An Ethnography of Canada-Colombia Relations ‘From Below’
Total Page:16
File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb
Load more
Recommended publications
-
Sociedad Civil, Movimiento Zapatista Y Conflicto En Chiapas Titulo Parra, M
Sociedad civil, movimiento zapatista y conflicto en Chiapas Titulo Parra, M. Alejandra - Autor/a Autor(es) Buenos Aires Lugar CLACSO, Consejo Latinoamericano de Ciencias Sociales Editorial/Editor 2002 Fecha Colección Luchas sociales; Teoría política; Grupos sociales; Conflictos sociales; Movimiento Temas zapatista; Sociedad civil; Movilización social; Estado; México; Chiapas; Artículo Tipo de documento http://bibliotecavirtual.clacso.org.ar/clacso/becas/20110119021114/parra.pdf URL Reconocimiento-No comercial-Sin obras derivadas 2.0 Genérica Licencia http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/2.0/deed.es Segui buscando en la Red de Bibliotecas Virtuales de CLACSO http://biblioteca.clacso.edu.ar Consejo Latinoamericano de Ciencias Sociales (CLACSO) Conselho Latino-americano de Ciências Sociais (CLACSO) Latin American Council of Social Sciences (CLACSO) www.clacso.edu.ar Parra, Marcela Alejandra. Sociedad civil, movimiento zapatista y conflicto en Chiapas . Informe final del concurso: Fragmentación social y crisis política e institucional en América Latina y el Caribe. Programa Regional de Becas CLACSO. 2002. Disponible en: http://bibliotecavirtual.clacso.org.ar/ar/libros/becas/2002/fragmenta/parra.pdf www.clacso.org RED DE BIBLIOTECAS VIRTUALES DE CIENCIAS SOCIALES DE AMERICA LATINA Y EL CARIBE, DE LA RED DE CENTROS MIEMBROS DE CLACSO http://www.clacso.org.ar/biblioteca [email protected] “Sociedad Civil, Movimiento Zapatista y Conflicto en Chiapas” Marcela Alejandra Parra SOCIEDAD CIVIL, MOVIMIENTO ZAPATISTA Y CONFLICTO EN CHIAPAS Η M. Alejandra Parra “Chiapas no es una noticia en un periódico, ni la ración cotidiana de horror. Chiapas es un lugar de dignidad, un foco de rebelión En un mundo patéticamente adormecido. Debemos seguir viajando a Chiapas y hablando de Chiapas. -
The Law of Justice and Peace and the Disappeared: a Critical Evaluation of Forensic Intervention As a Tool of Transitional Justice in Colombia
University of Tennessee, Knoxville TRACE: Tennessee Research and Creative Exchange Doctoral Dissertations Graduate School 12-2018 The Law of Justice and Peace and the Disappeared: a Critical Evaluation of Forensic Intervention as a Tool of Transitional Justice in Colombia María Alexandra López Cerquera University of Tennessee Follow this and additional works at: https://trace.tennessee.edu/utk_graddiss Recommended Citation López Cerquera, María Alexandra, "The Law of Justice and Peace and the Disappeared: a Critical Evaluation of Forensic Intervention as a Tool of Transitional Justice in Colombia. " PhD diss., University of Tennessee, 2018. https://trace.tennessee.edu/utk_graddiss/5322 This Dissertation is brought to you for free and open access by the Graduate School at TRACE: Tennessee Research and Creative Exchange. It has been accepted for inclusion in Doctoral Dissertations by an authorized administrator of TRACE: Tennessee Research and Creative Exchange. For more information, please contact [email protected]. To the Graduate Council: I am submitting herewith a dissertation written by María Alexandra López Cerquera entitled "The Law of Justice and Peace and the Disappeared: a Critical Evaluation of Forensic Intervention as a Tool of Transitional Justice in Colombia." I have examined the final electronic copy of this dissertation for form and content and recommend that it be accepted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy, with a major in Anthropology. Dawnie W. Steadman, Major Professor We have -
Legislating During War: Conflict and Politics in Colombia
