The UK's Right to Strike and the Potential Impacts of the European

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

The UK's Right to Strike and the Potential Impacts of the European UNIVERSITY OF EAST ANGLIA – SCHOOL OF LAW Alain MONKAM LL.M. LAW – M14 X – DISSERTATION: EMPLOYMENT LAW 16 AUGUST 2010 – 11909 WORDS The UK’s right to strike and the potential impacts of the European Laws “This copy of the thesis has been supplied on condition that anyone who consults it is understood to recognise that its copyright rests with the author and than no quotation from the thesis, nor any information derived therefrom, may be published without the author’s prior written consent”. 1 TABLE OF CONTENTS I. INTRODUCTION 3 II. CONFLICTING PROVISIONS 7 1) THE NEGATIVE UK’S LAWS 7 a) Origin of the negative right to strike 7 b) Evolution of the negative right to strike 10 c) Containment of the negative right to strike 12 2) THE POSITIVE EUROPEAN INSTRUMENTS 15 a) The implied right to strike 15 b) The express right to strike 18 III. EMERGENCE OF THE CASE LAW 21 1) THE ECJ CASE LAW 21 a) Decisions 22 b) Potential legacies vis-à-vis UK’s Law 23 2) THE ECtHR CASE LAW 26 a) Evolution of the case law 26 b) Implications of the case law 28 3) THE CURRENT DOMESTIC RECEPTION 31 IV. CONCLUSION 35 2 I. INTRODUCTION In Europe, the strike is a ‘social phenomenon’ 1 which emerged on the eve of the modern industrial societies. The trade unions and the workers had recourse to industrial actions in order to put the employer under pressure, to balance his financial power and to negotiate better working conditions and wages. Though, a strike appears to be one form of industrial actions. It consists of the simultaneous and coordinated withdrawal of labour by workers. Industrial actions also include go-slow, work-to- rule, overtime ban, ban on particular duties or any form of partial stoppage of work. 2 The primary reaction of the European States was to ban any legal possibility of the workers to assembly and defend their rights. At the turn of the mid ninetieth century, legislation start to soften under social pressure in many countries and the bans were lifted (at least on criminal grounds). As regards the UK, the Conspiracy and Protection of Property Act 1975 repealed the Master and Serviant legislation. 3 Nevertheless, the UK has never affirmed a positive right to strike. Instead, since the beginning of the twentieth century, the UK has developed a concept of negative right to strike that is far different from the usual right to strike met in most of the continental European countries. Actually, there is no right to strike in the UK. No statute and no constitution provide for such positive right of the workforce to withdraw its labour. However, the trade unions which organise an industrial action and the employees who take part in it, have gained immunity against liabilities that might derive from the law of tort. The Trade Union and Labour Relations (Consolidation) Act 1992, s 219 states that an act done by a person in contemplation or furtherance of a trade dispute is not actionable in tort on the ground only (a) that it induces another person to break a contract or interferes or induces another person to interfere with its performance, or (b) that it consists in his threatening that a contract (whether one to which he is a party or not) will be broken or its performance interfered with, or that he will induce another person to break a contract or interfere with its performance. 1 Expression found in Otto Kahn-Freund and Bob Hepple, Laws Against Strikes: International Comparisons in Social Policy (The Fabian Society, London 1972) 5. 2 Tonia Novitz, International and European Protection of the Right to Strike (OUP, New York, 2003) 6. 3 Ian Smith and Gareth Thomas, Smith & Wood’s Employment Law (9th edn OUP, London 2007) 701. 3 Moreover, the Conservative governments of Ms Thatcher and Mr Blair tremendously complicated the exercise of the right to strike by the subjection to a stringent procedure requiring to notify the employer and to hold of ballot. 4 Though the Labour party came into power in 1997, this legislation was maintained with some simplificatory changes. 