Separating Fact from Fiction: the First Amendment Case for Addressing Â
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The Social Internet: Frustrating, Enriching, but Not Lonely
Public Culture The Social Internet: Frustrating, Enriching, but Not Lonely Zeynep Tufekci The “lonely world of cyberspace” is a curious example of the vast gap that every so often opens between an idea’s popularity among pun- dits (considerable) and its basis in empirical research (very little). In the past few years the New York Times has run multiple op- eds suggesting social media or our phones are eroding human connections (for example, Cohen 2012; Egan 2013; Foer 2013; Franzen 2011; Fredrickson 2013); the Atlantic ran a cover story ask- ing, “Is Facebook Making Us Lonely?” (Marche 2012); Massachusetts Institute of Technology psychologist Sherry Turkle wrote a book titled Alone Together (2011) that is partly about social media damaging “real world” human connections; and Pope Benedict warned youngsters not to replace their real friends with virtual ones (Benedict XVI 2011, 2009). In the meantime, a growing pile of empirical research shows that, if anything, the relationship runs the other way — Internet users are more social and less isolated. This curious “Freddy Krueger effect” — the inability of data to kill the endur- ing attractiveness of a theme — deserves unpacking that goes beyond an indication of its lack of empirical basis and appeal to moral panic. The Internet’s integration into sociality happened with such impressive speed that it is at once mundane, all around us, and yet also barely examined. In addition, the Internet’s qualitative and subjective impacts are harder to measure than simple indicators like use or penetration. Further, a technology as multifaceted and complex as the Internet not only will not produce a “main effect” — a single, homogeneous impact that applies to everyone and every type of use — but it may well have different consequences at systemic, individual, and historical scales. -
NEVERAGAINMSD STUDENT ACTIVISM: LESSONS for AGONIST POLITICAL EDUCATION in an AGE of DEMOCRATIC CRISIS Kathleen Knight Abowitz
731 #NEVERAGAINMSD STUDENT ACTIVISM: LESSONS FOR AGONIST POLITICAL EDUCATION IN AN AGE OF DEMOCRATIC CRISIS Kathleen Knight Abowitz Department of Educational Leadership Miami University Dan Mamlok School of Education Tel Aviv University Abstract. In this essay, Kathleen Knight Abowitz and Dan Mamlok consider the arguments for agonist political education in light of a case study based in the events of the 2018 mass shooting at Stoneman Douglas High School in Parkland, Florida, and the subsequent activism of its survivors. We use this case to examine agonist expressions of citizenship, and to present an argument for framing agonist politics through the lens of Deweyan transactional communication combined with the critical concept of articulation. A major lesson in this case is the significance of citizenship learning that prioritizes challenging the political status quo along with working to reestablish new political relations on grounds that are more just. The authors argue that the endgame of agonist-informed political education should be that which helps students, as present and future citizens, reconstruct existing political conditions. Knight Abowitz and Mamlok conclude with suggestions for four domains of knowledge and capacities that can productively shape agonist citizenship education efforts: political education, lived citizenship, critical political literacies, and critical digital literacies. Key Words. citizenship education; agonism; political emotion; transactionalism; articulation Introduction Philosophers of education have made good use of agonist critiques of democ- racy to propose reforms for school-based political and citizenship education. Ago- nist treatments of curriculum and pedagogy emphasize the importance of curricu- lum focused on the arts of disagreement and adversarial position-taking. -
Opinion | Youtube, the Great Radicalizer - the New York Times 03/11/2018, 09 24
Opinion | YouTube, the Great Radicalizer - The New York Times 03/11/2018, 0924 SUNDAY REVIEW SUNDAY REVIEW | YouTube, the Great Radicalizer Please disable your ad blocker. Advertising helps fund Times journalism. YouTube, the Great Radicalizer By Zeynep Tufekci March 10, 2018 At one point during the 2016 presidential election campaign, I watched a bunch of videos of Donald Trump rallies on YouTube. I was writing an article about his appeal to his voter base and wanted to confirm a few quotations. Soon I noticed something peculiar. YouTube started to recommend and “autoplay” videos for me that featured white supremacist rants, Holocaust denials and other disturbing content. Since I was not in the habit of watching extreme right-wing fare on YouTube, I was curious whether this was an exclusively right-wing phenomenon. So I created another YouTube account and started watching videos of Hillary Clinton and Bernie Sanders, letting YouTube’s recommender algorithm take me wherever it would. https://www.nytimes.com/2018/03/10/opinion/sunday/youtube-politics-radical.html Page 1 of 5 Opinion | YouTube, the Great Radicalizer - The New York Times 03/11/2018, 0924 Before long, I was being directed to videos of a leftish conspiratorial cast, including arguments about the existence of secret government agencies and allegations that the United States government was behind the attacks of Sept. 11. As with the Trump videos, YouTube was recommending content that was more and more extreme than the mainstream political fare I had started with. Please disable your ad blocker. Advertising helps fund Times journalism. Intrigued, I experimented with nonpolitical topics. -
