other people are essentially restricted to those of domination or of loyalty; this is an essen• tially male society and I have suggested elsewhere that its key figure is the young male celibate warrior or his Brahmanical transform, the brahmacarin or young male celibate yogic practitioner. 19 More typically, the exponent of yoga is a Brahmin sage (r,si) not a warrior. It is worth recalling however that the Brahmin sages of the Mahabharata and other lndic narratives are by no means always peaceful figures. A warrior• ascetic tradition runs through Indian history and is still alive today. 20 The tradition of meditation and/or yoga to achieve wisdom is somewhat distinct from this, and I have tentatively suggested that it may derive from a different cultural context, the growing agrarian societies of the Ganges valley and the northern Deccan. Here we find traditions of wise kings ruling over agrarian states, contrasting with the warrior kings of the Mahabharata and the Brahmanical texts. There is an extra element here which I tentatively assign to a growing mystery cult associated with the delta area and the growing trading network throughout the Ganges region. In this region one finds the gradual growth of long distance trade and the development of towns and cities organ• ically out of smaller-scale communities rather than by external imposition; what Redfield and Singer many years ago referred to as an 'orthogenetic' style of urbanism.21 This is a classic context for the growth of an inner-directed mysti• cal tradition with a strong ethical programme. Parallel cases might include the mysteries of Eleusis in the case of the early Greek city-states, the growth of transregional cult societies among the coastal peoples of West Africa, and of Sufi networks in the Muslim world. This is not intended as a kind of sociological reduction, since the practices that develop in such groups have their own integrity and reality. For people involved in long-distance trade among populations often very different from their own, however, the ability to link up with fellow cult-members in distant places has a pragmatic utility. The often-remarked connections between Bud• dhism and trade are not at all surprising. 22 What a trading society also needs is local rulers who will maintain peace and guarantee the ethics of the market, and it is equally hardly surprising that one finds indications in the early period of the image of the ruler as sage, as with

19 Samuel in Press. 20 E.g. Bouiller 1993. 21 Redfield and Singer 1954. 22 E.g. O'Connor 1989.

Downloaded from Brill.com10/01/2021 12:45:39PM via free access G. Samuel I Asian Medicine 3 (2007) 177-188 183 the kings of Mithila. 23 Thus the cultivation of 'trance' (dhydna) in this context is a means to achieve liberating insight, rather than a path to power, and it is achieved through calming the mind through breathing and other techniques.24 However this may be, the two traditions became rapidly intertwined, and by the time of Patafijali's Yogasutra one sees both incorporated in a complex and sophisticated structure of ideas. Ian Whicher recently proposed, in an argument which has some parallels to those of White and Smith, that the Yogasutra's overall position is not rejection of the world but a 'responsible engagement' with it. 25 Certainly, alongside prescriptions for the attainment of exalted states of mental purification, one also finds in the Yogasutra techniques for developing various powers and knowledges for pragmatic ends, including those for entering another body and travelling upwards out of the body, implicitly at the time of death. 26 Much the same is true of the Simas, which probably date from a similar period. The various samddhi or meditative states described in these texts offer power as well as insight. From this perspective, Tantric techniques were less a break than a progres• sive development, and this is clearest perhaps on the Buddhist side, where late Mahayana merges gradually into early . Here the notorious antino• mianism of some Tantric practices-the apparent obsession with breaking the rules in relation to death, pollution and proper sexual relations-is perhaps something of a side issue, and has more to do with the context of State sorcery practices from which some of these techniques derive. In any case, they became progressively marginalised or spiritualised in later versions, such as the system of Abhinavagupta on side or traditions such as the Ktilacakra Tantra on the Buddhist side. 27 What is of more interest for the history of yoga is the increasingly complex 'internal' or '' practices that developed in the Tantric context, including the well-known techniques of directingprd~a along the internal channels (ndt/,i) and through the cakra along the spinal column. It seems at least possible that these practices owed something to similar tech• niques that had developed in the Daoist context in China, a possibility that lends particular interest to Livia Kohn's careful analysis of the contrasts between Chinese and Indian approaches. The earliest forms of postural yoga appear to have developed as accessory practices to such internal yogic techniques, and this is in fact still the context in which these practices (Tib. phrul 'khor) are undertaken in the Tibetan

23 Samuel in press. 24 Cousins 1973. 25 E.g. Whicher 2002-3. 26 3.38-39, cf. White 2006, p. 10. 27 White 1998, 2003; Samuel in press.

