My Article Scrapbook Brian Geyer Spring 2016 This Title Page Does

Home , Atlasaurus, Bellusaurus, Blasisaurus, Limusaurus, Mochlodon, Protoavis

My Article Scrapbook

Brian Geyer

Spring 2016

This Title Page Does Not Conform To the Assignment Requirements Table of Contents

Introduction

Bibliography

(Sub-Section 1) Entry 1: “The Archaeology of Regions: From Discrete Analytical Toolkit to Ubiquitous Spatial Perspective” Write-Up Full Version

Entry 2: “Archaeology as Anthropology Revisited” Write-Up Full Version

Entry 3: “How ISIS Built the Machinery of Terror Under Europe’s Gaze - The New York Times” Write-Up Full Version

(Sub-Section 2) Entry 4: “ISIS Detainee’s Information Led to 2 U.S. Airstrikes, Officials Say” Write-Up Full Version

Entry 5: “Perceptions of Archaeology Amongst Primary School Aged Children, Adelaide, South Australia” Write-Up Full Version

Entry 6: “To Maintain Supply of Sex Slaves, ISIS Pushes Birth Control - The New York Times” Write-Up Full Version

Entry 7: “Afghan woman risks all to bring color to war-torn Kabul with her street art and feminist murals - LA Times” Write-Up Full Version

(Sub-Section 3) Entry 8: “Sex, drugs and second thoughts - LA Times” Write-Up Full Version

Table of Contents

Entry 9: “Historical Archaeology as Modern-World Archaeology in Argentina” Write-Up Full Version

Entry 10: “Inessential Archaeologies - Problems of Exclusion in Americanist Archaeological Thought” Write-Up Full Version

Entry 11: “Historical and Anthropological Archaeology - Forging Alliances” Write-Up Full Version

(Sub-Section 4) Entry 12: “IN THIS ISSUE: Space Archaeology” Write-Up Full Version

Entry 13: “Worried about your teenage daughter? Move to the Netherlands - LA Times” Write-Up Full Version

Entry 14: “Black and Latino parents want better teachers and harder classes for their kids - LA Times” Write-Up Full Version

Entry 15: “DeRay Mckesson Won’t Be Elected Mayor of Baltimore. So Why Is He Running?” Write-Up Full Version

Introduction

Busey ipsum dolor sit amet, consectetur adipiscing elit. The magic Indian is a mysterious spiritual force, and we're going to Cathedral Rock, and that's the vortex of the heart. You gotta go through it to see there ain't nothing to it.

When you get lost in your imaginatory vagueness, your foresight will become a nimble vagrant. You gotta go through it to see there ain't nothing to it. You gotta go through it to see there ain't nothing to it.

Go with the feeling of the nature. Take it easy. Know why you're here. And remeber to balance your internal energy with the environment. You dip it in the horse radish, let it pee it off, dip it in the salsa sauce, one drip and thats it.

I would like to give you a backstage pass to my imagination. Have you urinated?

Have you drained your bladder? Are you free? Because if you havent it will only come out later. I'm giving you some information that your bodily fluids may penetrate your clothing fibre's without warning.

All men are failed women at birth. You know when you get the outside genitalia, its like "Oh my god what have they done to me?". The best way to communicate is compatible. Compatible communication is listening with open ears and an open mind, and not being fearful or judgemental about what you're hearing.

I've accepted the fact that what I want to do to find whats special about a woman is to be with women. And dress like them. And let them tell me what they feel like when they're dressed like that, because I can't do that if I go in there dressed like a man.

Its like a symbology of this of your mouth is eating food, from your mouth to your heart, is your freedom and your independence and your identity. Listen to the 2 silence. And when the silence is deafening, you're in the center of your own universe.

This is just common superficiality. Is thats whats so special about a woman?

Superficiality with their face colours? You dip it in the horse radish, let it pee it off, dip it in the salsa sauce, one drip and thats it.

The magic Indian is a mysterious spiritual force, and we're going to Cathedral

Rock, and that's the vortex of the heart. This is just common superficiality. Is thats whats so special about a woman? Superficiality with their face colours?

This is just common superficiality. Is thats whats so special about a woman?

Superficiality with their face colours? Did you feel that? Look at me - I'm not out of breath anymore! Thats an advanced modern oxymoron. It was good, I like it and I beleived it. Man you got a way with using words. Thats like a lariat that does a snake whip on your back legs, I mean on the back of your legs - not that you have 4 legs - and pulls you this way, and thats what that line did to me and I believed every minute of it.

Until I looked at the quadrangle that it produced with the verbs used in the sentence.

You dip it in the horse radish, let it pee it off, dip it in the salsa sauce, one drip and thats it. Go with the feeling of the nature. Take it easy. Know why you're here. And remeber to balance your internal energy with the environment.

This is just common superficiality. Is thats whats so special about a woman?

Superficiality with their face colours? You dip it in the horse radish, let it pee it off, dip it in the salsa sauce, one drip and thats it.

Pentaceratops Maiasaura Caenagnathasia Brohisaurus Minmi Eoraptor

Morinosaurus Heyuannia Pamparaptor Manidens Daspletosaurus Tarchia Rajasaurus 3

Mymoorapelta Ugrosaurus Xenoposeidon Charonosaurus Unescoceratops Zuolong

Prosaurolophus Fukuisaurus Leipsanosaurus Banji Pisanosaurus Dryosaurus Carnotaurus

Jintasaurus Baurutitan Hylosaurus Cryptosaurus.

Dystylosaurus Yuanmousaurus Manidens Falcarius Tyrannosaurus Breviceratops

Arstanosaurus Sinornithomimus Zapalasaurus Saurornitholestes Frenguellisaurus

Manospondylus Euskelosaurus Lariosaurus Variraptor Fukuiraptor Omeisaurus

Hecatasaurus Pachyrhinosaurus Maleevosaurus Trigonosaurus Laosaurus

Gongxianosaurus Carnotaurus Ferganocephale Danubiosaurus Syngonosaurus

Loricosaurus Orkoraptor Chebsaurus.

Palaeopteryx Altirhinus Atlasaurus Anserimimus Graciliraptor Procompsognathus

Alaskacephale Macrogryphosaurus Aucasaurus Stegopelta Tawa Eucercosaurus

Bonitasaura Bonitasaura Juratyrant Jiangjunosaurus Shantungosaurus Protohadros

Kukufeldia Galveosaurus Magnosaurus Muttaburrasaurus Velociraptor Saichania

Compsosuchus Stereocephalus Lophorhothon Barapasaurus Dubreuillosaurus

Velociraptor.

Dinodocus Scelidosaurus Coeluroides Dolichosuchus Ruehleia Rajasaurus

Doryphorosaurus Chinshakiangosaurus Tianyulong Aetonyx Rajasaurus Mantellisaurus

Xinjiangovenator Marisaurus Microraptor Umarsaurus Plateosauravus Jobaria

Dongyangosaurus Fulengia Campylodoniscus Sphaerotholus Austroraptor

Argentinosaurus Kryptops Juratyrant Nigersaurus Sahaliyania Avimimus Antarctopelta.

Titanoceratops Cathetosaurus Neimongosaurus Basutodon Marasuchus

Losillasaurus Spinosuchus Australodocus Gilmoreosaurus Dianchungosaurus

Tetragonosaurus Podokesaurus Dinheirosaurus Orosaurus Ugrosaurus Eucentrosaurus 4

Tapinocephalus Aardonyx Pentaceratops Anatotitan Microsaurops Eurolimnornis

Gryposaurus Mymoorapelta Longosaurus Omeisaurus Aniksosaurus Clasmodosaurus

Ornitholestes Troodon.

Diplotomodon Limusaurus Zhuchengtyrannus Herbstosaurus Labocania

Sinotyrannus Kileskus Sinotyrannus Dianchungosaurus Lukousaurus Tanycolagreus

Stenonychosaurus Jingshanosaurus Yutyrannus Bellusaurus Avalonianus

Mandschurosaurus Macrodontophion Othnielia Tatisaurus Brachytrachelopan

Tonganosaurus Stenotholus Silesaurus Ingenia Palaeosauriscus Agrosaurus Sinocoelurus

Texasetes Juravenator.

Edmontonia Amphicoelias Tecovasaurus Lagerpeton Eoceratops Rapetosaurus

Yinlong Koreanosaurus Palaeopteryx Bellusaurus Tianchisaurus Hexing Diplotomodon

Bactrosaurus Brachyrophus Wuerhosaurus Dasygnathoides Phuwiangosaurus Sauroniops

Rubeosaurus Manospondylus Andesaurus Galveosaurus Borealosaurus Lewisuchus

Ruehleia Machairasaurus Labocania Compsognathus Rebbachisaurus.

Ojoraptorsaurus Edmontosaurus Harpymimus Archaeoceratops Marshosaurus

Sauroplites Hylosaurus Nyasasaurus Jubbulpuria Troodon Epachthosaurus Sanpasaurus

Elmisaurus Velociraptor Shanag Palaeosaurus Zephyrosaurus Orosaurus Xixiasaurus

Streptospondylus Poposaurus Aralosaurus Huabeisaurus Tochisaurus Ceratosaurus

Rugops Belodon Traukutitan Haplocanthosaurus Sauraechinodon.