5 The individual employees were also afforded the right to be protected against dismissal in so far the industrial action lasted no longer than 12 weeks. The UK negative concept of right to strike is in contrast with other European rights to strike e.g.: 6 • In France, the preamble of the Constitution states that ‘the right to strike is exercised according to the statutes governing such rights’. The Constitution of Italy has a similar wording as regards the right to strike. • In Germany, the right to strike is not acknowledged by the Constitution; it has been developed through the case law of the courts on the basis of article 9(3) of the Constitution of the Bundesrepublik Deutsland which guarantees the right to form associations, to safeguard and improved working and economic conditions to everyone and to all occupations. • In the Netherlands and in Belgium, the right to strike is not affirmed by the Constitution. However, it derives from the construction that the local courts have given to international instruments that these countries have adopted, namely article 6(4) of the Revised European Social Charter (ESC) stating that ‘With a view to ensuring the effective exercise of the right to bargain collectively, parties undertake […] to promote the right of workers and employers to collective action in cases of conflicts of interest, including the right to strike, subject to obligations that might arise out of 7 collective agreements previously’. 4 Ruth Dukes, ‘the right to strike under UK law: not much more than a slogan?’ (2010) 39 ILJ 82. 5 Bob Simpson, ‘Recent Legislation – Strike Ballots and the Law: Round Six – Code of Practice on industrial Action Ballots and Notice to Employers 2005’ (2005) 34 ILJ 331; Bob Simpson, ‘Recent Legislation – Code of Practice on industrial Action Ballots and Notice to Employers 2000’ (2001) 30 ILJ 194. 6 Arabella Stewart & Mark Bell, ‘The Right to Strike: A Comparative Perspective. A Study of National Law In Six EU States’ the website of the Institute of employment rights < http://www.ier.org.uk/system/files/The+Right+to+Strike+A+Comparative+Perspective.pdf > accessed 2 July 2010 7 In the Netherlands, the Supreme Court recognised (very lately) the fundamental nature of the right to strike in the NS case, according to the European Social Charter - HR 30 May 1986, NJ 1986, 688 4 The evolution of Belgium and the Netherlands are quite interesting because it touches the core issue of this paper. The European Community has never had competence in respect of the right to strike. Article 118 of the Treaty of Rome limited the social powers of the Commission to: 8 • employment • labour and working conditions • basic and vocational training • social security • prevention of occupational accidents and diseases • occupational hygiene • the right of association and collective bargaining between employers and workers The Treaty of the functioning of the European Union (consolidated version), article 153 even states that the European Union shall not support and complement the activities of the Member States in the fields relating to ‘the right of association, the right to strike or the right to impose lock-outs’. 9 Despite the absence of European jurisdiction relating to the right to strike, the European courts found their way through the ‘back door’ and have recently developed important case law regarding this issue. In the one hand, the European Court of Justice (ECJ) confronts the right to strike to the Community laws, namely the freedom of establishment and holds that the use of the right to strike should be proportionate to the latter. In the other hand, the European Court of Human Rights (ECtHR) acknowledges a positive right to strike that (i) is not ‘absolute’, (ii) might be subject to restrictions and (iii) is protected by the European Convention on Human Rights, namely the article 11 relating to the freedom of association. 8 EC Treaty establishing the European Economic Community of 25 March 1957, not published, website of the European Navigator http://www.ena.lu > accessed 2 July 2010. 9 Consolidated version of the Treaty on the Functioning of the European Union (EC) [2010] OJ C83/117. 5 There are speculations about the potential influences that such case law would have on the UK courts. Will the UK courts gain a new power to assess the right to strike with respect to the principle of proportionality? Do the UK courts go towards a positive right to strike like Belgium or the Netherlands did earlier? Should the tortious immunities legislation be repealed in favour of a ‘Trade Union Freedom Bill’?10 Various questions arise as regards the possible impacts of the European approach of the right to strike. In order to attempt to answer these questions, this paper will examine the conflicting provisions between the UK’s statutes and the European instruments (II). Afterward, it will focus on the recent case law of the ECJ and ECtHR plus its reception by the UK’s courts (III). It should be noted that for simplificatory reasons, this paper will limit to the right to strike at the collective level i.e. the trade union stage. 10 KD Ewing, The Right to Strike: From The Trade Disputes Act 1906 To A Trade Union Freedom Bill 2006 (Institute of Employment Rights, Liverpool 2006). 6 II. CONFLICTING PROVISIONS The UK’s statutes have adopted a negative right to strike through the accordance of tortious immunities. In addition, the call for a valid industrial action was subjected to a stringent procedure.
