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The world on a plate: Globalization and national cuisines
Article in Quaderni Storici · December 2006
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National Cuisines changing seasons. According to one influential critic of contemporary society, and Globalization “The whole world’s cuisine is now assembled in one place in almost exactly the same way that the world’s geographical complexity is nightly reduced to a series of images on a These days national cuisine and static television screen” (Harvey 300). globalization are defined as terms in Nonetheless, when the subject is examined opposition to each other. The former is from a historical perspective–that is, if the frequently used to exemplify and often terms in question are considered not as self- criticize the effects of the latter. The media referential entities but as processes–it is have popularized the image of national immediately evident that such a description cuisines as an important part of the is excessively simplistic. From this identities which a huge blender called perspective, national cuisines are revealed as globalization contaminates, weakens and cultural constructs in continuous evolution. a n
n threatens with extinction. It is no Globalization then appears as a recently o T a
n coincidence that the arrival of McDonald’s popularized label which describes only the o m i
S in France created considerable uproar. What latest, conspicuous phase in the formation : o t
o else could be so culturally dramatic? On the of transnational interdependencies which h P one hand, there is a culinary heritage, have been in existence for many centuries. with an apparently immemorial past, Consequently, our interest is concentrated which constitutes an essential component on the complex nature of the relationships between national cuisines and globalization, rather than on their conflicting elements. Culinary globalization is a recently popularized label, In support of this last perspective, in this describing only the latest, conspicuous phase in the formation article I shall examine various examples of research on the subject, in an attempt to of transnational interdependencies which have been in answer the following questions: What is national cuisine? What are the influential existence for many centuries formal and symbolic changes occurring at the beginning of the 21st century? of national identity. On the other hand, a Furthermore, and more radically: Is there meal of a hamburger, French fries and Coca- still any point in talking about national Cola, symbolic of the uniformity of taste, cuisine in an era of global markets, mass overriding and breaking down barriers and migrations, the unlimited circulation of differences in the name of a consumer images and information and an accelerated democratization which is typically North cultural crossbreeding? American, but can be used all over the world as a form of universal language (Fantasia). What is national cuisine? It is not only the monotonous element of fast-food that is of concern. The arrival Cooking occupies an important place in on our supermarket shelves of an national sentiments at all latitudes. Many unprecedented variety of foods from foreign will agree that having a national cuisine is lands, available throughout the year, has no less essential to a country than having a thrown into confusion the space-time national literature. However the real content regime of a cuisine that believed itself to be of what makes a “national cuisine” is also linked directly to its territory and the elusive and intangible. What does Chinese 62 RESEARCH SIMONE CINOTTO a
n according to Mintz is the only kind that can n o T
a be designated cuisine. In order to exist, “a n o
m cuisine requires a population that eats that i S : o
t cuisine with sufficient frequency to o h
P consider themselves experts on it... A genuine cuisine has common social roots; it is the food of a community,” with its roots in a clearly circumscribed territory (96). Consequently an authentic cuisine can be at the very most regional, but never national. Secondly, says Mintz, national cuisine is something completely different from haute cuisine, which is a repertoire of culinary arts and the prerogative of privileged groups, created centuries before the formation of nation-states. In the West, examples are to be found in the culture of Ancient Rome and the highest expressions of court cuisines from the Renaissance to the French Revolution. Over a thousand years ago in China a highly refined gastronomic literature served the sophisticated requirements of the Imperial Court. However pre-industrial haute cuisine was, by its very nature, universalist and removed from its territorial context as well as elitist. It was more global than national, importing ingredients , techniques and chefs from faraway lands, expressing its haughty indifference to local specialties or seasonal cycles. In his history of taste in The unified identity of a national cuisine is expressed Great Britain and France from the Middle when products and methods abandon the field of individual Ages to today, Stephen Mennell has noted that until the 19th century there were consumption and venture into the global much stronger differences between the elitist and popular cuisines within the two dynamics of commerce countries than between their respective hautes cuisines. The only occasion in which Mintz doesn’t cooking effectively consist of? Where can regard the definition of national cuisine a one eat real Italian cooking? contradiction in terms is when concerned In an essay significantly entitled Cuisine: with “traveling cuisine,” in other words the High, Low, and Not at All, the American experience of a culinary culture from the anthropologist Sidney Mintz amused outside: “ If there were a restaurant in Des himself with a demonstration of what a Moines, Iowa, named Gerbe de Blé or Les national cuisine is not. Primarily, national Gaulois , that vaunted a menu in both French cuisine is not regional cuisine, which and English, offered to prepare for its guests RESEARCH 63