Argyrosaurus Scansoriopteryx Ornithosuchus Guanlong Lanasaurus

Tehuelchesaurus Gorgosaurus Wuerhosaurus Kerberosaurus Scelidosaurus Spinosaurus

Oryctodromeus Sinornithomimus Shenzhousaurus Sellacoxa Leptoceratops

Metriacanthosaurus Priodontognathus Sauroniops Lapparentosaurus Sinraptor 5

Tetragonosaurus Sinosauropteryx Laosaurus Shunosaurus Xinjiangovenator

Ischyrosaurus Paralititan Nanosaurus Galesaurus.

Sarcolestes Unescoceratops Belodon Protoavis Platyceratops Archaeornis

Loncosaurus Chuandongocoelurus Uintasaurus Valdoraptor Wannanosaurus

Ornithomimoides Thecospondylus Ornithomimoides Qantassaurus Iguanodon

Plateosaurus Ouranosaurus Lucianosaurus Microsaurops Dimodosaurus Lariosaurus

Cionodon Dromiceiomimus Blasisaurus Lamaceratops Alaskacephale Peltosaurus

Microraptor Spinosaurus.

Achelousaurus Amphicoelias Pamparaptor Coelurosauravus Pekinosaurus

Eucnemesaurus Euoplocephalus Brachypodosaurus Ignavusaurus Gigantspinosaurus

Eustreptospondylus Erectopus Ultrasauros Bagaraatan Coelurosauravus Apatodon

Oligosaurus Mochlodon Agrosaurus Limaysaurus Magnosaurus Argentinosaurus

Gobipteryx Sarcosaurus Dromicosaurus Ganzhousaurus Paluxysaurus Albertadromeus

Ornatotholus Protorosaurus.

Atlantosaurus Scansoriopteryx Palaeoscincus Gargoyleosaurus Manospondylus

Parvicursor Camposaurus Lusotitan Parksosaurus Shuosaurus Kinnareemimus Fukuititan

Marmarospondylus Hesperosaurus Jubbulpuria Futabasaurus Chirostenotes

Poekilopleuron Sauropelta Velafrons Eotyrannus Glyptodontopelta Nanningosaurus

Elaltitan Xixianykus Ischyrosaurus Indosuchus Aniksosaurus Epidendrosaurus

Pellegrinisaurus.

Bibliography

Balme, Jane, and Moss Wilson 2004 Perceptions of Archaeology in Australia Amongst Educated Young Australians. Australian Archaeology(58): 19–24.

Callimachi, Rukmini 2016a To Maintain Supply of Sex Slaves, ISIS Pushes Birth Control. The New York Times, March 12. http://www.nytimes.com/2016/03/13/world/middleeast/to-maintain- supply-of-sex-slaves-isis-pushes-birth-control.html, accessed April 12, 2016. 2016b How ISIS Built the Machinery of Terror Under Europe’s Gaze. The New York Times, March 29. http://www.nytimes.com/2016/03/29/world/europe/isis-attacks-paris- brussels.html, accessed April 12, 2016.

Cooper, Helene, and Eric Schmitt 2016 ISIS Detainee’s Information Led to 2 U.S. Airstrikes, Officials Say. The New York Times, March 9. http://www.nytimes.com/2016/03/10/world/middleeast/isis- detainee-mustard-gas.html, accessed April 12, 2016.

Howard, Greg 2016 DeRay Mckesson Won’t Be Elected Mayor of Baltimore. So Why Is He Running? The New York Times, April 11. http://www.nytimes.com/2016/04/11/magazine/deray-mckessonwont-be-elected-mayor- of-baltimore-so-why-is-he-running.html, accessed April 12, 2016.

Kantner, John 2008 The Archaeology of Regions: From Discrete Analytical Toolkit to Ubiquitous Spatial Perspective. Journal of Archaeological Research 16(1): 37–81.

Kohli, Sonali N.d. Black and Latino Parents Want Better Teachers and Harder Classes for Their Kids. Los Angeles Times. http://www.latimes.com/local/education/la-me-edu-black- latino-parent-survey-20160408-snap-htmlstory.html, accessed April 12, 2016.

Longacre, William A. 2010 Archaeology as Anthropology Revisited. Journal of Archaeological Method and Theory 17(2): 81–100.

Orser, Charles E. 2008 Historical Archaeology as Modern-World Archaeology in Argentina. International Journal of Historical Archaeology 12(3): 181–194.

Paynter, Robert 2000 Historical and Anthropological Archaeology: Forging Alliances. Journal of Archaeological Research 8(1): 1–37.

Times, Los Angeles Bibliography

N.d. Sex, Drugs and Second Thoughts. Latimes.com. http://www.latimes.com/world/la-fg-dutch4jan04-story.html, accessed April 12, 2016, a. N.d. Worried about Your Teenage Daughter? Move to the Netherlands. Latimes.com. http://www.latimes.com/opinion/op-ed/la-oe-0410-orenstein-girls-sex-dutch-20160410- story.html, accessed April 12, 2016, b.

Vankin, Deborah N.d. Afghan Woman Risks All to Bring Color to War-Torn Kabul with Her Street Art and Feminist Murals. Los Angeles Times. http://www.latimes.com/entertainment/arts/la- et-cm-shamsia-hassani-afghanistan-street-art-20160312-htmlstory.html, accessed April 12, 2016.

Wilkie, Laurie A 2005 Inessential Archaeologies: Problems of Exclusion in Americanist Archaeological Thought. World Archaeology 37(3): 337–351.

Young, Peter A. 2007 IN THIS ISSUE: Space Archaeology. Archaeology 60(6): 5–5.

(Sub-Section 1) J Archaeol Res (2008) 16:37-81 DOI 10.1007/sl0814-007-9017-8

ORIGINAL PAPER

The Archaeology of Regions: From Discrete Analytical Toolkit to Ubiquitous Spatial Perspective

John Kantner

Published online: 26 September 2007 © Springer Science+Business Media, LLC 2007

Abstract In the 1970s and 1980s, regional analysis was an influential part of archaeological research, providing a discrete set of geographical tools inspired by a processual epistemological and interpretive perspective. With the advent of new technologies, new methods, and new paradigms, archaeological research on regional space has undergone significant changes. This article reviews the state of regional archaeology, beginning with a consideration of its history and a discussion of the fundamental issues facing regional investigations before focusing on developments over the last several years. On one hand, the diversification of archaeological theory has created new paradigms for thinking about human relationships with one another and with the physical environment across regional space; in this regard, historical ecology, landscape archaeology, and evolutionary theory have been particularly influential in recent years. This has led to a corresponding diversification of the traditional methods of regional analysis. Most notably, the advent of powerful digital technologies has introduced new tools, especially those from the geographic information sciences, that build on the quantitative methods of past approaches. The investigation of regional data is no longer based on a discrete toolkit of simple mathematical and graphical procedures for representing spatial relationships. Instead, regional archaeology has matured into a diversity of multiscalar spatial and geostatistical techniques that inform many areas of archaeological inquiry.

Keywords Regional analysis • Settlement patterns • Spatial analysis • Archaeological method and theory • Geographic information systems

J. Kantner (Ë3) School for Advanced Research on the Human Experience, P.O. Box 2188, Santa Fe, NM 87504, USA e-mail: [email protected]

Ö Springer

This content downloaded from 35.8.11.3 on Tue, 12 Apr 2016 00:23:44 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms Entry 1 Write-Up “The Archaeology of Regions: From Discrete Analytical Toolkit to Ubiquitous Spatial Perspective” by John Katner

I'm gonna make an educated guess what happened here. My two clients, Frick and Frack, the mop heads, were in a simple traffic accident. A minor fender bender, but maybe they were on the wrong side of the street or didn't look both ways. It could happen to anyone. My clients, exhibiting extremely poor judgement, followed your grandmother to this delightful, well-tended home. Now, at this juncture I'm deducing that they said or did something that crossed a line. And you, with some justification, put them in their place. Based on the salsa stain there, it could have gone a couple ways. Bottom line, not to be morbid, but if they're dead, I'm guessing that I'm… I'm gonna go with glass half full here and say they're not. My point is, if they're still alive, why kill us, because of a misunderstanding? Our own stupidity? Why mess up your lovely Abuelita's place? Why jump to the nuclear option? I'm saying keep it simple. I will collect my moronic clients, and poof! We are gone. Neither you nor your lovely Abuelita will lay eyes on us ever again. Guaranteed. Signed sealed and delivered. Assuming, you know, that they're still breathing. Listen, Starlight Express, I'm gonna give you a 9.6 for technique, 0.0 for choice of victim! I'm a lawyer! Furthermore, does this steaming pile of crap scream payday to you, huh? The only way that entire car is worth $500 is if there's a $300 hooker sitting in it! Now let's talk about what you owe me for the windshield. I'm gonna make an educated guess what happened here. My two clients, Frick and Frack, the mop heads, were in a simple traffic accident. A minor fender bender, but maybe they were on the wrong side of the street or didn't look both ways. It could happen to anyone. My clients, exhibiting extremely poor judgement, followed your grandmother to this delightful, well-tended home. Now, at this juncture I'm deducing that they said or did something that crossed a line. And you, with some justification, put them in their place. Based on the salsa stain there, it could have gone a couple ways. Bottom line, not to be morbid, but if they're dead, I'm guessing that I'm… I'm gonna go with glass half full here and say they're not. My point is, if they're still alive, why kill us, because of a misunderstanding? Our own stupidity? Why mess up your lovely Abuelita's place? Why jump to the nuclear option? I'm saying keep it simple. I will collect my moronic clients, and poof! We are gone. Neither you nor your lovely Abuelita will lay eyes on us ever again. Guaranteed. Signed sealed and delivered. Assuming, you know, that they're still breathing. Listen, Starlight Express, I'm gonna give you a 9.6 for technique, 0.0 for choice of victim! I'm a lawyer! Furthermore, does this steaming pile of crap scream payday to you, huh? The only way that entire car is worth $500 is if there's a $300 hooker sitting in it! Now let's talk about what you owe me for the windshield.

