Ireland and the Spanish Civil War Author(s): Fearghal McGarry Source: History Ireland , Autumn, 2001, Vol. 9, No. 3, Ireland & Spain through the Ages (Autumn, 2001), pp. 35-40 Published by: Wordwell Ltd. Stable URL: http://www.jstor.com/stable/27724902

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This content downloaded from 95.183.184.51 on Fri, 07 Aug 2020 09:59:19 UTC All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms Ireland and the Spanish Civil War by Fearghal McGarry

The Spanish Civil War was one of the most controversial con flicts of the last century, pro ! mts ducing an immense historiography comparable to more decisive events X. ~~~~~~~~~ such as the Russian Revolution. This .X~aj af is all the more surprising given t^_ w-P Spain's reputation at the time as an i- l"I isolated backwater. When the war in F -H broke out in July 1936 The Times judged it an anachronistic struggle irrelevant to modern Europe. Spain was seen as a fading power, stifled by a regressive society and subject to the sort of social and political extremism which modern Europe had 4 * outgrown. Why then is the Spanish Civil War one of the most studied conflicts of the last century? Partly because the initial judgement of The Times proved so mistaken. Far from being irrelevant to Europe, the devas I~swsz tation of Spain by the forces of fas cism, communism and nationalism foreshadowed the conflict of 1939-45. It has even been argued that Spain marked the beginning of the war against fascism?an interpretation implicitly critical of the democratic states for standing aside while a fas cist rebellion overthrew a legally elected government. 49A ph Gripped international attention It may frustrate Spaniards for whom war's intrinsic interest also lies in its Members of the People's Militia which their civil war was a complex and sprang up to defend the Spanish Republic. divisive affair but much of the inter complexity and resistance to simple est in Spain lies in the fact that peo interpretations. Many socialists now ple throughout the world strongly see Spain as a great betrayal rather identified with what they saw as the than a glorious failure. For example, 'comradeship of heroes' in the Inter clear-cut issues involved. Like the Ken Loach's film, Land and Freedom, national Brigades with the reac later US war in Vietnam, Spain partly inspired by George Orwell's tionary clericalism of 'Maynooth'. gripped international attention, Homage to Catalonia, depicts a Span Gerry Evans' character in Brian forced individuals to take sides and ish Republic in which the oppressors Friel's Dancing at Lughnasa typifies motivated activists whose influence were communists and their victims the archetypal romantic hero associ was felt far beyond Spain. For some the anarchist and Trotskyite left. ated with the International Brigades. idealists it was the last great roman The tendency to view Spain as a Similarly, the International Brigade tic cause. Left-wing organisations, lesson from history accounts for veterans of Jim Nolan's Guernica notably the Communist Party, see the much of the popular interest in the Hotel and Paul Vincent Carroll's The formation of the International war. Spain symbolised a wider strug Wise Have Not Spoken represent dis Brigades?the 45,000-strong army of gle not only for political activists but illusioned idealists for whom international volunteers which fought also for many artists and intelli gombeen Ireland held no welcome. for the Spanish Republic ?as one of gentsia. In Ireland, as elsewhere, the That historical figures as represented the great events of working class Spanish Civil War has served as a in fragments of a poem, song or film struggle. Their sacrifice stands testa sort of shorthand for moral or politi fall short of a more complex histori ment to the idealism, political com cal positions. For example, Christy cal reality is understandable but per mitment and belief in interventionism Moore's popular ballad, 'Vive el haps more significant is the way in of that generation. But part of the Quinte Brigada' juxtaposes the Irish which popular culture can serve to