Legislating During War: Conflict and Politics in Colombia Juan S. Morales∗ Collegio Carlo Alberto University of Turin July 24, 2020 Abstract This paper studies how politicians and their constituents respond to political violence by investigating the case of the Colombian civil conflict. I use data on rebel attacks, legislators’ tweets and roll-call votes, and I employ event study and difference-in-differences empirical methods. Twitter engagement (as a proxy for popular support) increases after rebel attacks for both incumbent party legislators and for tweets with a "hard-line" language. Legislators increase their support for the incumbent party after attacks, but only when the government has a hard-line policy position, as inferred both from the recent historical context and from text analysis of the president’s tweets. Though the effects are initially large they last less than two weeks. The empirical results are consistent with a political economy model of legislative behaviour in which events that shift voters’ views, and the presence of rally ‘round the flag effects, elicit different politician responses depending on the policy position of the incumbent party. Finally, I identify a set of potentially affected congressional votes, suggesting that these conflict-induced swings in incumbent support can have persistent policy consequences. JEL Codes: D72;D74;H56;O10 Keywords: civil conflict; legislative decision-making; roll-call votes; political language; social media ∗Collegio Carlo Alberto, Piazza Arbarello 8, 10122, Torino, TO, Italy (e-mail: [email protected]). I thank the editor, Maria Petrova, and anonymous referees for their careful reviews and suggestions. I am grateful to Gustavo Bobonis, Albert Berry, Marco Gonzalez-Navarro and Michel Serafinelli for their guidance and support. -
Zapatismo Y Movimientos Étnico- Regionales En México
1 Nueva Sociedad Nro. 140 Noviembre - Diciembre 1995, pp. 33-50 Zapatismo y movimientos étnico- regionales en México Gunther Dietz Gunther Dietz: antropólogo alemán, investigador del Departamento de Antropología de América de la Universidad de Hamburgo. Nota: El presente estudio se basa en dos temporadas de trabajo de campo etnográfico realizadas en México en 1993 y 1994, gracias a una beca de postgrado de la Fundación Friedrich Eben. Resumen: El «fenómeno EZLN» de México se encuadra en el marco de los movimientos indios de los últimos 25 años. Existen entre el movimiento zapatista y otras organizaciones campesinas e indígenas similitudes y diferencias programáticas que explican el consenso y apoyo políticos logrados, como también su amplitud como fenómeno cultural. El México «profundo», indígena y rural, en el que –según el antropólogo Guillermo Bonfil Batalla– pervive la antigua civilización mesoamericana, ha regresado a la política escrita con mayúscula1. El simbólico primero de enero de 1994, la fecha del ingreso de México al Tratado de Libre Comercio (TLCAN), en el sureño estado de Chiapas, un hasta entonces desconocido Ejército Zapatista de Liberación Nacional (EZLN) toma cuatro cabeceras municipales, declara la guerra al gobierno federal y reivindica «libertad, democracia, justicia» para todos los mexicanos. Aunque el gobierno de Carlos Salinas, por temor a una huida de las inversiones extranjeras y al consiguiente derrumbe de su proyecto modernizador orientado hacia afuera, se empeña en limitar el levantamiento armado a actores -
Exploraciones/Explorations
Revista Europea de Estudios Latinoamericanos y del Caribe 76, abril de 2004 | 99 Exploraciones/Explorations The Zapatista Uprising and the Struggle for Indigenous Autonomy Gemma van der Haar Ten years ago in January 1994, the masked rebels of the EZLN (Ejército Zapatista de Liberación Nacional) headed by Subcomandante Marcos shook Mexico and the world. After twelve days of combat, the Mexican government, under the pressure of national and international public opinion, called a ceasefire and the Zapatistas from their side made a commitment to fighting in the political arena rather than using their weapons in their efforts to transform Mexico. One of the results of the Zapatista uprising was that the indigenous question was put squarely back on the Mexican political agenda. While most of Mexico was preparing for its entry into the ‘first world’ with the formal start of NAFTA,1 the uprising forcefully exposed the conditions of poverty and marginalization under which much of Mexico’s in- digenous population lived, the humiliation and discrimination they suffered, and the political exclusion which kept them from enjoying full citizenship. Though the EZLN had not initially presented itself as an indigenous movement, it did not take it long to assume its role as defender of Mexico’s indigenous people. The Zapatistas became the symbol for the indigenous cause and in the years following, they developed into central protagonists in the struggle for indigenous rights and autonomy. This struggle has taken two main routes. The first concerned the strengthening of indigenous rights through legal reform. This went from the negotiations between the EZLN and the government on ‘Indigenous Rights and Culture’, which resulted in the San Andrés Accords, on to the battle to have the agreements translated to the legal plane. -