Recommended publications
  • The Future of UK Labour Law
    The Future of UK Labour Law Report from History & Policy Trade Union Forum seminar 24 June 2017, Kings College, Lon- don. With the prospect of Britain’s departure from the EU looming, and its serious implications for the remaining protections of employment and union rights, the TUF arranged this seminar to provide a historical perspective on the issues which could arise. Speakers - Jim Moher, Adrian Williamson, Richard Whiting and Sarah Veale - were invited to provide a chronological account of the evolution of British labour law in four sessions. These covered, (i) ‘the Combination Laws to the Trade Disputes Act 1906’; (ii) ‘Trade Union law and practice 1914-1979’; (iii) ‘The Thatcher reforms of the 1980s’ and (iv) ‘Manifesto for a comprehensive revision of workers rights’ (recent Insttute of Employment Rights’ book) The seminar was chaired by John Edmonds, former General Secretary of the GMB union and member of the TUC General Council (including a term as President), during much of the later period. (i) The Combination Laws to the Trade Disputes Act 1906; Dr James Moher, a former national legal officer with the Transport & General Workers Union (1974-84) and Communication Workers Union (1984-2006), addressed the first topic. He was involved at a senior level during the critical period when the law governing trade unions underwent transformation - his later duties included responsibility for balloting arrangements and legal defence in a union regularly in- volved in disputes with Royal Mail and BT. This experience has been bolstered by a longstanding study of the history of unions and the law, as it has evolved from the time of the Combination laws.
    [Show full text]
  • Political Power of Nuisance Law: Labor Picketing and the Courts In
    Fordham Law School FLASH: The Fordham Law Archive of Scholarship and History Faculty Scholarship 1998 Political Power of Nuisance Law: Labor Picketing and the Courts in Modern England, 1871-Present, The Rachel Vorspan Fordham University School of Law, [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: http://ir.lawnet.fordham.edu/faculty_scholarship Part of the Civil Rights and Discrimination Commons, and the Labor and Employment Law Commons Recommended Citation Rachel Vorspan, Political Power of Nuisance Law: Labor Picketing and the Courts in Modern England, 1871-Present, The , 46 Buff. L. Rev. 593 (1998) Available at: http://ir.lawnet.fordham.edu/faculty_scholarship/344 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by FLASH: The orF dham Law Archive of Scholarship and History. It has been accepted for inclusion in Faculty Scholarship by an authorized administrator of FLASH: The orF dham Law Archive of Scholarship and History. For more information, please contact [email protected]. BUFFALO LAW REVIEW VOLUME 46 FALL 1998 NUMBER 3 The Political Power of Nuisance Law: Labor Picketing and the Courts in Modern England, 1871-Present RACHEL VORSPANt INTRODUCTION After decades of decline, the labor movements in America and England are enjoying a resurgence. Unions in the United States are experiencing greater vitality and political visibility,' and in 1997 a Labour government took power in England for the first time in eighteen years.! This t Associate Professor of Law, Fordham University. A.B., 1967, University of California, Berkeley; M.A., 1968, Ph.D., 1975, Columbia University (English History); J.D., 1979, Harvard Law School.
    [Show full text]
  • 1 Whither British Labour Law
    1 WHITHER BRITISH LABOUR LAW CRISIS, WHAT CRISIS? - AN HISTORICAL PERSPECTIVE ON THE JURIDIFICATION OF BRITISH INDUSTRIAL RELATIONS Roger Welch, University of Portsmouth Introduction This paper is largely historical in that it reflects on the reasons why the British system of industrial relations was transformed from a system rooted in voluntarism or legal abstentionism to one which became increasingly juridified from the 1960s onwards. Juridification should be understood as a combination of judicial intervention in the arena of industrial conflict and the enactment of substantial legislation in areas previously left to employment contracts between employers and their employees and to non-legally enforceable collective agreements between employers and trade unions.1 The reason for using this historical methodology is that it enables us to gain insights into how we got to where we are today. The paper also involves critical reflection on Kahn Freund’s conception of collective laissez- faire. Other critiques of Kahn Freund’s concept of collective laissez-faire have focused on its underestimation of the role that the state played in British industrial relations for much of the twentieth century.2 This paper contributes to these critiques by arguing that the concept of 1 For analyses of the juridification of the British system of industrial relations see Clark, J, ’The Juridification of Industrial Relations: A Review Article’ (1985) 14(2) Ind LJ 69; Simitis, S, ‘Juridification of Industrial Relations’ pp 122-136 in Teubner, G, (ed), Juridification of Social Spheres (Berlin and New York: De Gruyter, 1987). 2 See, as examples, Howell, C, Trade Unions and the State (New Jersey: Princeton University Press, 2005); Ewing, K, ‘The State and Industrial Relations: Collective Laissez-Faire Revisited’ (1998) 5 Historical Studies in 2 collective laissez-faire failed fully to take into account the role that judges have played in the British system of industrial relations.