Archaeology as Anthropology Revisited

William A. Longacre

Published online: 6 May 2010 © Springer Science+Business Media, LLC 2010

Abstract Anthropology was established in the USA during the middle of the nineteenth century. From the beginning, archaeology was considered a part of the discipline, a notion that continues to this day. However, over the course of the past 160 years, periodically, the place of archaeology within anthropology is questioned. Often, this has a reflection in the growth or shrinking in membership of the Archaeology Division of the American Anthropological Association. I explore these trends and try to explain them in terms of the history of anthropology.

Keywords History of archaeology · History of anthropology · Archaeology's place in anthropology

This paper was presented during the celebration of the 100th anniversary meeting of the American Anthropological Association. It was presented as the distinguished lecture to the Archaeology Division, an important unit of the AAA. Indeed, from the beginning, archaeology was part of anthropology and played an important role in the invention of the new field of ethnology or anthropology about 50 years before that first American Anthropological Association meeting. But with some regularity, questions arise as to the proper place of archaeology. Usually, either the archaeologists wonder if they should remain as a proper part of anthropology or the anthropologists determine that archaeology is really not a part of their field of study. There is an almost cyclical ritual that we go through periodically questioning archaeology's proper place in or out of the larger field (Gillespie and Nichols 2003; Lyman 2007). Let us explore this phenomenon over time by looking at the history of archaeology to see if we can find some understanding or even direction in this ritualistic self-appraisal. To do that, we must go back to the nineteenth century.

W. A. Longacre (S) University of Arizona, Tucson, AZ, USA e-mail: [email protected]

£} Springer

This content downloaded from 35.8.11.3 on Tue, 12 Apr 2016 00:23:16 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms Entry 2 Write-Up “Archaeology as Anthropology Revisited” by William Longacre

http://nyti.ms/1SsSAQn

EUROPE How ISIS Built the Machinery of Terror Under Europe’s Gaze

By RUKMINI CALLIMACHI MARCH 29, 2016 The day he left Syria with instructions to carry out a terrorist attack in France, Reda Hame, a 29yearold computer technician from Paris, had been a member of the Islamic State for just over a week.

His French passport and his background in information technology made him an ideal recruit for a rapidly expanding group within ISIS that was dedicated to terrorizing Europe. Over just a few days, he was rushed to a park, shown how to fire an assault rifle, handed a grenade and told to hurl it at a human silhouette. His accelerated course included how to use an encryption program called TrueCrypt, the first step in a process intended to mask communications with his ISIS handler back in Syria.

The handler, codenamed Dad, drove Mr. Hame to the Turkish border and sent him off with advice to pick an easy target, shoot as many civilians as possible and hold hostages until the security forces made a martyr of him.

“Be brave,” Dad said, embracing him.

http://www.nytimes.com/2016/03/29/world/europe/isisattacksparisbrussels.html 1/18 Entry 3 Write-Up “How ISIS Built the Machinery of Terror Under Europe’s Gaze - The New York Times” by Rukmini Callimachi

I'm gonna make an educated guess what happened here. My two clients, Frick and Frack, the mop heads, were in a simple traffic accident. A minor fender bender, but maybe they were on the wrong side of the street or didn't look both ways. It could happen to anyone. My clients, exhibiting extremely poor judgement, followed your grandmother to this delightful, well-tended home. Now, at this juncture I'm deducing that they said or did something that crossed a line. And you, with some justification, put them in their place. Based on the salsa stain there, it could have gone a couple ways. Bottom line, not to be morbid, but if they're dead, I'm guessing that I'm… I'm gonna go with glass half full here and say they're not. My point is, if they're still alive, why kill us, because of a misunderstanding? Our own stupidity? Why mess up your lovely Abuelita's place? Why jump to the nuclear option? I'm saying keep it simple. I will collect my moronic clients, and poof! We are gone. Neither you nor your lovely Abuelita will lay eyes on us ever again. Guaranteed. Signed sealed and delivered. Assuming, you know, that they're still breathing. Listen, Starlight Express, I'm gonna give you a 9.6 for technique, 0.0 for choice of victim! I'm a lawyer! Furthermore, does this steaming pile of crap scream payday to you, huh? The only way that entire car is worth $500 is if there's a $300 hooker sitting in it! Now let's talk about what you owe me for the windshield. I'm gonna make an educated guess what happened here. My two clients, Frick and Frack, the mop heads, were in a simple traffic accident. A minor fender bender, but maybe they were on the wrong side of the street or didn't look both ways. It could happen to anyone. My clients, exhibiting extremely poor judgement, followed your grandmother to this delightful, well-tended home. Now, at this juncture I'm deducing that they said or did something that crossed a line. And you, with some justification, put them in their place. Based on the salsa stain there, it could have gone a couple ways. Bottom line, not to be morbid, but if they're dead, I'm guessing that I'm… I'm gonna go with glass half full here and say they're not. My point is, if they're still alive, why kill us, because of a misunderstanding? Our own stupidity? Why mess up your lovely Abuelita's place? Why jump to the nuclear option? I'm saying keep it simple. I will collect my moronic clients, and poof! We are gone. Neither you nor your lovely Abuelita will lay eyes on us ever again. Guaranteed. Signed sealed and delivered. Assuming, you know, that they're still breathing. I'm gonna make an educated guess what happened here. My two clients, Frick and Frack, the mop heads, were in a simple traffic accident. A minor fender bender, but maybe they were on the wrong side of the street or didn't look both ways. It could happen to anyone. My clients, exhibiting extremely poor judgement, followed your grandmother to this delightful, well-tended home. Now, at this juncture I'm deducing that they said or did something that crossed a line. And you, with some justification, put them in their place. Based on the salsa stain there, it could have gone a couple ways. Bottom line, not to be morbid, but if they're dead, I'm guessing that I'm… I'm gonna go with glass half full here and say they're not. My point is, if they're still alive, why kill us, because of a misunderstanding? Our own stupidity? Why mess up your lovely Abuelita's place? Why jump to the nuclear option? I'm saying keep it simple. I will collect my moronic clients, and poof! We are gone. Neither you nor your lovely Abuelita will lay eyes on us ever

Entry 3 Write-Up “How ISIS Built the Machinery of Terror Under Europe’s Gaze - The New York Times” by Rukmini Callimachi again. Guaranteed. Signed sealed and delivered. Assuming, you know, that they're still breathing.

(Sub-Section 2) 4/11/2016 ISIS Detainee’s Information Led to 2 U.S. Airstrikes, Officials Say The New York Times

http://nyti.ms/24QKmsc

MIDDLE EAST ISIS Detainee’s Information Led to 2 U.S. Airstrikes, Officials Say

By HELENE COOPER and ERIC SCHMITT MARCH 9, 2016 WASHINGTON — A top specialist in chemical weapons for the Islamic State who is in American custody in northern Iraq has given military interrogators detailed information that resulted in two allied airstrikes in the last week against the group’s illicit weapons sites, Defense Department officials said Wednesday.

The prisoner, an Iraqi identified by officials as Sleiman Daoud alAfari, was captured a month ago by commandos with an elite American Special Operations force. He was described by three officials as a “significant operative” in the Islamic State’s chemical weapons program. Another official said he once worked for Saddam Hussein’s Military Industrialization Authority.