the drink called kir , used sauces such as Class (36). A British anthropologist, Goody béarnaise and grenobloise , served snails or has effectively concentrated his attention on some sort of pâté as a first course, and had a the stratified societies of the pre-industrial wine list with at least some wines from era, identifying in types of food not so Bourdeaux on it, we would know what kind much as a division among classes, as does of cuisine it has. French, of course–what Mintz, but of dialectics. From this historic else?” (95). According to Mintz it is perspective, Goody also illustrates the role exclusively within the dimension of of food technologies (preservation, “exportation from its home territory” that mechanization, sales and transport systems) the acceptance of a national cuisine has any in fostering the spread of both quantity and sense. variety of foodstuffs and a more egalitarian Reasoning along these lines is widely distribution of food. The interaction accepted. In Italian Cuisine: A Cultural between social classes can promote a History , Alberto Capatti and Massimo consensus around gastronomic standards. Montanari have identified in “a network of Technological progress produces greater culinary customs, food lore, and cooking amounts and more diversity of food and practices, dating back to the distant past, thereby stimulates society’s interest in that make explicit reference to an Italian questions regarding food culture. It is context” the historic element providing a through these interdependent and necessary form of cohesion and logic to a cultural map processes that the social basis for the punctuated by mortadella (a large spiced creation of a national cuisine can be pork sausage) from Bologna, Milanese established. Goody ultimately insists that ossibuchi (braised shank) and triglie alla no food system is (or has been) completely livornese (red mullet in a tomato sauce). uncontaminated, particularly those cur- According to Capatti and Montanari, the rently recognized as national or regional unified identity of Italian cooking is cuisines. Both the tea and sugar of English expressed on the outer boundaries of traditions are products of the colonies, individual food cultures, when products and initially reserved for consumption by the methods abandon the field of individual consumption and venture into the global dynamics of commerce. The Italian character of its cuisine has settled first, and above all, in the expressions of “a foreigner in a foreign country” (ix, xv). Similarly, Penny van Esterik has noted that the most organic form of Thai cuisine is the one currently popularized on the international market by Thai restaurants abroad and by the tourist resorts operating in the country itself, constructed through a combination of haute and popular cooking, regional variations and culinary traditions with both Indian and Chinese origins. It is this exchange, both internal between haute cuisine and popular cooking, and external, which is the main theme of Jack Goody’s classic work, Cooking, Cuisine, and 64 RESEARCH SIMONE CINOTTO
elite and only subsequently popularized. practices). An excellent example can be n ó d
e “Irish” potatoes came from America and found in Priscilla Parkhurst Ferguson’s R s o
l were reluctantly incorporated into the diet essay on the nationalization of French r a C
é of the island’s inhabitants only halfway cuisine. Ferguson claims that at the s o J
: through the 18th century. Pasta arrived in beginning of the 19th century a number of o t o h
P authoritative texts such as the Almanach des Gourmands by Grimod de la Reynière, L’art de la cuisine française au dix-neuvième siècle by Antonin Carême and Physiologie du goût by Anthelme Brillat-Savarin not only invented gastronomy as a modern social practice, but were also crucial for the development of culinary nationalism. France’s reputation as the cradle of good cooking considerably pre-dated the 19th century, but such recognition had neither a geographic-territorial character nor anything like a national one, its ambit being the court and the French aristocracy. These works by the founding fathers of gastronomy identified in the French nation and in its socially cross-cutting repertoire of products, knowledge and culture the home of a superior culinary civilization. They did not predict the impenetrable isolation of French cuisine but, on the contrary, the Italy from Arab North Africa in the 15th opportunity of appropriating external century, whilst the typical Venetian dish of elements for itself. These would be absorbed polenta e baccalà (cooked cornmeal and through a process of “Frenchifying,” in other dried cod) was invented by putting together words through the inclusion of the various a ground American cereal with a fish from contributions within the strict rules that the the North Sea which arrived in Italy already texts themselves had managed to processed. standardize and structure. By co-opting the Goody shows how in complex social numerous local culinary elements spread systems, cuisines–including those claiming over the territory, gastronomic nationalism the title of national cuisines–are the result of was a perfect example of the “invention of interactions between domestic and public, traditions.” On the one hand, the new so- high and low, local and foreign, using called French cuisine imposed an idea of the different processes, context by context, with cultural superiority of the rules and values economic, technological and political of the center over the periphery, absolutely variations. Historians concerned with the essential to entrench the power of the appearance of national cuisines have newly created Republic. On the other typically added to this model a close hand, it was able to promote many other examination of the textuality of the cultural- types of cuisine with a Romantic-sounding nationalist discourse (an aspect ignored by approach , assimilating them as subordinate Mintz, who was completely absorbed, as elements of an exemplary shining and shown, by the significance of social glorious whole, in a “perfect compendium of 66 RESEARCH SIMONE CINOTTO