HISTORY IRELAND Autumn 2001 35

This content downloaded from 95.183.184.51 on Fri, 07 Aug 2020 09:59:19 UTC All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms munists, but socialists, liberals, mid dle-class progressives, landless labourers, workers, Catalonians and Catholic Basques, was little reported. Similarly, that Franco's Nationalists comprised not just much of the cler gy but a reactionary coalition of fas cists, army officers, landowners and industrialists was not much remarked on. Instead public debate was dominated by the anti-clerical violence that swept Republican Spain after Franco's rebellion when twelve bishops, about 4,000 priests, 2,000 monks and 300 nuns were murdered. The sensational press reports of these atrocities, often embellished in highly emotive accounts, had an enormous impact on Catholic Ireland. The reaction of Irish Protestants, in contrast, was more muted. The Irish Times, to some extent still the organ of Protestant imperial opinion, adopt ed a mild pro-republican stance and reported the atrocities of both sides. G'iRe In Northern Ireland, unionists gener Spain ally looked unfavourably on both Memorial banner of the Irish section of the Franco and the Republic but many ried out'. Clergy, politicians and the International Brigade. unionist leaders attributed Spain's provincial and Catholic press echoed difficulties to the malign influences of these concerns more forcefully. With both Catholicism and republicanism. alter public memory. Nowadays in weeks the Irish hierarchy was call ing for Franco's victory. In the face of many would be surprised to learn 'A war between Christ that the vast majority of Irish people this strong pro-Franco consensus, a supported Franco rather than tiny campaign of support for the and anti-Christ' Spain's democratic government. Simi Spanish Republic, organised by a By the autumn of 1936 the Irish pro larly surprising, given the public small number of left-wing republicans esteem with which the Irish Interna and communists struggled to be Franco lobby was becoming a power ful force. In September 1936 Cardinal tional Brigaders of the Connolly Col heard. By the autumn of 1936 pro MacRory, primate of all Ireland, umn are regarded and the obscurity Franco meetings were sweeping the unambiguously declared the church's of O'Duffy's Irish Brigade, is the fact country and two military brigades support for Franco: that the great majority of Irishmen were preparing to fight each other in who fought in Spain did so under Spain. There is no room any longer for General Franco. To understand why Why were Irish people so interest any doubts as to the issue at stake one must consider the Irish response ed in the war? Essentially because in the Spanish conflict...It is a ques to the outbreak of the war. Spain was seen as a religious rather tion of whether Spain will remain as than political conflict. Most people she has been so long, a Christian Irish opinion overwhelmingly knew little about Spain or its compli and Catholic land, or a Bolshevist cated politics when Franco's rebel and anti-God one. pro-Franco lion broke out. But Spain was regard The depiction of a holy war contin On 20 July 1936 reports of a rebellion ed, like Ireland, as a historically by army officers in Spain appeared Catholic nation, a perception derived ued in the following year's Lenten from the importance of events such pastorals where more attention was in Irish newspapers. The Irish Inde devoted to communism and the pendent, which would become the as the Battle of Kinsale, the flight of loudest cheerleader of the pro-Fran the Wild Geese and the training of Spanish Civil War than any other issue. Bishop O'Kane declared Spain co lobby, warned that a victory for Irish seminarians in Salamanca in the Spanish government would lead popular nationalist history. Spain's a struggle 'between God and the pow more recent history?the establish ers of darkness'. Bishop Doorly to a 'Soviet State' and urged its read described it as 'a war between Christ ers to support the Nationalists 'who ment of the Spanish Republic in 1931 stand for the ancient faith and tradi and its radical anti-clericalism?was and anti-Christ'. Bishop Fogarty tions of Spain'. The somewhat less viewed rather differently. For a num declared Franco's soldiers 'gallant gung-ho Irish Press also approved of ber of years the Irish bishops and champions of the Cross who are Franco. His rebellion 'must have a Catholic press had portrayed Spain fighting so gloriously for Christ. How large measure of public support' as a Catholic state besieged by com can such fervent partisanship be because of the Republican govern munism and atheism. When the civil explained? The Irish hierarchy was ment's anti-clericalism?'churches war began the complexities of the genuinely worried about Spain. As have been burned, schools secu conflict were largely ignored. That Bishop Mageean warned, if Catholic larised, Communistic schemes car the Republic comprised not just com Spain had succumbed to communism

36 HISTORY IRELAND Autumn 2001

This content downloaded from 95.183.184.51 on Fri, 07 Aug 2020 09:59:19 UTC All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms 'who will be so rash as to prophesy what the situation may be here in Ire land in ten years time if we pursue the policy of drift'. But, as Mageean's statement implies, the church also used the example of Spain to warn against the influence of left-wing, lib eral and secular trends in Irish soci ety.