Vínculos Entre Los Zapatistas Y Los Magonistas Durante La Revolución Mexicana
Utopía y Praxis Latinoamericana ISSN: 1315-5216 ISSN: 2477-9555 [email protected] Universidad del Zulia Venezuela Vínculos entre los zapatistas y los magonistas durante la Revolución Mexicana TREJO MUÑOZ, Rubén Vínculos entre los zapatistas y los magonistas durante la Revolución Mexicana Utopía y Praxis Latinoamericana, vol. 25, núm. 90, 2020 Universidad del Zulia, Venezuela Disponible en: https://www.redalyc.org/articulo.oa?id=27965038006 PDF generado a partir de XML-JATS4R por Redalyc Proyecto académico sin fines de lucro, desarrollado bajo la iniciativa de acceso abierto Rubén TREJO MUÑOZ. Vínculos entre los zapatistas y los magonistas durante la Revolución Mexicana ARTÍCULOS Vínculos entre los zapatistas y los magonistas durante la Revolución Mexicana Rubén TREJO MUÑOZ Redalyc: https://www.redalyc.org/articulo.oa? Universidad Autónoma de la Ciudad de México, México id=27965038006 [email protected] Recepción: 02 Febrero 2020 Aprobación: 30 Abril 2020 Resumen: Recuperar la memoria histórica de las dos tendencias radicales y anticapitalistas de la Revolución Mexicana desarrollada entre 1910 y 1920. El presente texto forma parte de una investigación en curso sobre los vínculos entre el zapatismo y el magonismo durante la Revolución Mexicana. Exponemos únicamente dos episodios que muestran esa colaboración. El primero refiere la participación de Ángel Barrios, magonista y zapatista destacado, en la lucha tanto del PLM como del Ejército Libertador del Sur. El segundo, es la narración de la visita que hace el magonista José Guerra a Emiliano Zapata en 1913. Palabras clave: Magonismo, zapatismo, Revolucion Mexicana, Tierra y Libertad. Abstract: Recovering the historical memory of the two radical and anticapitalistic tendencies in the 1910-1920 Mexican Revolution. -
SONIC POLITICS and the EZLN by Jeremy Oldfield a Thesis Submitted in Partial Fulfillment of the Requir
THE INSURGENT MICROPHONE: SONIC POLITICS AND THE EZLN by Jeremy Oldfield A thesis submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the Degree of Bachelor of Arts with Honors in American Studies WILLIAMS COLLEGE Williamstown, Massachusetts May 6,2005 Acknowledgements My name stands alone on the title page. jE~toes una rnentira enovrne! Each one of these people should be listed alongside: Cass Cleghorn, my advisor, for inviting me to take some serious literary risks; for meeting at the oddest hours to casually restructure the entire thing; for yelling "jDeja de pintav la Mona!"; for her infectious curiosity; and for sharing her tunes. My brother Ben, for flying to Chiapas with me last January, and for telling me to chill out and start this thing. Sergio Beltrhn, for his stories - and that shot of mezcal. Bryan Garman, my high school history teacher, for attuning my ears to the power hiding in things that rock. The 2003 International Honors Program "Indigenous Perspectives" crew. Tracey, for enduring my frustrated rants; for editing my introduction and suggesting, in vain, that I remove a questionably appropriate sentence; and for bringing me food that last week, when I became a hairy, unruly hermit. Payson, for barging in so often to call me boring, and for filling the hallway with banjo riffs at 4am. Gene Bell-Villada, my sophomore year Spanish professor, for sending this scared, ill-prepared, young gringo to Guatemala two years ago. My dad, for playing me Richard Farifia's "Pack Up Your Sorrows" on the dulcimer eighteen years ago. It was the first song that gave me goose bumps. -
TIEMPO MUERTO Number 5A| Year 2018