France itself.” French cuisine became as a response to the intrusion of the French in the 19th century, when the texts multitude of external influences that have and culinary authorities, structured as a characterized this country’s cultural history. single gastronomic discourse, no longer The first colonizers in the 17th century associated culinary arts with the court and were a group of pirates, merchants and the aristocracy, but with the nation itself. various desperados, mainly British, Contrary to their representations in the traveling with a throng of African and media, national cuisines have not been Indian slaves. The diet of this community, traditions since time immemorial, which ignored agriculture and whose main impervious and integrated cultures or a pure interest was mahogany, was largely and compact repertoire that cannot be dependent on the importing of salt pork, tarnished or corrupted by external contact flour, sugar and rum to be exchanged for or influences, and the same can be said for local produce. In the 19th century, as an their smaller constituents such as regional intermediary group of Creoles and freed cuisines. National cuisines are recent blacks emerged alongside the white creations, typically modern, whose content is colonizers, the ethnic framework was the result of exchanges and interbreeding further complicated by the arrival in Belize between the underlying realities of local and of merchants from Mexico, Guatemalan regional environments and overhanging and Maya peasants and Garifuna Indians from essentially universal realities. They become the island of St Vincent. With the exception systemized usually through informal of the newly arrived native Americans who practices organized in texts in different concentrated on subsistence farming, the styles and influenced by the class, ethnic and Belizeans continued to consume almost race relationships existing within a complex exclusively imported goods, to such a society, inextricably linked to a much wider degree that the origin, quality and brand of discourse around national identity. these goods led to the organization of social identities in accordance with the imagined The example of Belize geographic colonial origin of the goods. Everyone consumed products coming from The concept that globalization, seen as a some other part of the world. Each social process of intense displacement of people, group had access to foods of different capital, products, ideas and images over quality on which they based their own great distances, is in reality one of the forces diet–beginning with the colonial elite who concerned with the formation and identified their culinary distinctiveness in redefinition of national cuisines derives their ability to select original products, from the definition given. The example of identical to those sold “at home” in Britain. Belize, a small country in the Caribbean Despite this fragmentation, it was which became an independent nation-state nonetheless in the colonial period that an only in 1981, can be used to illustrate how initial food lexicon was created that was the relationships between national cuisine shared in daily domestic practices. The and globalization can be better understood low population density made culinary when considered as connections rather than exchanges almost compulsory and a oppositions. common language with regard to food The anthropologist Richard Wilk claims gradually developed, together with a system that Belize’s national cuisine is an invention for evaluating food that rose above ethnic created by colonization and decolonization and social barriers. For example, Belizeans as a consequence of both the effects of and of different extractions all agreed on the RESEARCH 67
superior quality of imported products over local ones and on the greater value of processed foods over natural ones. Thus, everyday Belizean cuisine of the colonial period was never recognized as a national cuisine while ethnic cuisines continued quite happily to perform their symbolic functions in the public performances of different groups within the national system. In the postcolonial period, the economic and socio-cultural context of Belize changed enormously. New Hispanic immigration coincided with an increase in emigration to the United States. Remittances from immigrants have become a crucial part of the national economy, as has tourism. Since the 1980s, satellite television has appeared in the country and with it a huge availability of consumer goods and images produced by the global cultural industry, sweeping aside the regulatory authority of the colonial The trajectory of Belizean cuisine demonstrates how middle classes and replacing it with a new the result of intertwining is the creation of new gastronomic set of values and behavioral patterns. As a result, with the persistence of extremes of models staged for a global audience wealth and poverty and of ethnic and racial differences, social