Irish Christian Front

The most significant manifestation of the widespread support for Franco was the establishment of the Irish Christian Front (ICF) in August 1936. Their manifesto declared:

Anyone who supports the Spanish government supports church burn ing and priest slaughter. We should wish for the success of the Patriot arms in Spain, not that we are the least concerned with the temporal (above) Propaganda issues at stake there, but that we poster of Franco as want the advance guard of the anti 'saviour' engaged in God forces stopped in Spain and a religious crusade. thereby from reaching our shores.

The ICF spread throughout Ireland, organising a series of public meetings at which local priests, politicians and trade unionists declared their sup port for Franco. Over 40,000 people attended a Cork meeting in Septem ber 1936 which typified the fervent response to Spain. Monsignor Sexton, dean of Cork, blamed the Spanish civil war on 'a gang of murderous Jews in Moscow'. The academic, Alfred O'Rahilly, described the strip ping, crucifixion and burning of Span ish nuns and criticised the Irish gov ernment's neutrality. The crowd 'Crusade in Spain'? j| crossed their hands above their certificate of O'Duffy's Irish Brigade. (Michael hands to pledge loyalty to the ICF Kellett) and Franco. Violence between the crowd and a few hecklers broke out; several were beaten or thrown in the River Lee. The intensity of this response is best understood in the context of the militant Catholicism of Belton, a former Blueshirt with fascis Catholics now associated with com the Irish Free State where 'faith and ts and anti-Semitic views, it was not munism. The fervently anti-commu fatherland' were often seen as syn long before Spain became a highly nist Fine Gael was quick to call on de onymous. politicised issue. Valera to recognise Franco, a demand The Christian Front's declared strongly backed by the ICF, the Irish aims were to oppose communism, DeValera's support Independent, many local bodies and support Franco and raise funds. But, for non-intervention several bishops. The problem for de despite the organisation's non-politi Valera was that Irish recognition of Franco would mean joining the diplo cal rhetoric, there was a more reac It was hardly surprising that an issue matic company of the fascist states tionary underlying agenda. The Chris as emotive as the Spanish civil war tian Front's leadership was com should become embroiled in Irish and undermining Irish neutrality at a critical time in international affairs. posed of Catholic Action supporters, politics, still poisoned by the legacy anti-communist activists and fascist Further pressures arose with non of its own civil war. Franco's popular sympathisers who believed that the ity had placed Fianna Fail in a diffi intervention, the Anglo-French policy government and laws of the Irish Free cult position because de Valera's gov aimed at containing the war in Spain State should reflect Catholic princi ernment recognised the Spanish by outlawing foreign intervention. In ples. Under the presidency of Patrick Republic, a regime most Irish practice, it was flouted by the Soviet

HISTORY IRELAND Autumn 2001 37

This content downloaded from 95.183.184.51 on Fri, 07 Aug 2020 09:59:19 UTC All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms ^*M|||||ti|p ?W?"