Youtube, the Great Radicalizer, Zeynep Tufekci. New York Times, March 10, 2018
YouTube, the Great Radicalizer, Zeynep Tufekci. New York Times, March 10, 2018. Zeynep Tufekci is an associate professor at the School of Information and Library Science at the University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill and the author of “Twitter and Tear Gas: The Power and Fragility of Networked Protest.” At one point during the 2016 presidential election campaign, I watched a bunch of videos of Donald Trump rallies on YouTube. I was writing an article about his appeal to his voter base and wanted to confirm a few quotations. Soon I noticed something peculiar. YouTube started to recommend and “autoplay” videos for me that featured white supremacist rants, Holocaust denials and other disturbing content. Since I was not in the habit of watching extreme right-wing fare on YouTube, I was curious whether this was an exclusively right-wing phenomenon. So I created another YouTube account and started watching videos of Hillary Clinton and Bernie Sanders, letting YouTube’s recommender algorithm take me wherever it would. Before long, I was being directed to videos of a leftish conspiratorial cast, including arguments about the existence of secret government agencies and allegations that the United States government was behind the attacks of Sept. 11. As with the Trump videos, YouTube was recommending content that was more and more extreme than the mainstream political fare I had started with. Intrigued, I experimented with nonpolitical topics. The same basic pattern emerged. Videos about vegetarianism led to videos about veganism. Videos about jogging led to videos about running ultramarathons. It seems as if you are never “hard core” enough for YouTube’s recommendation algorithm. -
Individual Claimsmaking After the Parkland Shooting* Deana A
Individual Claimsmaking after the Parkland Shooting* Deana A. Rohlinger, Ph.D. Professor of Sociology Florida State University Caitria DeLucchi Graduate Student in Sociology Florida State University Warren Allen, Ph.D. Teaching Faculty Rutgers University *We thank Sourabh Singh for his feedback on this paper. The lead author thanks her early morning “writing with randos” group for their support, including Beth Popp Berman, Danna Agmon, Christina Ho, Sarah Woulfin, Derek Gottlieb, Dahlia Remler, Dale Winling, Meredith Broussard, Adam Slez, Didem Turkoglu, Jason Windawi, Elizabeth Mazzolini, Jennifer Sessions, Louise Seamster, Daniel Hirschman. 1 On February 14, 2018, a former student killed 17 people and injured 17 others at Marjory Stoneman Douglas High School in Parkland, Florida. Some of the student survivors mobilized in protest of loose gun laws, and state legislatures across the country began passing bills to restrict gun access. This was true even in Florida, which is a testing-ground for National Rifle Association (NRA) legislation and whose Republican-dominated legislature often rejects modest restrictions on gun access. In less than a month, the legislature passed “the Marjory Stoneman Douglas High School Public Safety Act” (SB 7026), which raised the minimum age requirement for purchasing a firearm from 18 to 21, required a three-day waiting period for the purchase of a gun, prohibited the purchase and selling of bump stocks, expanded mental health services in the state, allocated monies to help harden schools, and funded a “marshal” program that allowed the arming of teachers and staff. Arguably, there are a number of reasons that the legislature opted for quick action. -
Council of Europe Study Algorithms and Human Rights
DGI(2017)12 STUDY ON THE HUMAN RIGHTS DIMENSIONS OF AUTOMATED DATA PROCESSING TECHNIQUES (IN PARTICULAR ALGORITHMS) AND POSSIBLE REGULATORY IMPLICATIONS PREPARED BY THE COMMITTEE OF EXPERTS ON INTERNET INTERMEDIARIES (MSI-NET) ALGORITHMS AND HUMAN RIGHTS Study on the human rights dimensions of automated data processing techniques and possible regulatory implications English edition The opinions expressed in this work are the responsibility of the authors and do not necessarily reflect the official policy of the Council of Europe. All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be translated, reproduced or transmitted in any form or by any means without the prior permission in writing from the Directorate of Communications (F-67075 Strasbourg Cedex or [email protected]). Cover page photo: Shutterstock Published by the Council of Europe F-67075 Strasbourg Cedex, www.coe.int © Council of Europe, March 2018 Council of Europe study Algorithms and Human Rights TABLE OF CONTENTS COMPOSITION OF THE MSI-NET ............................................................. 2 I. INTRODUCTION .............................................................................. 3 II. THE SCOPE OF THE STUDY .............................................................. 5 1. AUTOMATION ................................................................................................ 5 2. DATA ANALYSIS ............................................................................................ 6 3. ADAPTABILITY.............................................................................................. -