    [Show full text]
  • The Curious History of Trade Union Law Andrew Hodge*
    The Curious History of Trade Union Law Andrew Hodge* Clarity of underlying principle Since 1970 the pace and scale of change in the field of collective labour law have been remarkable, and it seems likely that this process of reform will continue. 1 The 1980s have seen a number of important enactments which seem to reflect a radical view of collective labour relations.2 Sit John Wood has pointed out that, in this difficult and fast changing legal environment, it is important to achieve "clarity of underlying principle"3 both in our analysis of existing law and in our efforts to predict future developments. It may be that the search for underlying principle requires some examination of the lessons of history. Labour legislation and the arguments that have surrounded it have had an important influence on our social, economic and political history. Should the law be used to underline or to dilute managerial prerogative? Should it be used to encourage or restrain the organisation of workers into trade unions? Some of our most respected labour law commentators might argue that there is a sense in which both of the above questions are irrelevant, or even that it is inappropriate even to ask them. The traditional approach to the problems of industrial relations emphasises or even assumes that this specialised and vexed branch of human relations should not be interfered with by the law.4 In a democratic society where it is believed that state intervention should be avoided unless it is demonstrably necessary, this is clearly an important approach which recognises the limits of the law.
    [Show full text]
  • Progressive Consensus.Qxd
    The Progressive Consensus in Perspective Iain McLean and Guy Lodge FEBRUARY 2007 © ippr 2007 Institute for Public Policy Research www.ippr.org The Institute for Public Policy Research (ippr) is the UK’s leading progressive think tank and was established in 1988. Its role is to bridge the political divide between the social democratic and liberal traditions, the intellectual divide between academia and the policy making establishment and the cultural divide between government and civil society. It is first and foremost a research institute, aiming to provide innovative and credible policy solutions. Its work, the questions its research poses, and the methods it uses are driven by the belief that the journey to a good society is one that places social justice, democratic participation, economic and environmental sustainability at its core. This paper was first published in February 2007. © ippr 2007 30-32 Southampton Street, London WC2E 7RA Tel: 020 7470 6100 Fax: 020 7470 6111 www.ippr.org Registered Charity No. 800065 About the authors Iain McLean is Professor of Politics and Director of the Public Policy Unit, Oxford University. He has published widely in political science and 20th-century British history, including Rational Choice and British Politics (OUP, 2001) and, with Jennifer Nou, ‘Why should we be beggars with the ballot in our hand? Veto players and the failure of land value taxation in the UK, 1909-14’, British Journal of Political Science, 2006. Guy Lodge is a Research Fellow in the democracy team at ippr. He specialises in governance and constitutional reform and has published widely in this area.
    [Show full text]
  • Imagereal Capture
    Injunctions and Trade Unions by w. Davis I. INTRODUCTION The purpose of this paper is to examine the deficiencies in the present law relating to the granting of injunctions against industrial unions, to propose in outline a suggested reform of this la\\', and to describe some of the difficulties involved in effecting a reform of the law concerning a highly contentious political issue - the powers of trade unions. The problem of how to reform a situation where the law plays a role subordinate to other considerations will also be discussed. The major part of the paper will be devoted to a discussion of the problems created by the present unsatisfactory laws and the injustices perpetrated by the continued use of those laws. The final part of the paper will deal with the possible means of reforming the law in this area. Different rules apply to reform of controversial matters than to reform of lawyers' law, and the means of effecting reform may be limited by this fact. II. THE NATURE OF STRIKE ACTION Injunction actions in industrial relations are usually brought to force striking workers back to work. In Britain, trade unions l have been protected from actions based on the industrial torts since the Trade Disputes Act was passed in 1906. New Zealand workers are not so protected, but oddly enough, use of common law remedies by employers to prevent or curtail strike action by workers has not been widespread2 in this country. Recently, however, employers have taken advantage of the relatively weak legal position of trade unions and I For the purposes of this paper, the terms "trade union" and "industrial union" are used synonymously.