(above) Frank Ryan (here addressing a public meeting in 1932) led the smaller contingent of public mood de Valera's maintenance men who fought for the Spanish Republic. of neutrality was a considerable (National Library of Ireland) achievement. It was to come under further pressure as Irishmen began (left) A youthful Michael O'Riordan, author fighting in Spain. of Connolly Column, in International Brigade uniform. O'Duffy's Irish Brigade ed the government recognise Franco. Their deputies were not slow to play In August 1936 General Eoin O'Duffy, the Catholic card by quoting the Irish the former Garda commissioner and hierarchy and Pope Pius XI in Blueshirt leader, announced the for defence of their policy. As James Dil mation of an Irish Brigade to fight for lon put it: 'the fundamental issue is Franco. O'Duffy claimed he was moti God or no God'. However, Fianna Fail vated by the historic links between weathered one of the stormiest D?il Ireland and Spain, anti-communism debates ever and passed the Non and the need to defend the Catholic intervention Act with the support of Church. (Cardinal MacRory had the Labour Party. Although Fianna indeed encouraged O'Duffy to form Fail's strong stance against the pow the Brigade.) But O'Duffy?a failed erful pro-Franco coalition has led to politician?was also motivated by his Union, who supplied arms to the suggestions that the party shared fra fascist beliefs and a desire to resusci Spanish Republic, and Germany and ternal sympathies with the Spanish tate his own political career. His pro Italy who sent large numbers of sol Republic there is little evidence that posal was very popular. By late diers and weapons to Franco. De more than a radical minority August he claimed to have received Valera's support for non-interven opposed the prevailing pro-Franco 7,000 applications although, due to tion, although the most sensible for ism. De Valera made it clear in the numerous complications, only 700 of eign policy option, was difficult to D?il that his sympathies lay with the these made it to Nationalist Spain. defend in the fate of the widespread Nationalists. Only one Fianna Fail Most of the Brigade's officers, former Irish belief that Spain was a war cumann is reported to have passed a Blueshirts and members of O'Duffy's between Christianity and commu pro-Republican resolution but dozens National Corporate Party, were moti nism. Political tensions came to a of Fianna Fail cumainn and govern vated by fascism or loyalty to their head during a three-day debate in ment-controlled local bodies passed leader. Some of the volunteers February 1937 when Fine Gael insist pro-Franco resolutions. Given the sought adventure or, as one priest

38 HISTORY IRELAND Autumn 2001

This content downloaded from 95.183.184.51 on Fri, 07 Aug 2020 09:59:19 UTC All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms put it, a change from 'standing around staring at the pump' but the great majority were genuinely moti vated by the belief that the Spanish civil war was a religious crusade against communism. They were pre dominantly young men from rural Ire J**&yt??t?(i *2 Vt;; ?*?j??1ST land and few of them would have been exposed to any other analysis of the conflict. As one teenager wrote to his mother: tBp* *f I didn't want to tell you I was com ing here that day because I was afraid you wouldn't like it...I have a feeling you hate me for it, but after all, what I have done is for Our Lord, and if I die it will be only for the best.

Newspaper accounts convey the atmosphere of militant Catholicism as the volunteers left Ireland. Large crowds gathered to sing 'Faith of Our Fathers' as the volunteers were /r/sfi Christian Front blessed by priests and handed demonstrators in Cork Sacred Heart badges, miraculous make the sign of the medals and prayer books. The cross above their heads. Brigade's organisers told the volun (Cork Examiner, 21 Sep teers they were 'part of a crusade tember 1936) prepared to fight under the banner of the Cross to help deliver Spain'. Most were to find the war a very different kind of crusade from what they imag ined.

The 'Connolly Column' Following the formation of the Irish Brigade, and partly in response, a smaller contingent of men left Ireland to fight for the Spanish Republic. Led by the left republican, Frank Ryan, and organised by the Communist Party of Ireland (CPI), around 200 Irishmen enlisted in the International Brigades. In contrast to O'Duffy's men they were predominantly urban, working class and left-wing in orienta General Eoin O'Duffy in tion (most belonged to the Commu Irish Brigade uniform. nist Party, IRA and Republican Con (Monaghan County gress). Members of the 'Connolly Col Museum) umn', as they became known, fought for a variety of motives?anti-fas cism, the defence of Spanish democ racy, revolutionary idealism, loyalty cy as the central motive the Interna O'Duffy and his officers while Franco to the Communist Party and adven tional Brigades were also a product was unimpressed by its lack of mili ture. The far left shared Franco's of Stalin's foreign policy and many of tary expertise. The Brigade's first bat Catholic supporters' belief in the vital its recruits had little sympathy for tle in February 1937 was with another importance of Spain. As one Belfast liberal democracy. (For example, the Nationalist battalion who mistook communist declared: 'Spain is the organiser of the Irish contingent, Bill them for the enemy while their next acid test, on the question of victory Gannon, had been one of Kevin O'Hig (and final) action ended in failure or defeat...depends the whole future gins' assassins in 1927). when the Brigade's officers mutinied, civilisation'. As with the Irish Brigade Both sides, although based close refusing an order to attack the well there was some discrepancy between to one another on either side of the defended village of Titulcia. Drunken the propaganda of its organisers and Jarama front, met with very different ness and indiscipline added to these their real motives. Although the CPI experiences. The Irish Brigade was problems and the Brigade was dis emphasised the defence of democra blighted by bitter infighting between armed and ordered out of Spain by

