Promising Models for Children in the Turkish Juvenile Justice System
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Social Justice in an Open World – the Role Of
E c o n o m i c & Social Affairs The International Forum for Social Development Social Justice in an Open World The Role of the United Nations Sales No. E.06.IV.2 ISBN 92-1-130249-5 05-62917—January 2006—2,000 United Nations ST/ESA/305 DEPARTMENT OF ECONOMIC AND SOCIAL AFFAIRS Division for Social Policy and Development The International Forum for Social Development Social Justice in an Open World The Role of the United Nations asdf United Nations New York, 2006 DESA The Department of Economic and Social Affairs of the United Nations Secretariat is a vital interface between global policies in the economic, social and environmental spheres and national action. The Department works in three main interlinked areas: (i) it compiles, generates and analyses a wide range of economic, social and environ- mental data and information on which States Members of the United Nations draw to review common problems and to take stock of policy options; (ii) it facilitates the negotiations of Member States in many intergovernmental bodies on joint course of action to address ongoing or emerging global challenges; and (iii) it advises inter- ested Governments on the ways and means of translating policy frameworks devel- oped in United Nations conferences and summits into programmes at the country level and, through technical assistance, helps build national capacities. Note The views expressed in this publication do not necessarily reflect those of the United Nations. The designations employed and the presentation of the mate- rial do not imply the expression of any opinion whatsoever on the part of the Secretariat of the United Nations concerning the legal status of any country or territory or of its authorities, or concerning the delimitations of its frontiers. -
A Sketch of Politically Liberal Principles of Social Justice in Higher Education
Phil Smith Lecture A SKETCH OF POLITICALLY LIBERAL PRINCIPLES OF SOCIAL JUSTICE IN HIGHER EDUCATION Barry L. Bull Indiana University John Rawls was probably the world’s most influential political philosopher during the last half of the 20th century. In 1971, he published A Theory of Justice,1 in which he attempted to revitalize the tradition of social contract theory that was first used by Thomas Hobbes and John Locke in the 17th century. The basic idea of this tradition was that the only legitimate form of government was one to which all citizens had good reason to consent, and Locke argued that the social contract would necessarily provide protections for basic personal and political liberties of citizens. In the Declaration of Independence, Thomas Jefferson charged that the English King George III had violated these liberties of the American colonists, and therefore the colonies were justified in revolting against English rule. Moreover, the Bill of Rights of the Constitution of the United States can be understood as protecting certain basic liberties—freedom of religion and expression, for example—on the grounds that they are elements of the social contract that place legitimate constraints on the power of any justifiable government. During the late 18th and 19th centuries, however, the social contract approach became the object of serious philosophical criticism, especially because the existence of an original agreement among all citizens was historically implausible and because such an agreement failed to acknowledge the fundamentally social, rather than individual, nature of human decision making, especially about political affairs. In light of this criticism, British philosophers, in particular Jeremy Bentham and John Stuart Mill, suggested that the legitimate justification of government lay not with whether citizens actually consented to it but with whether it and its policies were designed to maximize the happiness of its citizens and actually had that effect. -
A Hayekian Theory of Social Justice
A HAYEKIAN THEORY OF SOCIAL JUSTICE Samuel Taylor Morison* As Justice gives every Man a Title to the product of his honest Industry, and the fair Acquisitions of his Ancestors descended to him; so Charity gives every Man a Title to so much of another’s Plenty, as will keep him from ex- tream want, where he has no means to subsist otherwise. – John Locke1 I. Introduction The purpose of this essay is to critically examine Friedrich Hayek’s broadside against the conceptual intelligibility of the theory of social or distributive justice. This theme first appears in Hayek’s work in his famous political tract, The Road to Serfdom (1944), and later in The Constitution of Liberty (1960), but he developed the argument at greatest length in his major work in political philosophy, the trilogy entitled Law, Legis- lation, and Liberty (1973-79). Given that Hayek subtitled the second volume of this work The Mirage of Social Justice,2 it might seem counterintuitive or perhaps even ab- surd to suggest the existence of a genuinely Hayekian theory of social justice. Not- withstanding the rhetorical tenor of some of his remarks, however, Hayek’s actual con- clusions are characteristically even-tempered, which, I shall argue, leaves open the possibility of a revisionist account of the matter. As Hayek understands the term, “social justice” usually refers to the inten- tional doling out of economic rewards by the government, “some pattern of remunera- tion based on the assessment of the performance or the needs of different individuals * Attorney-Advisor, Office of the Pardon Attorney, United States Department of Justice, Washington, D.C.; e- mail: [email protected]. -