synergism now takes familiar dishes by carefully replacing those place on a much more flexible and products that were difficult to find locally, participative terrain with greater and having also appreciated the need to possibilities of social mobility, mainly distinguish themselves on the market linked to projects for migration to the from the ethnic cuisines of immigrants United States. from other Caribbean countries, the With regard to gastronomic identity, even American-Belizeans began to propose after its political independence, there was their “national cuisine” to a multicultural no public stance in Belize that was public. Belizean restaurants in the United concerned with the question of a national States systematically selected dishes and cuisine. Although the choice of a flag, meal formats from the cuisine made in anthem and the other symbols of the nation homes in Belize. The principal meal of the were the subject of great debate, the daily Belizean table, rice and beans, gastronomic sphere was virtually ignored. became the inevitable main dish, served Instead, the creation of a postcolonial with a fixed accompaniment of chicken Belizean national cuisine came about stew, fried platanos (plantains) and potato through utterly transnational dynamics. salad. Belizean restaurants in the United n ó d
The Belizean immigrants in the United States chose a few desserts from among e R s o
States where the first to create their own the variety popular in Belize, amongst l r a C
national cuisine as a formalized system which sweet-potato mousse and coconut é s o J
cake are ever present. For the expatriates :
and as a public demonstration. Once they o t o h
discovered that they could reproduce in the US, this cuisine served as a nostalgic P 68 RESEARCH SIMONE CINOTTO
migration and market forces of cultural differences is the same as in the past, an important peculiarity is provided by the circularity of the cultural model that is characteristic, at least in intensity, of the transnational migrations straddling the 20th and 21st centuries. In effect, the Belizean migrants in the United States physically carried back home the idea of a national cuisine that they had devised and acquired in America. Some of them opened Belizean restaurants in their home country, offering a cuisine that today is both formally and publicly presented as “national.” In Belize, people continued to n
ó prepare and eat Belizean food as they had d e
R unwittingly done in the past but now s o l r
a “with the idea that it was unique, special, C é s
o and part of a national identity” (Wilk 83). J : o t
o The ever-growing number of international h P tourists closed the circle of transnational expression of their identity, an ambiguous nationalization; by partaking of this regret for a country to which, in reality, cuisine they felt as they were experiencing very few wished to return permanently: the authentic Belizean food. It was only at “The salted pigtail you buy in Belize tastes this point that the government better than that you can get in the States acknowledged the need to launch projects (even though the Belize item is itself promoting Belizean cuisine (sometimes imported from Canada). The mangoes in presented as the result of “a thousand the United States are never as nice as the cuisines and a thousand cultures”). ones on the tree in Granny’s yard” (Wilk The example of Belize illustrates the 83). Restaurants and ethnic festivals complexity of the cultural, transnational multiplied (Belize Day is celebrated in and circular threads with which today the Chicago every August), becoming focal mass of money, products, ideas, images points for aggregating a community and people in movement criss-cross and characterized by a strongly transitional modify local realities. The course of nature and close relationships between Belizean cuisine also demonstrates how those who have left and those who have the result of this intertwining is not a remained in Belize. homogeneity of tastes, customs and The process of constructing a national consumption but the creation of new, but cuisine on American soil is certainly not completely authentic, cultural (food) exclusive to the Belizean community but, models whose differences are staged for a on the contrary, closely follows previous potentially global audience through experiences of other immigrant groups communication patterns that are ever and other culinary habits in the wider and universally accepted. The diasporas–just think of the Italian- concept of Belizean cuisine is a product of Americans in the early 1900s. globalization (or rather of several Nonetheless, although the context of globalizations). The satellite TV, Internet, RESEARCH 69
cell phones and intercontinental jets that will reveal itself as a hybrid of a hybrid of a connect Belize with the rest of the world hybrid, on into infinity. However in order to can be seen not so much as elements of unravel the mass of influences that have dissolution of a national culture that has contributed to the formation of a food consistently been in a state of redefinition identity, usually one must chose a and subject to a multitude of external determinate area for analytical engagement: influences, but rather as an instrument of “a culture, a nation, a place, a cup of tea.” a single globalization of difference. Cook and Crang suggest a multi-localized, no-center method of analysis in which the Neo-centrifugal movements particular local culinary practices and of Japanese cuisine biographies are included in a global network