    [Show full text]
  • Online Resource Chapter D Industrial Action and Statutory Immunities
    Cabrelli, Employment Law in Context, 3e Online chapter D ONLINE RESOURCE CHAPTER D INDUSTRIAL ACTION AND STATUTORY IMMUNITIES D.1 Industrial action and trade union liability D.1.1 Examining the nature and legality of collective industrial action D.2 Trade union liability and statutory immunities D.2.1 Trade union liability and immunity in historical context D.2.2 The rationale for the development of the economic torts D.2.3 The economic torts D.2.4 The statutory immunities D.2.5 Qualifying for statutory immunity D.2.6 The scope of the statutory immunities D.2.7 Labour injunctions D.3 The rights of individuals participating in industrial action D.3.1 Participation in industrial action and the contract of employment D.3.2 Participation in industrial action and unfair dismissal D.1 INDUSTRIAL ACTION AND TRADE UNION LIABILITY This chapter examines the law of trade disputes and industrial action in the UK, i.e. the collective labour law which regulates industrial action taken by the members of a trade union where collective relations between the employer and the workforce have broken down. The position of the trade union in private law and under the Trade Union and Labour Relations (Consolidation) Act 1992 (‘TULRCA’) will be analysed. The legal framework in relation to the statutory immunities from liability conferred on trade unions in such circumstances will be explored in the context of the legality of industrial action in European law and under the European Convention on Human Rights (‘ECHR’). Thereafter the position of the individual worker engaged in industrial action will be addressed.
    [Show full text]
  • The Legal Status of the British Trade Union
    The Legal Status of the British Trade Union Jo Carby-Hall1 1. Introduction An effective and complete analysis and evaluation of the term „legal status” of British trade unions requires not only its current legal status as defined by stat- ute but also its status through the formative years, namely from the time of the in- fancy of trade unionism and during the period of its development. Further- more, it is important to go beyond the current and narrow statutory definition of the term „legal status” by analysing the expression „legal status” in its wid- est sense and thus by examining the broader statutory features of trade unions in the context of their legal status. In order to achieve the fulfilment of those two aims, it is proposed in the first instance to examine the British trade union’s legal status through its historical background. In the second instance the term „trade union” needs to be defined in accordance with its current statutory definition and analysed in the context of its legal status. Thirdly, for a better understanding of a trade union’s legal status culminating in the current statutory definition of this concept, there will feature a historical note followed by a variety of legislative provisions which treat the le- gal status of trade unions. In the fourth instance, the listing of a trade union will be analysed in the context of its legal status where a historical survey will feature followed by the current statutory system of trade union listing. Fifthly, an evalu- ation will take place on the current scheme of a trade union achieving independ- ence in the light of its legal status and the advantages that status gives to an inde- pendent trade union.
    [Show full text]
  • United Kingdom Keith Ewing on Behalf of International Centre for Trade Union Rights
    United Kingdom Keith Ewing On behalf of International Centre for Trade Union Rights 1. Introduction 2. No Right to Strike in the United Kingdom 3. Right to Strike and Convention Rights 3.1 New Approach in the European Court of Human Rights 3.2 Implications of the New Approach 4. Right to Strike and International Standards 4.1 The ILO 4.2 Council of Europe’s Social Charter 5. Back to the Right to Strike in the United Kingdom 5.1 De-Railing the RMT 5.2 Grounding Cabin Crew 6. The Human Rights Act 6.1 Crashing the Metrobus 6.2 Stalling in the Court of Appeal 7. Fresh Approach to Convention Rights 8. Conclusion Mr Hendy is right, however, to draw attention to the United Kingdom’s international obligations to recognise the right to strike contained in a number of instruments, including the Freedom of Association and Protection of the Right to Organise Convention (No. 87) of the International Labour Organisation, which the UK was one of the first member states to ratify, in 1949. Sooner or later, the extent to which the current statutory regime is in compliance with those international obligations and with relevantinternational jurisprudence will fall to be carefully reconsidered.1 1. Introduction According to Lord Justice Maurice Kay in a recent decision of the Court of Appeal, the right to strike in the United Kingdom is not much more than a slogan.2 This extraordinary statement was made in a case in which Unite the Union was restrained by an injunction from taking industrial action during a campaign to establish collective bargaining machinery for London bus drivers.