Report to the Turkish Government on the Visit to Turkey Carried out by The
CPT/Inf (2015) 6 Report to the Turkish Government on the visit to Turkey carried out by the European Committee for the Prevention of Torture and Inhuman or Degrading Treatment or Punishment (CPT) from 9 to 21 June 2013 The Turkish Government has requested the publication of this report and of its response. The Government’s response is set out in document CPT/Inf (2015) 7. Strasbourg, 15 January 2015 - 2 - CONTENTS Copy of the letter transmitting the CPT’s report............................................................................4 I. INTRODUCTION.....................................................................................................................5 A. Dates of the visit and composition of the delegation ..............................................................5 B. Establishments visited...............................................................................................................6 C. Consultations held by the delegation and co-operation encountered...................................7 D. Immediate observations under Article 8, paragraph 5, of the Convention .........................7 E. Monitoring of places of deprivation of liberty and complaints bodies.................................8 II. FACTS FOUND DURING THE VISIT AND ACTION PROPOSED ................................9 A. Police custody ............................................................................................................................9 1. Preliminary remarks ..........................................................................................................9 -
Technoprogressive Biopolitics and Human Enhancement
TechnoProgressive Biopolitics and Human Enhancement James Hughes Ph.D. Trinity College Williams 229B, 300 Summit St., Hartford, CT 06279-2106 [email protected] “TechnoProgressive Biopolitics and Human Enhancement “ in Progress in Bioethics, ed. Jonathan Moreno and Sam Berger. 2009. MIT Press. pp. 163-188. Abstract A principal challenge facing the progressive bioethics project is the crafting a consistent message on biopolitical issues that divide progressives. The regulation of enhancement technologies is one of the issues central to this emerging biopolitics, pitting progressive defenders of enhancement, "technoprogressives," against progressive critics. This essay will argue that technoprogressive biopolitics express the consistent application of the core progressive values of the Enlightenment: the right of individuals to control their own bodies, brains and reproduction according to their own conscience, under democratic states that work for the public good. Insofar as left bioconservatives want to ensure the safety of therapies and their equitable distribution, these concerns can be addressed by thorough and independent regulation and a universal health care system, and a progressive bioethics of enhancement can unite both enthusiasts and skeptics. Insofar as bioconservative concerns are motivated by deeper hostility to the Enlightenment project however, by assertion of pre-modern reverence for human uniqueness for instance, then a common program is unlikely. After briefly reviewing the political history and contemporary landscape of biopolitical debates about enhancement, the essay outlines three meta-policy contexts that will impact future biopolicy: the pressure to establish a universal, cost-effective health insurance system, the aging of industrial societies, and globalization. Technoprogressive appeals are outlined that will can appeal to key constituencies, and build a majority coalition in support of progressive change. -
Regulation As Social Justice: Empowering People Through Public Protections June 5, 2019, 9:00 A.M
Briefing Memo for Regulation as Social Justice Conference Regulation as Social Justice: Empowering People Through Public Protections June 5, 2019, 9:00 a.m. The George Washington University Law School 2000 H Street, NW Washington, DC 20052 Introduction The Center for Progressive Reform (CPR) organized Regulation as Social Justice: Empowering People Through Public Protections to serve as a wellspring for the development of a progressive vision for the future of U.S. regulatory policy. We thought it was important to bring together a diverse group of progressive advocates who are working to promote social justice for two reasons. First, we wanted to learn from your unique experiences about the challenges and opportunities the regulatory system presents for building a more just society. The variety of perspectives in turn would help to inform better solutions for reforming the regulatory system so it can do a better job of promoting social justice and addressing unmet community needs. Second, and more broadly, we hope that this event will help build new connections and strengthen existing relationships among the members of the progressive community to reinforce the broader movement to build a more just society. The goal of this memo is to stimulate participants’ thinking about the major issues that will be addressed during the conference. In particular, we see the conference as addressing two broad issues: 1. How does the U.S. regulatory system fit into the broader progressive movement to promote social justice? 2. What reforms are necessary for rebuilding the U.S. regulatory system in a manner consistent with the progressive vision of society? The Relationship Between the Regulatory System and Broader Problems with U.S. -