In the debate surrounding the cultural Originally created in Edo (Tokyo) around the mid-19th century, impact of globalization, the first theories that focussed on homogenization and sushi has been subjected to a number of influences and local cultural imperialism (frequently labeled with neologisms from the fast-food variations as it traveled outside the borders of Japan industry’s brand names: McDonaldization, Coca-Colonialism) have largely left the field of geographical and human relationships to the analysis of processes in which local (Cook and Crang 1996 and 1998). difference (for example, a national cuisine) This model has been applied to the is spread around the four corners of the globalization of Japanese cuisine (Cook and earth to a potential universe of consumers Crang 2006). The two English geographers with access to an essentially infinite amount claim that a single centered perspective of products and exotic images. These global would only deliver the history of the consumers are used to eating Greek at lunch formation of a national Japanese cuisine à la and Indian in the evening and to self- Goody in terms of various levels of development through the use of products, hybridization and contamination. Amongst images and experiences that is equal to the the food exchanges which have taken place consumption of a vast variety of identities between Japan and the West, the effects of and geographic differences, at the same time the 18th-and 19th-century scientific a product and a formidable driving force in discourse which related the Europeans’ the process of globalization. global economic and military hegemony to Two English geographers, Ian Cook and their considerable consumption of beef Philip Crang, have produced some of the and wheat, are significantly important. At most interesting work on the subject of the turn of the 19th century, a number of the globalization of national cuisines as European-educated Japanese military the production and consumption of the doctors led a public opinion campaign authentic and the exotic. Cook and Crang claiming that Japanese conscripts were have created, above all, a theoretical model shorter than their European counterparts centered on the term displacement which because of their rice-based diet. During the supersedes the approach of what they call 1920s the Japanese army and navy central locatable geography in culinary adopted a Western diet of beef and wheat culture. The currently popular assumption bread. In the meantime, intellectuals, is that no identity is so pure that it has never nutritionists and restaurateurs promoted undergone some mixing. If deconstructed the Japanization of Western cuisine. Results and its past examined, every single identity included korokke (meat or fish croquettes), RESEARCH 71
hayashi rice (with smoked beef), tonkatsu i n i n n
(breaded pork cutlets), donatsu (a donut a N a variant) and curry. The process of adapting c i n o
external elements to the Japanese taste took M : o t place within a purely urban context. The o h army recruits and the immigrants to the city P perceived this cuisine as both national (in as California or Miami rolls) and the entry contrast to the regional cuisine they were into the market of other non-Japanese Asian used to) and rich, and they adopted it with restaurateurs who wanted to exploit its enthusiasm. During the 1950s the popularity. Between the 1970s and 80s, combination of this and other processes British entrepreneurs and retailers brought ultimately produced a largely accepted this Japanese-American hybrid to the United “Japanese cuisine” which was effectively both Kingdom as Japanese cuisine and it was hybridized and international, but which introduced as an emerging trend within the many Japanese accepted as their own. It was market of ethnic cuisines. With no large only at this point that rice, which in the population of Japanese descent in the UK, countryside had always been the prerogative this left the commodification of Japanese of the elite, was designated the food of all culture almost entirely in the hands of the Japanese and the format of rice plus three British. Moreover, it was through British (rice with soup, preserved vegetables and a capital and management that Japanese protein) was proclaimed as the national dish. cuisine made its appearance in Holland, This said, Cook and Crang suggest that the France and Germany, leading to dishes with globalization of Japanese cuisine should be exotic names such as teriyaki , tempura and considered in the light of the different sushi becoming part of the gastronomic perspective provided by displacement, by imagination of millions of European studying simultaneously, with a form of consumers (Cwiertka). multifocal vision, the Westernization of The example of sushi is particularly the Japanese diet and the Japanization of illustrative of the circularity of commercial the Western diet. From such an analysis geography inherent in culinar y emerge two fundamental characteristics of globalization. Originally created in Edo globalized national cuisines: 1) the (Tokyo) around the mid-19th century, sushi transnational circularity of culinary culture has traveled outside the boundaries of Japan and 2) the relevance of a discourse of value as part of 20th-century Japanese cuisine in a linked to the notion of authenticity which is way substantially independent from the set out in an equally transnational totality of Japanese diaspora. In every stage of its narratives, representations and imaginings international journey, from the United that are neither obvious nor predictable. States to Europe, sushi has been subjected to As the two geographers point out, an a number of influences and local variations, already hybridized and international from the use of cooked fish and avocado in Japanese cuisine was exported at the end the US, to the various vegetables and even of the 19th century by immigrants to the strawberries and cream that can be found in western United States. Over time the the European variations. The European and resulting Japanese-American cuisine American success of franchise chains incorporated a series of innovations which serving sushi have been the cause of other were also the result of its considerable neo-centrifugal movements. The British success as a healthy and classy cuisine–with chain Yo! Sushi has opened outlets in Dubai variations in dishes, new local names (such and Kuwait and intends shortly to open a 72 RESEARCH SIMONE CINOTTO o i s e n a