The Islamic State’s use of chemical weapons in Iraq and Syria has been known, but Mr. Afari’s capture has provided the United States with the opportunity to learn detailed information about the group’s secretive program, including where chemical agents were being stored and produced.

http://www.nytimes.com/2016/03/10/world/middleeast/isisdetaineemustardgas.html 1/5 Entry 4 Write-Up “ISIS Detainee’s Information Led to 2 U.S. Airstrikes, Officials Say” by Helene Cooper and Eric Schmitt

I'm gonna make an educated guess what happened here. My two clients, Frick and Frack, the mop heads, were in a simple traffic accident. A minor fender bender, but maybe they were on the wrong side of the street or didn't look both ways. It could happen to anyone. My clients, exhibiting extremely poor judgement, followed your grandmother to this delightful, well-tended home. Now, at this juncture I'm deducing that they said or did something that crossed a line. And you, with some justification, put them in their place. Based on the salsa stain there, it could have gone a couple ways. Bottom line, not to be morbid, but if they're dead, I'm guessing that I'm… I'm gonna go with glass half full here and say they're not. My point is, if they're still alive, why kill us, because of a misunderstanding? Our own stupidity? Why mess up your lovely Abuelita's place? Why jump to the nuclear option? I'm saying keep it simple. I will collect my moronic clients, and poof! We are gone. Neither you nor your lovely Abuelita will lay eyes on us ever again. Guaranteed. Signed sealed and delivered. Assuming, you know, that they're still breathing. Listen, Starlight Express, I'm gonna give you a 9.6 for technique, 0.0 for choice of victim! I'm a lawyer! Furthermore, does this steaming pile of crap scream payday to you, huh? The only way that entire car is worth $500 is if there's a $300 hooker sitting in it! Now let's talk about what you owe me for the windshield. I'm gonna make an educated guess what happened here. My two clients, Frick and Frack, the mop heads, were in a simple traffic accident. A minor fender bender, but maybe they were on the wrong side of the street or didn't look both ways. It could happen to anyone. My clients, exhibiting extremely poor judgement, followed your grandmother to this delightful, well-tended home. Now, at this juncture I'm deducing that they said or did something that crossed a line. And you, with some justification, put them in their place. Based on the salsa stain there, it could have gone a couple ways. Bottom line, not to be morbid, but if they're dead, I'm guessing that I'm… I'm gonna go with glass half full here and say they're not. My point is, if they're still alive, why kill us, because of a misunderstanding? Our own stupidity? Why mess up your lovely Abuelita's place? Why jump to the nuclear option? I'm saying keep it simple. I will collect my moronic clients, and poof! We are gone. Neither you nor your lovely Abuelita will lay eyes on us ever again. Guaranteed. Signed sealed and delivered. Assuming, you know, that they're still breathing. I'm gonna make an educated guess what happened here. My two clients, Frick and Frack, the mop heads, were in a simple traffic accident. A minor fender bender, but maybe they were on the wrong side of the street or didn't look both ways. It could happen to anyone. My clients, exhibiting extremely poor judgement, followed your grandmother to this delightful, well-tended home. Now, at this juncture I'm deducing that they said or did something that crossed a line. And you, with some justification, put them in their place. Based on the salsa stain there, it could have gone a couple ways. Bottom line, not to be morbid, but if they're dead, I'm guessing that I'm… I'm gonna go with glass half full here and say they're not. My point is, if they're still alive, why kill us, because of a misunderstanding? Our own stupidity? Why mess up your lovely Abuelita's place? Why jump to the nuclear option? I'm saying keep it simple. I will collect my moronic clients, and poof! We are gone.

Perceptions of archaeology amongst primary school aged children, Adelaide, South Australia

Tim Owen1 and Jody Steele2

Abstract poor exposure of primary and secondary school children to A public archaeology programme was initiated at the studies of domestic archaeology in all its forms'. Fern Avenue site (an early nineteenth century Adelaide jam Currently archaeology is not widely taught as an factory) as an integral part of the archaeological individual discipline within schools. With the curriculum investigations conducted between March 2000 and of Australian schools struggling to fit existing subjects November 2000. One component of the public archaeology into their timetables, as well as the ever-growing programme was an archaeological education programme information technology disciplines, archaeology is not for primary and early secondary aged school children. The likely to break in as a stand-alone subject. However, it is primary school component of the programme provided 583 often used within history, ancient history and social inner-city primary aged school children (aged between 7 science subjects. In 2002 the Commonwealth Government and 11) with a classroom introduction to archaeology highlighted that the use of artefacts etc, was becoming a followed by practical on-site experience. This paper focuses effective teaching tool: on the outcomes of the primary school class-based teaching. Resources for learning history are no longer just the Analysis of the children's written schoolroom answers has books written for school students. Increasingly enabled a basic evaluation of the students' overarching students are engaging with artefacts, pictures, perceptions relating to Australian archaeology. buildings and landscapes, recordings, personal In general, this study suggested that the primary aged interviews and original documents and assessing school children involved in the programme understood that their value as evidence of the past (National Centre archaeology involved 'investigating the past' and for History Education 2002). 'excavation'. However, comprehension beyond these fundamentals was limited - especially in terms of more As archaeological educator Karolyn Smardz specific knowledge, such as an understanding that (1997:104) suggests, teachers do not have the time to Australian archaeology comprised the major disciplines become an archaeologist in order to teach about the Aboriginal, historical or maritime. Although the children's discipline, therefore, the best way to get archaeology into initial understanding of archaeology was limited, it held a schools is to involve an archaeologist, either by providing a high level of appeal. The base interest generated by user friendly education package (a 'canned class') or going archaeology was used to teach the fundamentals, whilst the into the classroom yourself and/or inviting the classroom to site visit compounded and enhanced most of the students' your site. The authors are not suggesting that all awareness of the discipline, creating a memorable archaeologists have the time to be teachers. However, if experience for all involved. time permits and a site is available, a great opportunity is created. This is seen through many recent archaeological Introduction projects, including those conducted within Sydney's Rocks In Australia, interpretation of archaeological sites district in the 1990s, inviting children on-site to (Aboriginal, historical and/or maritime) to the public has 'experience' the past (Karskens 1999:17). Melbourne grown and expanded over the past two decades. The recent school classes were present on-site during the 2002 inception of public outreach components in several excavations of Casselden Place (McKenzie 2002), allowing archaeological projects has seen many varied examples of them the opportunity to see some of the less glamorous public interest in archaeology (e.g. Briggs 2002; McKenzie aspects of urban archaeology, cesspits and all. The authors 2002; Steele and Owen 2002a, 2002b, 2003; Steele et al. decided that a great way to get archaeology into Adelaide 2003). The inclusion of public interpretation has allowed schools was to do it themselves, by lending time, projects to expand in new directions and acquire funding knowledge and the site to educating children about the from different and alternative avenues (McKenzie 2002). importance of the discipline in understanding the past and An increased public awareness of archaeological activities their local community history. can strengthen, enhance and gather support for archaeology. A number of schools projects have been implemented as However, it has been suggested that the apparent part of wider public archaeology programmes conducted by professional perceptions of archaeology are not mirrored by the authors (Owen and Steele 2001a, 2001b, 2002). It was the general public's awareness of our archaeological hoped that these programmes would not only take activities (Balme and Wilson 2004; Gibbs and Roe archaeology into the classroom, but also allow community 2002:21). It was clearly stated by Gibbs and Roe (2002:21) participation and understanding of the importance of that one contributing factor might include 'the generally protecting 'local' heritage. One of the schools projects enabled primary aged children to experience archaeology in a school environment (via lessons conducted about archaeology by archaeologists) and actively on-site (via site 1 Environmental Resources Management Australia Pty Ltd, Locked Bag 24, Broadway, NSW 2007, Australia. Email: [email protected]. tours, excavation, artefact processing and drawing). This 2 Department of Archaeology, Flinders University, GPO Box 2100, paper discusses the results from a component of the Fern Adelaide, SA 5001, Australia. Email: [email protected]. Avenue schools programme.

64 Australian Archaeology, Number 6 1 , 2005

This content downloaded from 35.8.11.3 on Tue, 12 Apr 2016 00:21:53 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms Entry 5 Write-Up “Perceptions of Archaeology Amongst Primary School Aged Children, Adelaide, South Australia” by Tim Owen and Jodie Steele

I'm gonna make an educated guess what happened here. My two clients, Frick and Frack, the mop heads, were in a simple traffic accident. A minor fender bender, but maybe they were on the wrong side of the street or didn't look both ways. It could happen to anyone. My clients, exhibiting extremely poor judgement, followed your grandmother to this delightful, well-tended home. Now, at this juncture I'm deducing that they said or did something that crossed a line. And you, with some justification, put them in their place. Based on the salsa stain there, it could have gone a couple ways. Bottom line, not to be morbid, but if they're dead, I'm guessing that I'm… I'm gonna go with glass half full here and say they're not. My point is, if they're still alive, why kill us, because of a misunderstanding? Our own stupidity? Why mess up your lovely Abuelita's place? Why jump to the nuclear option? I'm saying keep it simple. I will collect my moronic clients, and poof! We are gone. Neither you nor your lovely Abuelita will lay eyes on us ever again. Guaranteed. Signed sealed and delivered. Assuming, you know, that they're still breathing. Listen, Starlight Express, I'm gonna give you a 9.6 for technique, 0.0 for choice of victim! I'm a lawyer! Furthermore, does this steaming pile of crap scream payday to you, huh? The only way that entire car is worth $500 is if there's a $300 hooker sitting in it! Now let's talk about what you owe me for the windshield. I'm gonna make an educated guess what happened here. My two clients, Frick and Frack, the mop heads, were in a simple traffic accident. A minor fender bender, but maybe they were on the wrong side of the street or didn't look both ways. It could happen to anyone. My clients, exhibiting extremely poor judgement, followed your grandmother to this delightful, well-tended home. Now, at this juncture I'm deducing that they said or did something that crossed a line. And you, with some justification, put them in their place. Based on the salsa stain there, it could have gone a couple ways. Bottom line, not to be morbid, but if they're dead, I'm guessing that I'm… I'm gonna go with glass half full here and say they're not. My point is, if they're still alive, why kill us, because of a misunderstanding? Our own stupidity? Why mess up your lovely Abuelita's place? Why jump to the nuclear option? I'm saying keep it simple. I will collect my moronic clients, and poof! We are gone. Neither you nor your lovely Abuelita will lay eyes on us ever again. Guaranteed. Signed sealed and delivered. Assuming, you know, that they're still breathing. I'm gonna make an educated guess what happened here. My two clients, Frick and Frack, the mop heads, were in a simple traffic accident. A minor fender bender, but maybe they were on the wrong side of the street or didn't look both ways. It could happen to anyone. My clients, exhibiting extremely poor judgement, followed your grandmother to this delightful, well-tended home. Now, at this juncture I'm deducing that they said or did something that crossed a line. And you, with some justification, put them in their place. Based on the salsa stain there, it could have gone a couple ways. Bottom line, not to be morbid, but if they're dead, I'm guessing that I'm… I'm gonna go with glass half full here and say they're not. My point is, if they're still alive, why kill us, because of a misunderstanding? Our own stupidity? Why mess up your lovely Abuelita's place? Why jump to the nuclear option? I'm saying keep it simple. I will collect my moronic clients, and poof! We are gone. Neither you nor your lovely Abuelita will lay eyes on us ever Entry 5 Write-Up “Perceptions of Archaeology Amongst Primary School Aged Children, Adelaide, South Australia” by Tim Owen and Jodie Steele again. Guaranteed. Signed sealed and delivered. Assuming, you know, that they're still breathing.