TIEMPO MUERTO Number 5a| Year 2018 1 TIEMPO MUERTO #5 INDEX 3 EDITOr’s nOTE TO TIEMPO MUERTO 5 Juan Pablo Macías 5 CHICOMEXOCHITL & THE ORIGIN OF CORN IN THE NAHUA ORAL TRADITION OF THE HUASTecA MAIZE AND Anuschka van´t Hooft (2008) 9 THE PeOPLE OF LA HUASTecA DO NOT ANARCHISM – CONCEIVE LIFE AWAY FROM THE MILPA Alfredo Zepeda (2012) 11 MAIZE & COMMUNALITY A CORRELATION Kiado Cruz (2014) 15 COMMUNITY & COMMUNALITY OF THOUGHT, Floriberto Díaz Gómez (2004) 19 THE INDIAN & THE INDIGENOUS IN THE MAGÓNIST ANARCHISM ORDER AND Benjamín Maldonado Alvarado (2000) 27 FeRNANDO PALOMAREZ, MAYO INDIAN. LIBERTY ON LIBERTARIAN EPISTLES & OTHER TEXTS. Alfonso Torúa Cienfuegos (2016) 31 MAGÓNISM & INDIGENOUS MOVEMENT THE EXTENSION Juan Carlos Beas and Manuel Ballesteros (1986) 43 THE MeXICAN ReVOLUTION Voltairine de Cleyre (1911) TIEMPO MUERTO Authors Graphic project Publisher Thanks to #5a | 2015 Anuschka van´t Hooft, Alfredo Zepeda, Brice Delarue Zirkumflex WORD+MOIST PRESS Bruna e Matteo Viglietta, Eva Brioschi, Kiado Cruz, Floriberto Díaz Gómez, www.zirkumflex.com Manuela Galliano, Marco Scotini, Andris Editor | Editorship Benjamín Maldonado Alvarado, Printed in May 2018, China Brinkmanis, Shuai Yin, Paolo Caffoni, Juan Pablo Macías Alfonso Torúa Cienfuegos, Juan Carlos Visual content Chen Jianxin, Liu Pei, Brice Delarue, Beas, Manuel Ballesteros, Plotino Juan Pablo Macías stills from “Museum Produced by Alessandra Poggianti, Rodrigo Villasmil, Rhodakanaty, Julio López Chávez, pieces, a 6000 year-old corn fossil, two Yinchuan Biennale Yu Hsiao-hwei, Evelyne Jouanno, Hou Emiliano Zapata, Voltairine de Cleyre agronomists and a geneticist,” 2018 Hanru, Pengpeng Wang, Alberto Paredes With the support of Sánchez, Abel Muñoz Orozco, Abel Gil- Translations Cover Collezione La Gaia Muñoz, José Regalado, Kiado Cruz, Lucia Rodrigo Villasmil, Yu Hsiao-hwei Juan Pablo Macías “Teocintle, the Giardino e Chico Bacci. -
Anti-Capitalism, Anti-Power, and the Insurgent Imagination
Anarch@-Zapatismo: Anti-Capitalism, Anti-Power, and the Insurgent Imagination Alex Khasnabish1 Abstract Zapatismo--the political imagination and practice of the Zapatista movement--has had powerful and unanticipated effects far beyond the Indigenous communities of Chiapas, Mexico from which it has emerged. In this paper I explore the novel political landscape fashioned through the encounter between Zapatismo as a hybridized but fundamentally Indigenous political phenomenon and diverse communities of radical activists in the north of the Americas, many of whose commitments could be characterized as “anarchistic” in nature. This is the terrain inhabited by an emergent insurgent political imagination that I term “anarch@-Zapatismo”. Drawing upon research conducted between September 2003 and October 2004 with alter-globalization, anti-capitalist, and social justice activists in Canada, the United States, and Mexico I explore two specific manifestations of “anarch@-Zapatismo” in order to illuminate a powerful political imagination that has come to animate some of the most interesting and provocative radical political interventions over the last decade. Introduction If the uprising of January 1, 1994 was possible because of the conspiratorial complicity of tens of thousands of Indigenous, the building of autonomy in rebel lands is possible because of the complicity of hundreds of thousands of persons of different colors, different nationalities, different cultures, different languages – in short, of different worlds. – Subcomandante Insurgente Marcos2 January 1, 1994: welcome to the Fourth World War3. As political and economic elites in Canada, the United States, and Mexico celebrate the coming into force of the North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA), those for whom neoliberalism promises not capitalist utopia but the culmination of a 500 year old trajectory toward oblivion prepare to remind the world that history is far from over. -
Periodic Report (Convention)
Periodic Report (Convention) A. General information Name of State Party Colombia Date of Ratification 2008-03-19 Question A.1 Executive summary Please provide an executive summary of the report that will allow general readers to understand the overall status of legislative, regulatory and other measures taken at the national level to implement the Convention. This should follow the organizational structure of the form. Colombia adopted the Convention for the Safeguarding of the Intangible Cultural Heritage (2003) through Law 1037 of 2006, an instrument of ratification accepted by UNESCO in 2008. Since the adoption, Colombia issued Law 1185 of 2008, which introduces intangible cultural heritage into the national legislative framework and creates the Representative List of Intangible Cultural Heritage (LRPCI) at the national level, the main instrument of inventory and registration of intangible cultural heritage in Colombia, as well as establishing the obligation of identification and