What Conservative Social Justice Means to Me
University of St. Thomas Journal of Law and Public Policy Volume 3 Issue 1 Spring 2009 Article 8 January 2009 What Conservative Social Justice Means to Me Michael Boulette Follow this and additional works at: https://ir.stthomas.edu/ustjlpp Part of the Law and Philosophy Commons Recommended Citation Michael Boulette, What Conservative Social Justice Means to Me, 3 U. ST. THOMAS J.L. & PUB. POL'Y 107 (2009). Available at: https://ir.stthomas.edu/ustjlpp/vol3/iss1/8 This Essay is brought to you for free and open access by UST Research Online and the University of St. Thomas Journal of Law and Public Policy. For more information, please contact the Editor-in-Chief at [email protected]. WHAT CONSERVATIVE SOCIAL JUSTICE MEANS TO ME MICHAEL BOULETTE* To be conservative, then, is to prefer the familiar to the unknown, to prefer the tried to the untried, fact to mystery, the actual to the possible, the limited to the unbounded, the near to the distant, the sufficient to the superabundant, the convenient to the perfect, present laughter to utopian bliss.' The question posed by the editorial board is, in fact, twofold. It must first be determined what conservatism is, and only then can we begin to comment on a properly conservative conception of social justice. This essay will attempt to answer both questions. The essay will first argue for a truly conservative conservatism, a conservatism dedicated to preserving our vital social traditions, and a traditional protectivism against the tide of progressive social thought.' Next, the essay will suggest a definition of social justice consistent with this notion of conservatism. -
WHAT DOES TURKEY THINK? Edited by Dimitar Bechev
WHAT DOES TURKEY THINK? Edited by Dimitar Bechev The European Council on Foreign Relations does not take collective positions. This paper, like all publications of the European Council on Foreign Relations, represents only the views of its authors. The European Council on Foreign Relations does not take collective positions. This paper, like all publications of the European Council on Foreign Relations, represents only the views of its authors. Copyright of this publication is held by the European Council on Foreign Relations. You may not copy, reproduce, republish or circulate in any way the content from this publication except for your own personal and non-commercial use. Any other use requires the prior written permission of the European Council on Foreign Relations. © ECFR June 2011. ISBN: 978-1-906538-33-0 Published by the European Council on Foreign Relations (ECFR), 35 Old Queen Street, London, SW1H 9JA, United Kingdom [email protected] Contents Preface 5 Introduction 9 TURKEY’S MULTIPLE IDENTITIES 15 1. Mustafa Akyol 17 Who are the Turks? 2. Ays¸e Kadıog˘lu and Orhan Mirog˘lu 23 From oblivion to memory: Skeletons in the Turkish republican closet CHALLENGES FOR DEMOCRATIC CONSOLIDATION 29 3. S¸ahin Alpay 31 Will Turkey veer towards authoritarianism without the EU anchor? 4. Hakan Altinay 37 Moving parts 5. Osman Baydemir 43 The “we know best” democracy FOREIGN POLICY: CONTINUITY AND CHANGE 49 6. Ibrahim Kalın 51 Turkish foreign policy in 2011: an assessment 7. Atila Eralp and Zerrin Torun 57 Turkey-EU relations: just another impasse? 8. Suat Kınıklıog˘lu 63 Turkey’s neighbourhood policy: reintegration into multiple regions 9. -
Dynamics of Collective Action in Turkish Prisons
DYNAMICS OF COLLECTIVE ACTION IN TURKISH PRISONS: COMPARATIVE ANALYSIS OF MAMAK AND DIYARBAKIR PRISONS BETWEEN 1980 AND 1985 by Basak Gemici Ay Bachelor of Arts, Sabancı University, 2012 Master of Arts, Koc University, 2015 Submitted to the Graduate Faculty of The Dietrich School of Arts & Sciences in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts University of Pittsburgh 2016 UNIVERSITY OF PITTSBURGH THE KENNETH P. DIETRICH SCHOOL OF ARTS & SCIENCES This thesis was presented by Basak Gemici Ay It was defended on April 14th, 2016 and approved by Suzanne Staggenborg, Professor and Department Chair, Sociology Thesis Director: Jackie Smith, Professor, Sociology John Markoff, Distinguished University Professor, Sociology ii Copyright © by Basak Gemici Ay 2016 iii DYNAMICS OF COLLECTIVE ACTION IN TURKISH PRISONS: COMPARATIVE ANALYSIS OF MAMAK AND DIYARBAKIR PRISONS BETWEEN 1980 AND 1985 Basak Gemici Ay, M.A. University of Pittsburgh, 2016 Historically, one of the most significant periods in which incarceration was used as a tool to manage political opponents of the regime in Turkey was the 1980s, specifically during and after the 1980 military coup. This study investigates the high-risk environments of the two notorious military prisons: Mamak and Diyarbakir Prisons between 1980 and 1985. These two military prisons: Mamak Prison, where Turkish revolutionaries were incarcerated and Diyarbakir Prison, where Kurdish revolutionaries were incarcerated, were infamous for the torture and level of repression implemented by the military junta. The aim of the military junta was to dissolve revolutionary organizations and military prisons were one of the state institutions that were used to realize this aim. -