Downloaded from Brill.com10/01/2021 12:45:39PM via free access 184 G. Samuel I Asian Medicine 3 (2007) 177-188 tradition today, as an organised sequence of 'secret' exercises confined to circles ofTantric practitioners and understood as ways to condition the 'subtle body' of ndr/,i and prd1Ja (Tib. rtsa rlung). 28 The Bon-po rDzogs-chen tradition of 'phrul 'khor discussed by Chaoul is closely connected with these Tantric practices, and maintains this kind of accessory status. Yet conditioning the ndr/,i and prd1Ja (channels and breaths, in Chaoul's translation) can be seen as a precondition for achieving a healthy body-mind complex, and Chaoul, in cooperation with the Bonpo lama Tenzin Wangyal Rinpoche, was able to translate these practices with considerable success into the very different con• text of work with contemporary American cancer patients. With the dominance of Islam and the increasing strength of or devotional styles of religion among Hindus, Tantric practice became progres• sively marginalised in India from the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries onwards, though one can exaggerate how completely this took place before modern times; White argues that Tantric and Sakta religious styles remained strong well into the nineteenth century. 29 Certainly texts such as the Hatha• yogapradipikd are still very much part of the Tantric milieu, as is the splendid illustrated manuscript discussed by Biihnemann in the present issue. It was only towards the very end of the nineteenth century that serious attempts were made to disengage yogic practice from the Tantric context within which it was embedded, an enterprise which generated the modern yoga with which we started. That this was a problematic and incomplete undertaking is clear enough from yoga today, above all perhaps in the evasions and deceptions characteris• tic of all too many contemporary yoga traditions, Hindu and Buddhist.30 Perhaps the traditions which have fared best have been those which have been almost entirely de-Tantricised, such as , 31 or those which make little or no pretence of adaptation to western norms, such as some of the Tibetan Buddhist traditions. The transformation of pre-modern yoga into modern yoga is nevertheless a social phenomenon of great interest, both as a series of examples of cultural adaptation and hybridity, and more importantly because various forms of modern yoga have become such a significant part of contemporary global societies. AB the articles in this issue remind us, we are dealing here with a

28 Loseries-Leick 1997. A remarkable sequence of exercises of this kind from the 'Bri-gung-pa tradition may be seen in the recent film ofTibet (2002), though the commentary is for the most part best ignored. 29 White 2003, pp. 5-7. 30 E.g. Butterfield 1994; Caldwell 200 I. 31 De Michelis 2004, pp. 208-47.

Downloaded from Brill.com10/01/2021 12:45:39PM via free access G. Samuel I Asian Medicine] (2007) 177-188 185 complex set of processes, taking place in a variety of contexts in Asia and the West over a considerable period of time. At the start of this period, yoga in India was still primarily a set of tech• niques of self-cultivation closely related to Tantric and other ascetic practices, although yogic concepts could doubtless be found in a variety of other con• texts, such as martial arts or traditional theatrical training.32 All this was well outside the mainstream oflndian society. Much the same went for Tibet; Tan• tric practice had a more respected place within Tibetan societies, no doubt, than in India, but physical techniques such 'phrul 'khor were strictly reserved for specialist yogic circles and practised as an accessory technique to spiritual cultivation. While yoga and medicine (whether ayurveda or Tibetan medi• cine) might share some of the same basic discourse, a situation going back to the early texts discussed in Smith's article, yogic practices were not, for the most part, about health in any generic sense but about such issues as con• ditioning the ndt/i for tantric practice. A separate body ofTantric and alchem• ical practices was concerned with longevity and rejuvenation, but little of this has fed into modern yoga. As for the current state of affairs, the categorisation in de Michelis's article forms a good starting point; the psychosomatic yoga of Vivekananda and the various neo-Hindu schools of yoga in South Asia from the late nineteenth century onwards, and the postural and meditational forms that developed primarily in relation to the growing western interest in yoga from the 1920s onwards, shading over into various denominational groups such as ISKCON, the Osho community and Yoga, in effect sectarian groups or new reli• gious movements. As de Michelis also notes, the line between a meditational school and a full-blown denominational movement may be hard to draw. It is perhaps as much as anything else a question of how far members of the group are committed to a distinctive worldview and lifestyle, and this can in any case vary considerably among people affiliated to the group.33