safeguarding of ICH, under the leadership of the Ministry of Culture. The List is aimed at promoting the construction of Special Safeguarding Plans (PES) for relevant or at-risk elements throughout the country as instruments built in a participatory manner by the communities. The Special Safeguarding Plans contain a broad characterization of the element, diagnosis of its viability and formulation of measures to guarantee its safeguarding, which is updated periodically through a participatory review and monitoring process every 5 years. This mechanisms is regulated by Decree 1080 of 2015, modified and added by Decree 2358 of 2019. Additionally, in 2009, Colombia adopted, in compliance with the mandates of the Convention, the Safeguarding Policy for Intangible Cultural Heritage. -
Conflict and Politics in Colombia
Legislating during war: Conflict and politics in Colombia Juan S. Morales∗ University of Toronto June 14, 2017 Abstract For many countries, the escape from weak governance and cycles of violence is today the most challeng- ing step in their path to prosperity. This paper studies an important aspect of this challenge: the relationship between civil conflict and congressional decision-making. I study this relationship in the context of Colom- bia, an electoral democracy that has endured the longest conflict in the Americas. More specifically, I exam- ine how politicians and their constituents respond to attacks by FARC, Colombia’s largest rebel group. To measure these responses, I use data from politicians’ Twitter accounts and roll-call voting records, and em- ploy both an event study and a difference-in-differences research design which exploit the high-frequency nature of the data. I use text analysis to measure the "political leaning" of politicians’ tweets, and find that both tweets from incumbent politicians and tweets which exhibit "right-wing" language receive higher user engagement (a proxy for popular support) following rebel attacks. The legislative decision-making responses are more complex. Before the government started a peace process with the rebels in 2012, politi- cians in congress were more likely to align their legislative votes with the right-leaning ruling party in the days following an attack. However, this relationship breaks down during the negotiations. In addition, politicians are more responsive to attacks which occur in their electoral district. The empirical results are consistent with a political economy model of legislative behaviour in which events that shift median voter preferences, and the presence of rally ’round the flag effects, elicit different politician responses depending on the policy position of the ruling party. -
Dominant Narratives in the Migratory Discourse of Colombia; an Analysis of the Content of Speech in Local Television News and the Opinions of Colombian Citizens
University of Massachusetts Boston ScholarWorks at UMass Boston Graduate Masters Theses Doctoral Dissertations and Masters Theses 8-2020 Dominant Narratives in the Migratory Discourse of Colombia; An Analysis of the Content of Speech in Local Television News and the Opinions of Colombian Citizens Jennifer Andrea Moya Castano Follow this and additional works at: https://scholarworks.umb.edu/masters_theses Part of the International Relations Commons, and the Social Psychology Commons DOMINANT NARRATIVES IN THE MIGRATORY DISCOURSE OF COLOMBIA; AN ANALYSIS OF THE CONTENT OF SPEECH IN LOCAL TELEVISION NEWS AND THE OPINIONS OF COLOMBIAN CITIZENS A Thesis Presented by JENNIFER ANDREA MOYA CASTANO Submitted to the Office of Graduate Studies, University of Massachusetts Boston, in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of MASTER OF ARTS August 2020 Conflict Resolution Program © 2020 by Jennifer Andrea Moya Castano All rights reserved DOMINANT NARRATIVES IN THE MIGRATORY DISCOURSE OF COLOMBIA; AN ANALYSIS OF THE CONTENT OF SPEECH IN LOCAL TELEVISION NEWS AND THE OPINIONS OF COLOMBIAN CITIZENS A Thesis Presented by JENNIFER ANDREA MOYA CASTANO Approved as to style and content by: ________________________________________________ Jeffrey Pugh, Assistant Professor Chairperson of Committee ________________________________________________ Luis F. Jiménez, Associate Professor Member ________________________________________________ Eben Weitzman, Associate Professor Member _________________________________________ Eben Weitzman, Program