“There Is No Gun Problem, There Is Only a People Problem”
“There is no gun problem, there is only a people problem” Keywords in the American gun debate and their differing usage Ella Nordberg, 36768 Pro gradu-avhandling i engelska språket och litteraturen Handledare: Brita Wårvik Fakulteten för humaniora, psykologi och teologi Åbo Akademi 2020 ÅBO AKADEMI – FAKULTETEN FÖR HUMANIORA, PSYKOLOGI OCH TEOLOGI Abstrakt för avhandling pro gradu Ämne: Engelska språket och litteraturen Författare: Ella Nordberg Arbetets titel: “There is no gun problem, there is only a people problem”: Keywords in the American gun debate and their differing usage Handledare: Brita Wårvik Handledare: Abstrakt: The gun debate in the United States has been going on for decades. Whether or not new gun legislation should be implemented in the wake of repeated mass shootings and the public outrage that follows them is constantly debated, but little progress has been made in the way of lawmaking. This thesis explores the way that differing sides of the gun debate – those for gun control and those against – use different definitions and ways to present keywords that are frequently used in the gun debate. The study is an analysis of four speeches that were given by four different speakers in the wake of a school shooting in Parkland, Florida in 2018. The four selected speeches have been given by Emma Gonzalez and David Hogg, both students at the school, NRA CEO Wayne LaPierre and Republican Senator Marco Rubio. The hypothesis is that people on opposing sides of the debate will speak about and use the keywords in the text differently. Theoretical approaches used in the analysis include critical discourse analysis and strategic maneuvering. -
Lessons and Recommendations from the 2020 General Election
S T R E N G T H E N I N G O U R E L E C T I O N S A N D P R E V E N T I N G E L E C T I O N C R I S E S : Lessons and Recommendations from the 2020 General Election Executive Summary The 2020 election was defined by paradox and contradiction. Thanks to millions of poll workers, election officials, and citizens who stepped up to make our democracy work, the election was secure and free from systemic or significant fraud. A record 160 million Americans voted and had their voices heard. Yet still, voter intimidation and racial disparities in access to the ballot continued, our election system was revealed to be aging and unnecessarily confusing, Americans weathered a wave of disinformation and, of course, there were unprecedented efforts to delegitimize and overturn the election results—ultimately leading to a crisis the likes of which we’ve not experienced in modern history. In the end, Congress counted all of the electoral votes, but only after President Trump sought to both coerce federal and state officials to overturn the results, and incited a violent insurrection. This attack on our democracy culminated with white supremacist rioters attacking the Capitol seeking to not only overturn the Constitutional order, but also to take hostages and assassinate members of Congress and the Vice President. While American democracy has survived this crisis so far, we will only be able to prevent the next one if we both 1) ensure accountability for all those who incited, abetted, and participated in the insurrection, and 2) adopt preventative reforms based on the lessons we learned in this election. -
Analytic Teaching and Philosophical Praxis Vol
ANALYTIC TEACHING AND PHILOSOPHICAL PRAXIS VOL. 40, ISSUE 2 (2020) Combatting Epistemic Violence against Young Activists Sarah Vitale, Ph.D, and Owen Miller Introduction oung people are advocating for social and political change. In response to the worsening Y climate crisis, young people have organized several movements, including the Sunrise Movement and the School Strike for Climate movement. Following the mass shooting at Marjory Stoneman Douglas High School in Parkland, Florida, students led a nationwide movement for gun control. Young people led the charge for justice following the death of Trayvon Martin and have played significant roles in the Black Lives Matter movement. Members of the climate, gun control, and anti-racism movements are well-educated on their respective issues and have articulated clear political and economic aims.1 Young people have rallied around concerns for their shared futures, using knowledge of climate science, gun dangers, and white supremacy and their correspondingly rational interests in a safe and ecologically healthy world, to create sound platforms for reform. Even though their positions are sound, many adults believe they could not possibly understand the scope of the issues or have the tools to respond to the crises. Their beliefs are often dismissed as childish because adults assume that children are too naïve to understand the full extent of issues like the climate crisis and what it would take to address them. The result is that their position as young persons who must endure the effects of current policies and practices is discounted and they are subject to epistemic injustice, a concept introduced by Miranda Fricker, and epistemic oppression, a concept introduced by Kristie Dotson. -