32 Zarrilli 2007. ·13 One might take as an example the Satyananda Yoga organisation in Australia, which I observed at some length in the 1980s. This was a branch of an international movement founded by one of the disciples of Swami Sivananda of Rishikesh. It encompassed everything from ordinary lay people going along to a yoga and relaxation course taught via the local Worker's Education Association branch, and with no particular commitment to any associated worldview, to male and female sannyasins, wearing robes and living permanently in the organisation's ash• rams. As with many other such movements, the Satyananda teachers presented yoga primarily as a scientific technique. The movement undoubtedly had devotional and 'cultic' aspects, but these were far from obvious to those who attended the numerous classes in postural yoga and relax• ation (yoga nidrd) in towns and cities around Australia.

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In the course of these developments, modern yoga has not merely taken up contemporary concerns, but been radically reshaped by its encounter with chem. Singleton's discussion of New Thought points to a central part of chis process, and anyone with some familiarity with contemporary yoga will be struck by how much appears in the light of Singleton's account to have been borrowed from chis specifically western movement. The dismissal of the ascetic and world-renouncing aspects of the tradition, the interpretation of as auto-suggestion, and the largely dualistic mode of thought about mind and body, are all familiar from many modern yogic and New Age contexts. Again, Newcombe's article shows how gender issues with a very specific location in the situation of British middle-class women in the 1960s and 1970s contrib• uted to the development of forms of modern yoga that responded to these issues: 's health and beauty, yoga for natural childbirth. If world-renunciation, at least in the sense of withdrawal into a yogic denominational group, or one of the Tibetan equivalents, is back on the agenda, the motive force behind it often seems to be again a rejection of con• temporary society which is rooted far more in the western counter-culture, with its critique of consumerism and of conventional gender relations, and its ecological consciousness, than in South Asian understandings of liberation. The Gandhian stream in Indian thought, itself the product of a complex inter• action between India and the West (cf. Samuel 2005: 359-60), gave some support to chis reading of yoga as part of the construction of an alternative society. As Airer's contribution to this issue demonstrates, yoga in India was mean• while taking quite radically different directions, being incorporated into a nationalist project that was precisely about imitating the western road to modernity. One can perhaps exaggerate, however, the extent to which yoga has been open to indefinite reconstruction. Alter ends by noting chat, in the end, yoga as a way to produce healthy bodies for , on the model of 'muscular Christianity' as the ideology of Victorian colonialism, did not quite work, and we can see some of the traces of chat failure in the AYUSH description of yoga as a health modality with which I began. Yoga, in other words, has retained some of its integrity as a specific set of techniques for self-cultivation throughout all of these transformations. To make sense of such a historical complex and varied phenomenon as yoga, it is, however, essential to retain as much awareness as possible of the social envi• ronment and historical specificity of each specific context within which it was adopted and transformed. In chis way, we can begin to give meaning to each of these various forms of yoga, and to understand chem within the life and culture of those who created chem and shaped them. The articles in chis issue

Downloaded from Brill.com10/01/2021 12:45:39PM via free access G. Samuel I Asian Medicine3 (2007) 177-188 187 provide many significant contributions towards such a culturally and histori• cally situated understanding. If, beyond all that, we can still sense a continuity of practice and experience, then that is part of why yoga remains a significant and important topic for study. The yoga for health and relaxation of a contem• porary suburban yoga class is, at one level, scarcely the same enterprise as that of the warrior-heroes of the Mahabharata or of the yogic saints of early Bud• dhist Tibet, yet there is still a thread that connects them, if only the hope that, through learning to operate more effectively with our mind-body complex, we can live better lives.

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