4/11/2016 To Maintain Supply of Sex Slaves, ISIS Pushes Birth Control The New York Times

http://nyti.ms/1SIk4Ui

To Maintain Supply of Sex Slaves, ISIS Pushes Birth Control Modern methods allow the Islamic State to keep up its systematic rape of captives under medieval codes.

By RUKMINI CALLIMACHI MARCH 12, 2016 DOHUK, Iraq — Locked inside a room where the only furniture was a bed, the 16yearold learned to fear the sunset, because nightfall started the countdown to her next rape.

During the year she was held by the Islamic State, she spent her days dreading the smell of the ISIS fighter’s breath, the disgusting sounds he made and the pain he inflicted on her body. More than anything, she was tormented by the thought she might become pregnant with her rapist’s child.

It was the one thing she needn’t have worried about.

Soon after buying her, the fighter brought the teenage girl a round box containing four strips of pills, one of them colored red.

“Every day, I had to swallow one in front of him. He gave me one box per month. When I ran out, he replaced it. When I was sold from one man to another, the box of pills came with me,” explained the girl, who learned only months later that she was being given birth control.

http://www.nytimes.com/2016/03/13/world/middleeast/tomaintainsupplyofsexslavesisispushesbirthcontrol.html 1/8 Entry 6 Write-Up “To Maintain Supply of Sex Slaves, ISIS Pushes Birth Control - The New York Times” by Rukmini Callimachi

I'm gonna make an educated guess what happened here. My two clients, Frick and Frack, the mop heads, were in a simple traffic accident. A minor fender bender, but maybe they were on the wrong side of the street or didn't look both ways. It could happen to anyone. My clients, exhibiting extremely poor judgement, followed your grandmother to this delightful, well-tended home. Now, at this juncture I'm deducing that they said or did something that crossed a line. And you, with some justification, put them in their place. Based on the salsa stain there, it could have gone a couple ways. Bottom line, not to be morbid, but if they're dead, I'm guessing that I'm… I'm gonna go with glass half full here and say they're not. My point is, if they're still alive, why kill us, because of a misunderstanding? Our own stupidity? Why mess up your lovely Abuelita's place? Why jump to the nuclear option? I'm saying keep it simple. I will collect my moronic clients, and poof! We are gone. Neither you nor your lovely Abuelita will lay eyes on us ever again. Guaranteed. Signed sealed and delivered. Assuming, you know, that they're still breathing. Listen, Starlight Express, I'm gonna give you a 9.6 for technique, 0.0 for choice of victim! I'm a lawyer! Furthermore, does this steaming pile of crap scream payday to you, huh? The only way that entire car is worth $500 is if there's a $300 hooker sitting in it! Now let's talk about what you owe me for the windshield. I'm gonna make an educated guess what happened here. My two clients, Frick and Frack, the mop heads, were in a simple traffic accident. A minor fender bender, but maybe they were on the wrong side of the street or didn't look both ways. It could happen to anyone. My clients, exhibiting extremely poor judgement, followed your grandmother to this delightful, well-tended home. Now, at this juncture I'm deducing that they said or did something that crossed a line. And you, with some justification, put them in their place. Based on the salsa stain there, it could have gone a couple ways. Bottom line, not to be morbid, but if they're dead, I'm guessing that I'm… I'm gonna go with glass half full here and say they're not. My point is, if they're still alive, why kill us, because of a misunderstanding? Our own stupidity? Why mess up your lovely Abuelita's place? Why jump to the nuclear option? I'm saying keep it simple. I will collect my moronic clients, and poof! We are gone. Neither you nor your lovely Abuelita will lay eyes on us ever again. Guaranteed. Signed sealed and delivered. Assuming, you know, that they're still breathing. I'm gonna make an educated guess what happened here. My two clients, Frick and Frack, the mop heads, were in a simple traffic accident. A minor fender bender, but maybe they were on the wrong side of the street or didn't look both ways. It could happen to anyone. My clients, exhibiting extremely poor judgement, followed your grandmother to this delightful, well-tended home. Now, at this juncture I'm deducing that they said or did something that crossed a line. And you, with some justification, put them in their place. Based on the salsa stain there, it could have gone a couple ways. Bottom line, not to be morbid, but if they're dead, I'm guessing that I'm… I'm gonna go with glass half full here and say they're not. My point is, if they're still alive, why kill us, because of a misunderstanding? Our own stupidity? Why mess up your lovely Abuelita's place? Why jump to the nuclear option? I'm saying keep it simple. I will collect my moronic clients, and poof! We are gone. 4/11/2016 Afghan woman risks all to bring color to wartorn Kabul with her street art and feminist murals LA Times Afghan woman risks all to bring color to wartorn Kabul with her street art and feminist murals

"Because I'm a girl, even if I don't do art, if I just walk in the street, I will hear a lot of words," Shamsia Hassani says. "And if I do art, then they will come to harass me." (Francine Orr / Los Angeles Times)

By Deborah Vankin

MARCH 12, 2016, 4:30 AM

Armed with cans of spray paint, 28yearold Afghan graffiti artist Shamsia Hassani ventures into the streets of Kabul to create feminist murals on the walls of abandoned, bombedout buildings.

She has to work fast — only 15 to 20 minutes before she flees. Some works are left incomplete. But for a woman like Hassani, that's what it takes when art is weapon of mass expression.

Hassani's art shows women in traditional clothing with musical instruments. In subtle ways, they defy gender roles: These women are not playing the instruments to entertain someone else but, rather, wielding them on their own terms.

"It's to show they have a voice," Hassani says. http://www.latimes.com/entertainment/arts/laetcmshamsiahassaniafghanistanstreetart20160312htmlstory.html 1/8 Entry 7 Write-Up “Afghan woman risks all to bring color to war-torn Kabul with her street art and feminist murals - LA Times” by Deborah Vankin

I'm gonna make an educated guess what happened here. My two clients, Frick and Frack, the mop heads, were in a simple traffic accident. A minor fender bender, but maybe they were on the wrong side of the street or didn't look both ways. It could happen to anyone. My clients, exhibiting extremely poor judgement, followed your grandmother to this delightful, well-tended home. Now, at this juncture I'm deducing that they said or did something that crossed a line. And you, with some justification, put them in their place. Based on the salsa stain there, it could have gone a couple ways. Bottom line, not to be morbid, but if they're dead, I'm guessing that I'm… I'm gonna go with glass half full here and say they're not. My point is, if they're still alive, why kill us, because of a misunderstanding? Our own stupidity? Why mess up your lovely Abuelita's place? Why jump to the nuclear option? I'm saying keep it simple. I will collect my moronic clients, and poof! We are gone. Neither you nor your lovely Abuelita will lay eyes on us ever again. Guaranteed. Signed sealed and delivered. Assuming, you know, that they're still breathing. Listen, Starlight Express, I'm gonna give you a 9.6 for technique, 0.0 for choice of victim! I'm a lawyer! Furthermore, does this steaming pile of crap scream payday to you, huh? The only way that entire car is worth $500 is if there's a $300 hooker sitting in it! Now let's talk about what you owe me for the windshield. I'm gonna make an educated guess what happened here. My two clients, Frick and Frack, the mop heads, were in a simple traffic accident. A minor fender bender, but maybe they were on the wrong side of the street or didn't look both ways. It could happen to anyone. My clients, exhibiting extremely poor judgement, followed your grandmother to this delightful, well-tended home. Now, at this juncture I'm deducing that they said or did something that crossed a line. And you, with some justification, put them in their place. Based on the salsa stain there, it could have gone a couple ways. Bottom line, not to be morbid, but if they're dead, I'm guessing that I'm… I'm gonna go with glass half full here and say they're not. My point is, if they're still alive, why kill us, because of a misunderstanding? Our own stupidity? Why mess up your lovely Abuelita's place? Why jump to the nuclear option? I'm saying keep it simple. I will collect my moronic clients, and poof! We are gone. Neither you nor your lovely Abuelita will lay eyes on us ever again. Guaranteed. Signed sealed and delivered. Assuming, you know, that they're still breathing. I'm gonna make an educated guess what happened here. My two clients, Frick and Frack, the mop heads, were in a simple traffic accident. A minor fender bender, but maybe they were on the wrong side of the street or didn't look both ways. It could happen to anyone. My clients, exhibiting extremely poor judgement, followed your grandmother to this delightful, well-tended home. Now, at this juncture I'm deducing that they said or did something that crossed a line. And you, with some justification, put them in their place. Based on the salsa stain there, it could have gone a couple ways. Bottom line, not to be morbid, but if they're dead, I'm guessing that I'm… I'm gonna go with glass half full here and say they're not. My point is, if they're still alive, why kill us, because of a misunderstanding? Our own stupidity? Why mess up your lovely Abuelita's place? Why jump to the nuclear option? I'm saying keep it simple. I will collect my moronic clients, and poof! We are gone.