Download the Threat Analysis
THREAT ANALYSIS THREAT ANALYSIS: THE SHIFTING CONVERSATION ON GUN CONTROL AND HOW IT MAY AFFECT DESTINATIONS The February 14th mass shooting at Marjory Stoneman Douglas High School in Parkland, Florida reignited a heated debate on gun control in the United States. It also demonstrated once again the need for destination organizations to have a crisis team and plan in place in order to respond swiftly and effectively when faced with such a situation. In this policy brief, we will examine the rapidly changing conversation in wake of the Florida shooting and how it affects our industry, and address what the growing trend in consumer boycotts means for destination organizations. A Shifting Conversation Utilizing the Quorum platform to monitor political On Gun Control in America conversations, we see a similar pattern. We tracked political conversations around “gun control” and the In the wake of the shooting, polling showed that public “NRA” going back to 2017. The two topics of opinion in the U.S. on gun control was moving. According conversation seem to go hand in hand, with the trend to a Quinnipiac University poll, American voters support lines again mirroring each other. That all changes in stricter gun laws 66 - 31 percent, the highest level February of 2018. While we do see a spike in of support ever measured by the independent poll. conversations around gun control, we see a much bigger “Support for stricter gun laws is up 19 points in little increase in conversations around the NRA. more than two years,” Tim Malloy, assistant director of Quinnipiac University poll, said in a statement. -
The Rhetoric of Conspiracism in User-Centered Democracy
THE RHETORIC OF CONSPIRACISM IN USER-CENTERED DEMOCRACY Tyler John Easterbrook A dissertation submitted to the faculty at the University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in the Department of English and Comparative Literature. Chapel Hill 2021 Approved by: Jordynn Jack Daniel Anderson Jane Danielewicz Todd Taylor Torin Monahan © 2021 Tyler John Easterbrook ALL RIGHTS RESERVED ii ABSTRACT Tyler John Easterbrook: The Rhetoric of Conspiracism in User-Centered Democracy (Under the direction of Jordynn Jack) This dissertation examines social media-based conspiracy theories of the past five years (2016-2021) and considers what this recent conspiracy rhetoric suggests about the evolving relationship between people, platforms, and politics in the contemporary United States. I use the tools of rhetorical theory and criticism to analyze a small archive of conspiracist content across three case studies—Pizzagate, a conspiracy theory alleging a vast pedophilia ring run by political elites; conspiracy theories surrounding the mass shooting at Marjory Stoneman Douglas High School in Parkland, Florida; and Plandemic, a self-styled “documentary” about COVID-19 conspiracies that went viral in May 2020. In each case study, I show that the conspiracy rhetoric in question uses the unique affordances of social media platforms to amplify that conspiracy theory’s rhetorical efficacy. Ultimately, I argue that conspiracism has now become a durable form of social media content that threatens to wreak havoc on American political discourse. iii To Nora, whose profound friendship made this dissertation possible. iv ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS First and foremost, I offer my heartfelt thanks to my dissertation committee, who have supported me in innumerable ways throughout my time at UNC. -
An Analysis of Frames, News Coverage, and the March for Our Lives Movement
Sojourners 265 Marching for Our Lives, Not Yours: An analysis of frames, news coverage, and the March for Our Lives movement Maren Tergesen University of British Columbia Abstract. This article examines youth activists from the “March for Our Lives” move- ment and how their identities impact their framing of gun violence. Analyzing speeches orated at one of the largest gun violence prevention (GVP) protests ever, this article ex- poses how the positionality and lived experience of white and/or affluent actors influences their framing and results in the exclusion of urban gun violence acted upon Black people and people of colour. This article finds that the MFOL movement reinforces racial hier- archies of worthy victims by describing the ‘characters’ and ‘settings’ of gun violence as those consistent with mass or school shootings. Despite the shortcomings of the MFOL movement, this paper suggests that the current issue attention cycle is conducive to con- versations about the intersections of gun violence with race and that activists of colour are the ones leading these conversations. Introduction On February 14th, 2018, fourteen students and three faculty of Marjory Stoneman Dou- glas (MSD) High School were killed in a school shooting in Parkland, Florida. Within three days of the shooting, a group of survivors formed an organization dubbed “Never Again MSD,” planned a nationwide day of protest called “March for Our Lives” (MFOL) and raised $3.7 million dollars for the cause (Andone 2018). These youth activists were widely applauded for their swift action and “for reminding America that the shooting was not a freak accident or a natural disaster but the result of actual human decisions” (Witt 2018).