HISTORY IRELAND Autumn 2001 39

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(above) Soldiers of O'Duffy's Irish Brigade have remained silent. Many, Brigade at a cookhouse in Spain. although characteristically not (Michael Kellett) O'Duffy, wished to forget what proved a disastrous and demoralis (left) Soldiers of the International ing episode. Franco's Irish volunteers Brigade?[left to right, standing] Peter O'Connor (Waterford), P. McEvoy were derided for their military failure (Dublin), Johnnie Power (Waterford), and, increasingly after World War II, [seated] W. Garland (USA), John Hunt for their support for a cause tainted (Waterford), 2 February 1937, four days by fascism. In recent years, however, before the Nationalist offensive atjarama. historians have begun to reassess the on and atrocities such as the Irish response to Spain. Two books published in 1999, Irish Politics and German bombing of Guernica, a village in the Catholic Basque the Spanish Civil War (by the present writer) and R.A. Stradling's The Irish region, became known the idea of Franco leading a religious and the Spanish Civil War have crusade became more difficult argued that idealism existed among both sets of volunteers in Spain. The to sustain. Also significant was romanticised image of the Interna the collapse of the opportunis tional Brigades has also come under tic pro-Franco lobby. By the summer of 1937 the Irish scrutiny following recent studies from the Moscow archives exposing Brigade had returned in failure and the Christian Front had the Stalinist totalitarianism which C acrimoniously collapsed under existed alongside their revolutionary ^L ,w its own internal pressures. idealism. It seems likely that popular - - Even the Catholic church toned perceptions of the Spanish civil war and its Irish dimension, which have Franco. But there were also difficuldown its pro-Franco stance never remained static, will continue ties among their compatriots when iton was the revealed that the Christ to evolve. This is not to suggest that other side of the front-line. ian The Front great had gained control the of balanceits of heroism and historical republican tradition of 'the national split' collectionsur for Spain under justification does not rest with the vived in Spain. On finding rather themselves dubious circumstances. defenders of the Spanish Republic, enrolled among the English, The SpanishScots civil war is now and Welsh of the 'British remembered Battalion' in Ireland because merely of that the motives behind both Irish brigades in Spain, and of their some Irishmen chose toour joinmilitary the involvement there. The supporters back home, were more American contingent. But old in adage marked that history is written by complex than is now remembered. contrast to O'Duffy's men, the the winners 'Con has not proved true in nolly Column'?motivated this by case. more A steady stream of mem Fearghal McGarry is Government of clearly defined political oirs,beliefs biographies and and left-wing histo Ireland Research Fellow, National Uni part of the more disciplined ries andsuch com as Michael O'Riordan's Con versity of Ireland, Maynooth. mitted International nolly Brigades? Column ensured that the hero fought bravely on several ism frontsof the Irish International Further reading: between 1936 and 1938, notably Brigaders Jara was not forgotten. Its dwin ma, Br??ete, Teruel and dling the numberEbro. of veterans have F. McGarry, fre Irish Politics and the Span Close to a third of their numberquently beendied the subjects of ishpublic Civil War (Cork 1999). in Spain and many more commemoration were by republican, left R.A. Stradling, The Irish and the Span injured. wing and trade-union organisations Meanwhile, back in Ireland the whose support for the Spanish ish Civil War (Manchester 1999). Spanish Civil War was no longer a Republic was often less apparent J. Hopkins, in Into the Heart of the Fire pressing political issue. As it dragged 1936. In contrast, the men of the (Stanford Irish 1998).

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