(Sub-Section 3) 4/11/2016 Sex, drugs and second thoughts LA Times World Sex, drugs and second thoughts

PARTY OVER? Amsterdam s coffeehouses, where marijuana is sold with official sanction, have been a target of recent curbs. I ve been in this business 15 years, and we have never felt so much pressure, one coffeehouse manager says. (PYMCA / via Newscom)

By Geraldine Baum Los Angeles Times Staff Writer

JANUARY 4, 2008

msterdam A The vacation sort of just flew by. After dropping their packs at a hostel, Ryan Ainsworth and his buddy Richie Bendelow found a shop selling 500 herbal potions that promised to make them high and happy in 500 ways. But the young British tourists went right for the hallucinogenic mushrooms, packaged in clear plastic containers just like the ordinary ones at the greengrocer back home.

The pair took the tips sheet that advised first boiling the mushrooms into a tea "to speed up the effect." It also warned against taking them with hard drugs or alcohol but that "a marijuana joint is no problem and can give you a positive, relaxing feeling."

http://www.latimes.com/world/lafgdutch4jan04story.html 1/5 Entry 8 Write-Up “Sex, drugs and second thoughts - LA Times” by Geraldine Baum

I'm gonna make an educated guess what happened here. My two clients, Frick and Frack, the mop heads, were in a simple traffic accident. A minor fender bender, but maybe they were on the wrong side of the street or didn't look both ways. It could happen to anyone. My clients, exhibiting extremely poor judgement, followed your grandmother to this delightful, well-tended home. Now, at this juncture I'm deducing that they said or did something that crossed a line. And you, with some justification, put them in their place. Based on the salsa stain there, it could have gone a couple ways. Bottom line, not to be morbid, but if they're dead, I'm guessing that I'm… I'm gonna go with glass half full here and say they're not. My point is, if they're still alive, why kill us, because of a misunderstanding? Our own stupidity? Why mess up your lovely Abuelita's place? Why jump to the nuclear option? I'm saying keep it simple. I will collect my moronic clients, and poof! We are gone. Neither you nor your lovely Abuelita will lay eyes on us ever again. Guaranteed. Signed sealed and delivered. Assuming, you know, that they're still breathing. Listen, Starlight Express, I'm gonna give you a 9.6 for technique, 0.0 for choice of victim! I'm a lawyer! Furthermore, does this steaming pile of crap scream payday to you, huh? The only way that entire car is worth $500 is if there's a $300 hooker sitting in it! Now let's talk about what you owe me for the windshield. I'm gonna make an educated guess what happened here. My two clients, Frick and Frack, the mop heads, were in a simple traffic accident. A minor fender bender, but maybe they were on the wrong side of the street or didn't look both ways. It could happen to anyone. My clients, exhibiting extremely poor judgement, followed your grandmother to this delightful, well-tended home. Now, at this juncture I'm deducing that they said or did something that crossed a line. And you, with some justification, put them in their place. Based on the salsa stain there, it could have gone a couple ways. Bottom line, not to be morbid, but if they're dead, I'm guessing that I'm… I'm gonna go with glass half full here and say they're not. My point is, if they're still alive, why kill us, because of a misunderstanding? Our own stupidity? Why mess up your lovely Abuelita's place? Why jump to the nuclear option? I'm saying keep it simple. I will collect my moronic clients, and poof! We are gone. Neither you nor your lovely Abuelita will lay eyes on us ever again. Guaranteed. Signed sealed and delivered. Assuming, you know, that they're still breathing. I'm gonna make an educated guess what happened here. My two clients, Frick and Frack, the mop heads, were in a simple traffic accident. A minor fender bender, but maybe they were on the wrong side of the street or didn't look both ways. It could happen to anyone. My clients, exhibiting extremely poor judgement, followed your grandmother to this delightful, well-tended home. Now, at this juncture I'm deducing that they said or did something that crossed a line. And you, with some justification, put them in their place. Based on the salsa stain there, it could have gone a couple ways. Bottom line, not to be morbid, but if they're dead, I'm guessing that I'm… I'm gonna go with glass half full here and say they're not. My point is, if they're still alive, why kill us, because of a misunderstanding? Our own stupidity? Why mess up your lovely Abuelita's place? Why jump to the nuclear option? I'm saying keep it simple. I will collect my moronic clients, and poof! We are gone.

Int J Histor Archaeol (2008) 12:181-194 DOI 10.1007/sl0761-008-0052-z

Historical Archaeology as Modern-World Archaeology in Argentina

Charles E. Orser Jr.

Published online: 4 March 2008 ? Springer Science + Business Media, LLC 2008

Abstract Historical archaeology has grown at a remarkable pace in the last decade. South America has seen a major growth in historical archaeology, with archae ologists in Argentina playing a large role in the maturation of the discipline on the continent. Much of this archaeology can be characterized as "modern-world archaeology" because of the archaeologists' interest in issues relevant to post Columbian cultural history.

Keywords Modem-world archaeology Argentina

Introduction

Over the past three decades, the field of historical archaeology has expanded dramatically as increasing number of professional archaeologists turn to the field. In accordance with this growth, greater numbers of students are acquiring classroom and fieldwork experience in historical archaeology as more academic archaeologists offer courses in the discipline. Nowhere has the growth of historical archaeology been more important than in South America, including in Argentina, the subject of this special issue. As in so many other places, the initial development of the discipline in that continent has rested with a handful of dedicated professionals. Their numbers may have been small at the beginning, but these scholars* unceasing labors and long hours have created a sustainable tradition of historical archaeology throughout South America, The purpose of this short article is to present a few, brief personal thoughts about an explicit modern-world archaeology and to explore reasons why South American historical archaeology has the potential to become a major contributor to this kind of archaeology. It is my hope that with time, the works of South American historical

C. E. Orser Jr. (M) Research and Collections Division, New York State Museum, 3140 Cultural Education Center, Albany, NY 12230, USA e-mail: [email protected]

Springer

This content downloaded from 35.8.11.3 on Tue, 12 Apr 2016 00:17:49 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms Entry 9 Write-Up “Historical Archaeology as Modern-World Archaeology in Argentina” by Charles E. Orsner Jr.

I'm gonna make an educated guess what happened here. My two clients, Frick and Frack, the mop heads, were in a simple traffic accident. A minor fender bender, but maybe they were on the wrong side of the street or didn't look both ways. It could happen to anyone. My clients, exhibiting extremely poor judgement, followed your grandmother to this delightful, well-tended home. Now, at this juncture I'm deducing that they said or did something that crossed a line. And you, with some justification, put them in their place. Based on the salsa stain there, it could have gone a couple ways. Bottom line, not to be morbid, but if they're dead, I'm guessing that I'm… I'm gonna go with glass half full here and say they're not. My point is, if they're still alive, why kill us, because of a misunderstanding? Our own stupidity? Why mess up your lovely Abuelita's place? Why jump to the nuclear option? I'm saying keep it simple. I will collect my moronic clients, and poof! We are gone. Neither you nor your lovely Abuelita will lay eyes on us ever again. Guaranteed. Signed sealed and delivered. Assuming, you know, that they're still breathing. Listen, Starlight Express, I'm gonna give you a 9.6 for technique, 0.0 for choice of victim! I'm a lawyer! Furthermore, does this steaming pile of crap scream payday to you, huh? The only way that entire car is worth $500 is if there's a $300 hooker sitting in it! Now let's talk about what you owe me for the windshield. I'm gonna make an educated guess what happened here. My two clients, Frick and Frack, the mop heads, were in a simple traffic accident. A minor fender bender, but maybe they were on the wrong side of the street or didn't look both ways. It could happen to anyone. My clients, exhibiting extremely poor judgement, followed your grandmother to this delightful, well-tended home. Now, at this juncture I'm deducing that they said or did something that crossed a line. And you, with some justification, put them in their place. Based on the salsa stain there, it could have gone a couple ways. Bottom line, not to be morbid, but if they're dead, I'm guessing that I'm… I'm gonna go with glass half full here and say they're not. My point is, if they're still alive, why kill us, because of a misunderstanding? Our own stupidity? Why mess up your lovely Abuelita's place? Why jump to the nuclear option? I'm saying keep it simple. I will collect my moronic clients, and poof! We are gone. Neither you nor your lovely Abuelita will lay eyes on us ever again. Guaranteed. Signed sealed and delivered. Assuming, you know, that they're still breathing. I'm gonna make an educated guess what happened here. My two clients, Frick and Frack, the mop heads, were in a simple traffic accident. A minor fender bender, but maybe they were on the wrong side of the street or didn't look both ways. It could happen to anyone. My clients, exhibiting extremely poor judgement, followed your grandmother to this delightful, well-tended home. Now, at this juncture I'm deducing that they said or did something that crossed a line. And you, with some justification, put them in their place. Based on the salsa stain there, it could have gone a couple ways. Bottom line, not to be morbid, but if they're dead, I'm guessing that I'm… I'm gonna go with glass half full here and say they're not. My point is, if they're still alive, why kill us, because of a misunderstanding? Our own stupidity? Why mess up your lovely Abuelita's place? Why jump to the nuclear option? I'm saying keep it simple. I will collect my moronic clients, and poof! We are gone.