Prison Conditions
Country Information and Guidance Turkey: Prison Conditions Version 1.0 February 2016 Preface This document provides country of origin information (COI) and guidance to Home Office decision makers on handling particular types of protection and human rights claims. This includes whether claims are likely to justify the granting of asylum, humanitarian protection or discretionary leave and whether – in the event of a claim being refused – it is likely to be certifiable as ‘clearly unfounded’ under s94 of the Nationality, Immigration and Asylum Act 2002. Decision makers must consider claims on an individual basis, taking into account the case specific facts and all relevant evidence, including: the guidance contained with this document; the available COI; any applicable caselaw; and the Home Office casework guidance in relation to relevant policies. Country Information The COI within this document has been compiled from a wide range of external information sources (usually) published in English. Consideration has been given to the relevance, reliability, accuracy, objectivity, currency, transparency and traceability of the information and wherever possible attempts have been made to corroborate the information used across independent sources, to ensure accuracy. All sources cited have been referenced in footnotes. It has been researched and presented with reference to the Common EU [European Union] Guidelines for Processing Country of Origin Information (COI), dated April 2008, and the European Asylum Support Office’s research guidelines, Country of Origin Information report methodology, dated July 2012. Feedback Our goal is to continuously improve the guidance and information we provide. Therefore, if you would like to comment on this document, please e-mail us. -
Report to the Turkish Government on the Visit to Turkey Carried Out
CPT/Inf (2011) 13 Report to the Turkish Government on the visit to Turkey carried out by the European Committee for the Prevention of Torture and Inhuman or Degrading Treatment or Punishment (CPT) from 4 to 17 June 2009 The Turkish Government has requested the publication of this report and of its response. The Government’s response is set out in document CPT/Inf (2011) 14. Strasbourg, 31 March 2011 - 2 - CONTENTS Copy of the letter transmitting the CPT’s report............................................................................4 I. INTRODUCTION.....................................................................................................................5 A. Dates of the visit and composition of the delegation ..............................................................5 B. Establishments visited...............................................................................................................6 C. Co-operation and consultations held by the delegation.........................................................7 D. Immediate observations under Article 8, paragraph 5, of the Convention .........................9 II. FACTS FOUND DURING THE VISIT AND ACTION PROPOSED ..............................10 A. Monitoring of places of deprivation of liberty......................................................................10 B. Law enforcement agencies......................................................................................................11 1. Preliminary remarks ........................................................................................................11 -
COVID-19 in Turkish Prisons and Discrimination Against Political Prisoners
LEFT BEHIND TO DIE: COVID-19 in Turkish Prisons and Discrimination Against Political Prisoners stockholm center for APRIL, 2021 SCF freedom www.stockholmcf.org This page intentionally left blank 2 Table of contents ABOUT STOCKHOLM CENTER FOR FREEDOM �������������������������������������������������3 1. INTRODUCTION ����������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������4 2. THE GENERAL STATE OF PRISONS IN TURKEY FOLLOWING THE COUP ATTEMPT AND COVID-19 ������������������������������������������������������������������������������ 5 3. ‘TERRORISM’ AND ‘POLITICAL OFFENSES’ IN TURKEY . 9 4. LAW NO. 7242 ON AMENDMENTS TO THE LAW ON THE EXECUTION OF SENTENCES AND SECURITY MEASURES ������������������������� 12 4.1. Changes Made to Mandatory Time Served Prior to Eligibility for Release on Parole ����������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 12 4.2. Amendments to Special Procedures for the Execution of Sentences �������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������16 4.3. Changes in Mandatory Time Served Periods . 16 4.4. Convicted women with children aged 0-6 ���������������������������������������18 4.5. Elderly, ill and frail, and disabled prisoners . .18 4.6. Lifting Disciplinary Punishments ���������������������������������������������������������19 5. THE JUDICIAL COUNCIL (HSK) AFTER THE 2017 CONSTITUTIONAL AMENDMENTS ������������������������������������������������������������������20 5.1. The 2017