    [Show full text]
  • The History of Employment Law in England and NI
    The History of Employment Law in England and Northern Ireland The History of Employment Law in England and Northern Ireland The turbulent history of labourers from 1349 until at least 1562 can be seen as a record of conflict between the aristocracy of England and the growing unrest among skilled labourers. It was felt that the fruits of their own work should belong solely to them and not to the landed Gentry that employed them – usually for a pittance. As a whole the development of these statutes is quite clearly an attempt to regulate and control labourers. The Ordinance of Labourers 1349 (The Ordinance) was a piece of legislation consisting of regulations and price controls issued by King Edward 111 of England on 18 June 1349. The ordinance was issued in response to the 1348-1350 outbreak of the Black Death or Plague in England. During this outbreak, an estimated 30-40% of the population died. A vain attempt by the king to freeze wages paid to labourers at their pre-plague levels, is indicative of the labour shortage caused by the plague. The Black Death caused labour to be in great demand. The Ordinance was concerned with maintaining wages at rates to be fixed from time to time by JPs. This was followed some considerable time later again by statute. The Statute of Labourers 1350 fixed wages of labourers and artisans. 1356 saw the establishment of regulations for the Trade of Masons. In 1360 Edward 111 approved another statute this time prohibiting annual gatherings of the said Masons. 1368 the Statute of Labourers was confirmed and the next year legislation forbidding artificers not to import wine was added to the statute book.
    [Show full text]
  • A Strike Against the Law? Tony Weir
    Maryland Law Review Volume 46 | Issue 1 Article 12 A Strike Against the Law? Tony Weir Follow this and additional works at: http://digitalcommons.law.umaryland.edu/mlr Part of the Labor and Employment Law Commons Recommended Citation Tony Weir, A Strike Against the Law?, 46 Md. L. Rev. 133 (1986) Available at: http://digitalcommons.law.umaryland.edu/mlr/vol46/iss1/12 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the Academic Journals at DigitalCommons@UM Carey Law. It has been accepted for inclusion in Maryland Law Review by an authorized administrator of DigitalCommons@UM Carey Law. For more information, please contact [email protected]. A STRIKE AGAINST THE LAW?* TONY WEIR** Recent experience having taught me that subjects like the Ro- man law of property and obligations, being dead and detailed, quickly induce ennui in the late twentieth-century mind, it seemed right to try to find for this Gerber lecture a theme both topical and general. The recent coal-miners' strike in England suggested itself, though I am by no means a labour lawyer. The strike is topical enough, for we are still trying to recover from it, and it raises the question of the role of law in society, English or not, which is a mat- ter surely sufficiently general. 1 The strike lasted a whole year, bar a day or two.2 It had been preceded by a partial stoppage, an overtime ban, for four months. The strike was not total, but two-thirds of our 180,000-odd miners were out, and most of the pits were idle.' The cost of the strike is very variously computed.
    [Show full text]
  • 1 'In Truth, the “Right to Strike” in the UK Depends for Its Realisation on A
    ‘In truth, the “right to strike” in the UK depends for its realisation on a complex statutory scheme. Even in jurisdictions where the right to strike is specified textually in a constitutional document, such a complex right must be operationalised through labour statutes. It is a classic instance of a “legislated” right. Since the enactment of the Human Rights Act, and the evolving jurisprudence of the ECtHR, UK law may now be described as protecting a right to strike albeit one that is pieced together from a variety of sources: statutes such as TULRCA, the common law, Convention rights, and relevant case law.’1 Does this statement accurately encapsulate the UK law on the ‘right to strike’? How do the different sources of law interact and what factors determine the correct balance to be reached between competing interests in regulating industrial action? Use case law, statute, legal commentary and social science material in your answer and provide illustrations to support your analysis. In line with socialism and Professor Beverly Silver’s assertions, capitalism is established upon ‘two contradictory tendencies’: ‘crises of profitability and crises of social legitimacy’.2 This ‘inherent labour-capital’3 struggle is reflected within the UK’s hostile regulation of industrial action. The courts’ and legislature’s ideological approaches towards the collective right to withdraw labour unanimously and substantially favours economic growth above social welfare.4 Striking, overtime bans, and refusing to carry out certain tasks are collective forms of actions that can arise from workplace disputes.5 These disputes typically occur because employers are unwilling to negotiate with employees and workers about their working terms or conditions.
    [Show full text]