Inessential archaeologies: problems of exclusion in Americanist archaeological thought

Laurie A. Wilkie

Abstract

This paper will present an intellectual history of Americanist historical archaeology as it developed from the 1960s onwards within the context of processual archaeology and the resulting marginalization of studies of the recent past within Americanist archaeology. The paper will explore the intellectual problems and miss-steps caused by the artificial prehistory/history dichotomy prevalent in American archaeology. While many 'prehistorians' see historical archaeologies as inessential to their research, I will discuss contributions historical archaeology has made to the discipline, and the potential contributions of the sub-discipline more broadly to archaeological interpretation (or an archaeological historiography).

Keywords

Historical archaeology; archaeological history; interpretation; theory.

A disciplinary parable (with tongue planted firmly in cheek)

They met in the late 1960s. He was an upstart scientist who had all the answers, she was a young mixed-up kid who wanted to feel important and loved. He was not looking for commitment. She thought theirs was a meaningful partnership; he saw it as a relationship of convenience. Oh, he was interested in her when he thought he could test his methods on her data - but if she wanted to talk to him about her ideas - he pushed her away. He figured he could keep their relationship simple. Eventually, he found that, although she was young, she was more complicated than he had anticipated. He lost interest. Some might say he was not secure enough intellectually

This content downloaded from 35.8.11.3 on Tue, 12 Apr 2016 00:17:37 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms Entry 10 Write-Up “Inessential Archaeologies - Problems of Exclusion in Americanist Archaeological Thought” by Laurie A. Wilkie

I'm gonna make an educated guess what happened here. My two clients, Frick and Frack, the mop heads, were in a simple traffic accident. A minor fender bender, but maybe they were on the wrong side of the street or didn't look both ways. It could happen to anyone. My clients, exhibiting extremely poor judgement, followed your grandmother to this delightful, well-tended home. Now, at this juncture I'm deducing that they said or did something that crossed a line. And you, with some justification, put them in their place. Based on the salsa stain there, it could have gone a couple ways. Bottom line, not to be morbid, but if they're dead, I'm guessing that I'm… I'm gonna go with glass half full here and say they're not. My point is, if they're still alive, why kill us, because of a misunderstanding? Our own stupidity? Why mess up your lovely Abuelita's place? Why jump to the nuclear option? I'm saying keep it simple. I will collect my moronic clients, and poof! We are gone. Neither you nor your lovely Abuelita will lay eyes on us ever again. Guaranteed. Signed sealed and delivered. Assuming, you know, that they're still breathing. Listen, Starlight Express, I'm gonna give you a 9.6 for technique, 0.0 for choice of victim! I'm a lawyer! Furthermore, does this steaming pile of crap scream payday to you, huh? The only way that entire car is worth $500 is if there's a $300 hooker sitting in it! Now let's talk about what you owe me for the windshield. I'm gonna make an educated guess what happened here. My two clients, Frick and Frack, the mop heads, were in a simple traffic accident. A minor fender bender, but maybe they were on the wrong side of the street or didn't look both ways. It could happen to anyone. My clients, exhibiting extremely poor judgement, followed your grandmother to this delightful, well-tended home. Now, at this juncture I'm deducing that they said or did something that crossed a line. And you, with some justification, put them in their place. Based on the salsa stain there, it could have gone a couple ways. Bottom line, not to be morbid, but if they're dead, I'm guessing that I'm… I'm gonna go with glass half full here and say they're not. My point is, if they're still alive, why kill us, because of a misunderstanding? Our own stupidity? Why mess up your lovely Abuelita's place? Why jump to the nuclear option? I'm saying keep it simple. I will collect my moronic clients, and poof! We are gone. Neither you nor your lovely Abuelita will lay eyes on us ever again. Guaranteed. Signed sealed and delivered. Assuming, you know, that they're still breathing. I'm gonna make an educated guess what happened here. My two clients, Frick and Frack, the mop heads, were in a simple traffic accident. A minor fender bender, but maybe they were on the wrong side of the street or didn't look both ways. It could happen to anyone. My clients, exhibiting extremely poor judgement, followed your grandmother to this delightful, well-tended home. Now, at this juncture I'm deducing that they said or did something that crossed a line. And you, with some justification, put them in their place. Based on the salsa stain there, it could have gone a couple ways. Bottom line, not to be morbid, but if they're dead, I'm guessing that I'm… I'm gonna go with glass half full here and say they're not. My point is, if they're still alive, why kill us, because of a misunderstanding? Our own stupidity? Why mess up your lovely Abuelita's place? Why jump to the nuclear option? I'm saying keep it simple. I will collect my moronic clients, and poof! We are gone.

Journal of Archaeological Research, Vol. 8, No. 7, 2000

Historical and Anthropological Archaeology: Forging Alliances

Robert Paynter1

Historical and anthropological archaeology have had a somewhat disjointed relationship. Differences in theoretical perspectives, methodological concerns, and material records have led to a lack of cross talk between these branches of Americanist archaeology. This paper presents recent issues in historical archaeology ' points out areas of common concern, and argues that both archaeologies would benefit from informed discussions about the materiality and history of the pre- and post-Columbian world.

KEY WORDS: landscape; epistemology; history.

INTRODUCTION

In 1493 Columbus set off for North America on a voyage that truly deserves to be part of our public memory, for it, rather than the voyage of 1492, was a harbinger of the world to come. His first voyage of 1492 was a low-budget, three-ship reconnaissance survey. The second voyage began in 1493 with at least 17 ships, 1200 to 1500 men, and explicit plans to establish enterprises to begin the real work of colonization. The goals of the second voyage were those for centuries throughout the Western Hemisphere - find converts and gold; and on Hispaniola, as throughout the Western Hemisphere, conversion took second place to accumulation. The gold, never plentiful, was rapidly depleted through despotic taxes and enforced mining. Seeking an alternative form of accumulation, Columbus enslaved 1500 of Hispaniola's people. Five hundred were transported to Spain of whom only 300 survived the passage. The survivors died shortly after arrival. History shows that Columbus's idea of an Atlantic slave trade in Native Americans was not realized, in part because of the colonizers' practices of terrorizing the department of Anthropology, University of Massachusetts, Amherst, Massachusetts 01003.

This content downloaded from 35.8.11.3 on Tue, 12 Apr 2016 00:16:49 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms Entry 11 Write-Up “Historical and Anthropological Archaeology - Forging Alliances” by Robert Paynter