l sushi bar in Tokyo. What image will this have been produced. The first, typical of i M o
i present and what will be the perception of global Japanese restaurants, consists of a z i r u
a this transnational sushi bar that brings back frozen image of Japan, fixed in both time M
© home a significant element of global and space, and made of bonsai, lanterns, : o t
o Japanese culture? What about the many calligraphic signs, tatami mats and a staff of h P Japanese tourists and expats who return at least apparently Japanese descent. The home with Westernized tastes, sensations second, typical of sushi-bar chains such as and judgements? How can we define this Yo! Sushi, consists of an explicitly de- Japanese-American-British-European territorialized, global, hyper-modern, cuisine (without taking into consideration techno-orientalist Japanese culture that the many other variations) that potentially communicates the values and behaviors of a contains within it, one by one, all the youthful, transnational generation. It is geographies of the movements and stages of expressed through the use of minimalist its history? decor and lighting, karaoke, Manga This problem of definitions is not only of cartoons, robotized equipment and an interest to those studying culinary equally young and hip staff. It is important globalization, but also to entrepreneurs to note that, whilst the traditional strategy working in the market of globalized national narrates an apparent authenticity which cuisines. The latter, from the independent distinguishes the product from within the pizzeria owner to the creative director of an global culinary market, the narrative model advertising campaign for a line of ethnic of the sushi bar promotes the authenticity of foods, are consistently confronted with the the global nature inherent in the product. problem of both representing and The hybrid and transnational dishes and the promoting the authenticity of their good, in international pop culture that provides it other words of creating the originality of its with a significant outline tend to present culinary diversity, since this is the themselves as the original authentic, to be fundamental value of what is bought and sold and consumed, including and sold on the global cultural market. Japanese surpassing the sum of the stories and cuisine is unusual in that there are very few geographies that make up the cultural non-Japanese consumers who have a first- difference which is the object of exchange. hand knowledge or experience of the The generic conclusions that Cook and authentic culture in an authentic place of Crang extract from the anti-centralized production. Given the high costs of flights analysis of the globalization of Japanese and visits to Japan, most Europeans have cuisine effectively set the scene for the experienced Japanese cuisine only in their process of definition of a post-national own country or perhaps in the United cuisine, thereby answering the initial States. They express their opinions about question about the fate and significance of the value of this cuisine through a de- national cuisines and globalization better a n n
o territorialized standard of authenticity. than other theorizations. T a n
o The stories about the authenticity of global Thus it is abundantly clear that the idea of a m i S
: cuisines take on a geographic-cultural form, national cuisine has still–and probably more o t o
h mostly by linking places to the pure than ever before–an important meaning P essentials of cultural differences: Italian from the perspectives of both identity and, cuisine inspires Mediterranean passion; almost inseparably, economics. However, it Indian cooking stands for the exotic East is equally clear that its definition is and so on. Regarding Japanese cuisine, two extraordinarily complex, if all the national very different “imaginative geographies” cuisines existing on the global scene are RESEARCH 73
hybrids made from hybrids made from Bibliography hybrids ad infinitum and also subject to as Capatti, Alberto and Massimo Montanari. Italian many subsequent hybridizations as the Cusine: A Cultural History. New York: Columbia potentially infinite local stages that they will University Press, 2003. undergo in the process of globalization. Cook, Ian and Philip Crang. “The World on a What exactly is Japanese, or for that matter Plate: Culinary Culture, Displacement, and French, Indian, Mexican or Russian cuisine? Geographical Knowledges.” Journal of Material Cook and Crang’s proposal is to think of Culture . 1. 2 (1996). globalized national cuisines in the same way Cook, Ian, Philip Crang and Mark Thorpe. that postcolonial linguistic theories consider “Biographies and Geographies: Consumer the English language of the former British Understandings of the Origins of Foods.” British Food Journal . 100. 3 (1998). empire. This distinguishes between English language with a capital “E”–its own national Cook, Ian and Philip Crang. “Japanese Food and Globalisation.” Submitted to Food & Foodways . standard of language which should be spoken 13 July 2006. in exactly the same way everywhere–and a
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