I'm gonna make an educated guess what happened here. My two clients, Frick and Frack, the mop heads, were in a simple traffic accident. A minor fender bender, but maybe they were on the wrong side of the street or didn't look both ways. It could happen to anyone. My clients, exhibiting extremely poor judgement, followed your grandmother to this delightful, well-tended home. Now, at this juncture I'm deducing that they said or did something that crossed a line. And you, with some justification, put them in their place. Based on the salsa stain there, it could have gone a couple ways. Bottom line, not to be morbid, but if they're dead, I'm guessing that I'm… I'm gonna go with glass half full here and say they're not. My point is, if they're still alive, why kill us, because of a misunderstanding? Our own stupidity? Why mess up your lovely Abuelita's place? Why jump to the nuclear option? I'm saying keep it simple. I will collect my moronic clients, and poof! We are gone. Neither you nor your lovely Abuelita will lay eyes on us ever again. Guaranteed. Signed sealed and delivered. Assuming, you know, that they're still breathing. Listen, Starlight Express, I'm gonna give you a 9.6 for technique, 0.0 for choice of victim! I'm a lawyer! Furthermore, does this steaming pile of crap scream payday to you, huh? The only way that entire car is worth $500 is if there's a $300 hooker sitting in it! Now let's talk about what you owe me for the windshield. I'm gonna make an educated guess what happened here. My two clients, Frick and Frack, the mop heads, were in a simple traffic accident. A minor fender bender, but maybe they were on the wrong side of the street or didn't look both ways. It could happen to anyone. My clients, exhibiting extremely poor judgement, followed your grandmother to this delightful, well-tended home. Now, at this juncture I'm deducing that they said or did something that crossed a line. And you, with some justification, put them in their place. Based on the salsa stain there, it could have gone a couple ways. Bottom line, not to be morbid, but if they're dead, I'm guessing that I'm… I'm gonna go with glass half full here and say they're not. My point is, if they're still alive, why kill us, because of a misunderstanding? Our own stupidity? Why mess up your lovely Abuelita's place? Why jump to the nuclear option? I'm saying keep it simple. I will collect my moronic clients, and poof! We are gone. Neither you nor your lovely Abuelita will lay eyes on us ever again. Guaranteed. Signed sealed and delivered. Assuming, you know, that they're still breathing. I'm gonna make an educated guess what happened here. My two clients, Frick and Frack, the mop heads, were in a simple traffic accident. A minor fender bender, but maybe they were on the wrong side of the street or didn't look both ways. It could happen to anyone. My clients, exhibiting extremely poor judgement, followed your grandmother to this delightful, well-tended home. Now, at this juncture I'm deducing that they said or did something that crossed a line. And you, with some justification, put them in their place. Based on the salsa stain there, it could have gone a couple ways. Bottom line, not to be morbid, but if they're dead, I'm guessing that I'm… I'm gonna go with glass half full here and say they're not. My point is, if they're still alive, why kill us, because of a misunderstanding? Our own stupidity? Why mess up your lovely Abuelita's place? Why jump to the nuclear option? I'm saying keep it simple. I will collect my moronic clients, and poof! We are gone.

(Sub-Section 4) Space Archaeology The final frontier for heritage management

Frontier," November/December 2004), Penn State scholar P. J. Capelotti cautioned In that Frontier," that our guidelines guidelines first November/Dece mberneeded report needed onto to be spacebe adopted adopted 2004), archaeology before Penn State ("Space: space space scholar tourists tourists The P. Final J.got got Capelotti to to [Archaeological]the moon the moon cauti andoned and began trampling over key evidence of lunar exploration. Unlike the 3*5-million-year-old hominid footprints impressed in cementlike ash at Laetoli, Tanzania, he wrote, those left by Neil Armstrong at Tranquility Base "could be swept away with the casual brush of a space tourists hand*" Heritage management in space, he declared, was no longer science fiction* On page 16 of this issue, we pick up the thread in a conversation with Alice Gorman of Flinders University in Australia, whose concern is preserving elements of the cultural landscape of orbital space, where some 10,000 objects, from old satellites to spent rocket stages and mission-related debris, threaten operational spacecraft and the occasional human unfortunate enough to be in the path of incoming debris. (No one has been hit yet, but there have been close calls.) Hurtling around the globe, according to Gorman, are artifacts important to the study of space exploration, including the American satellite Vanguard I, the oldest object still in orbit. Such relics need to be protected, she insists. While people in the space industry would like to see much of this material cleaned up/ you cant turn back the clock," says Gorman. "You cant just take cultural material out of orbit and expect to return space to some more perfect state." Convincing NASA that orbiting artifacts form a new kind of cultural landscape will take a truly visionary effort that has only just begun. ^

Peter A. Young Editor in Chief

CONTRIBUTORS

When Sanchita Balachandran tells people Before visiting Inner Mongolia this summer she is a conservator, they often guess to photograph ancient Khitan sites (page she works with endangered species 28) Uu Bowen only knew one story about (for the record, that is the ancient nomads. "As a kid I'd heard a conservationist). Art the legend of the family of General Yang, conservation is something a Chinese hero who defended the Song else entirely, combining art dynasty against Khitan invaders," he history and archaeology with says. Seeing the capitals of the Khitan's the physical and biological surprisingly sophisticated Liao Empire put sciences. Balachandran the story in a new light. Liu studied still has worked on artifacts at photography at the Beijing museums, dig sites, and now in private Film Academy and is now practice, where she has wrestled with ethical documenting preparations dilemmas surrounding the antiquities trade. for the 2008 Olympic Writing this month's Insider (page 18) "drove Games. His images have home how incredibly powerful these ancient also appeared in The objects are on a visceral level for looters, Beijing News and The New collectors, and conservators alike," she says. York Times.

www.archaeology.org 5

This content downloaded from 35.8.11.3 on Tue, 12 Apr 2016 00:15:57 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms Entry 12 Write-Up “IN THIS ISSUE: Space Archaeology” by Peter A. Young

I'm gonna make an educated guess what happened here. My two clients, Frick and Frack, the mop heads, were in a simple traffic accident. A minor fender bender, but maybe they were on the wrong side of the street or didn't look both ways. It could happen to anyone. My clients, exhibiting extremely poor judgement, followed your grandmother to this delightful, well-tended home. Now, at this juncture I'm deducing that they said or did something that crossed a line. And you, with some justification, put them in their place. Based on the salsa stain there, it could have gone a couple ways. Bottom line, not to be morbid, but if they're dead, I'm guessing that I'm… I'm gonna go with glass half full here and say they're not. My point is, if they're still alive, why kill us, because of a misunderstanding? Our own stupidity? Why mess up your lovely Abuelita's place? Why jump to the nuclear option? I'm saying keep it simple. I will collect my moronic clients, and poof! We are gone. Neither you nor your lovely Abuelita will lay eyes on us ever again. Guaranteed. Signed sealed and delivered. Assuming, you know, that they're still breathing. Listen, Starlight Express, I'm gonna give you a 9.6 for technique, 0.0 for choice of victim! I'm a lawyer! Furthermore, does this steaming pile of crap scream payday to you, huh? The only way that entire car is worth $500 is if there's a $300 hooker sitting in it! Now let's talk about what you owe me for the windshield. I'm gonna make an educated guess what happened here. My two clients, Frick and Frack, the mop heads, were in a simple traffic accident. A minor fender bender, but maybe they were on the wrong side of the street or didn't look both ways. It could happen to anyone. My clients, exhibiting extremely poor judgement, followed your grandmother to this delightful, well-tended home. Now, at this juncture I'm deducing that they said or did something that crossed a line. And you, with some justification, put them in their place. Based on the salsa stain there, it could have gone a couple ways. Bottom line, not to be morbid, but if they're dead, I'm guessing that I'm… I'm gonna go with glass half full here and say they're not. My point is, if they're still alive, why kill us, because of a misunderstanding? Our own stupidity? Why mess up your lovely Abuelita's place? Why jump to the nuclear option? I'm saying keep it simple. I will collect my moronic clients, and poof! We are gone. Neither you nor your lovely Abuelita will lay eyes on us ever again. Guaranteed. Signed sealed and delivered. Assuming, you know, that they're still breathing. I'm gonna make an educated guess what happened here. My two clients, Frick and Frack, the mop heads, were in a simple traffic accident. A minor fender bender, but maybe they were on the wrong side of the street or didn't look both ways. It could happen to anyone. My clients, exhibiting extremely poor judgement, followed your grandmother to this delightful, well-tended home. Now, at this juncture I'm deducing that they said or did something that crossed a line. And you, with some justification, put them in their place. Based on the salsa stain there, it could have gone a couple ways. Bottom line, not to be morbid, but if they're dead, I'm guessing that I'm… I'm gonna go with glass half full here and say they're not. My point is, if they're still alive, why kill us, because of a misunderstanding? Our own stupidity? Why mess up your lovely Abuelita's place? Why jump to the nuclear option? I'm saying keep it simple. I will collect my moronic clients, and poof! We are gone.

4/11/2016 Worried about your teenage daughter? Move to the Netherlands LA Times Opinion / OpEd Op-Ed Worried about your teenage daughter? Move to the Netherlands

Fotolia / TNS

By Peggy Orenstein

APRIL 8, 2016, 5:00 AM

ere's a solution for parents concerned about their daughters' sex lives: Move to the H Netherlands. OK, maybe that's not the most practical advice. Perhaps, though, we can move a little of the Netherlands here. Because the Dutch seem to have it all figured out.

While we in the United States have the highest teen pregnancy rate in the industrialized world, they have among the lowest. Our teen birth rate is eight times higher than theirs, and our teen abortion rate is 1.7 times higher.

I'm gonna make an educated guess what happened here. My two clients, Frick and Frack, the mop heads, were in a simple traffic accident. A minor fender bender, but maybe they were on the wrong side of the street or didn't look both ways. It could happen to anyone. My clients, exhibiting extremely poor judgement, followed your grandmother to this delightful, well-tended home. Now, at this juncture I'm deducing that they said or did something that crossed a line. And you, with some justification, put them in their place. Based on the salsa stain there, it could have gone a couple ways. Bottom line, not to be morbid, but if they're dead, I'm guessing that I'm… I'm gonna go with glass half full here and say they're not. My point is, if they're still alive, why kill us, because of a misunderstanding? Our own stupidity? Why mess up your lovely Abuelita's place? Why jump to the nuclear option? I'm saying keep it simple. I will collect my moronic clients, and poof! We are gone. Neither you nor your lovely Abuelita will lay eyes on us ever again. Guaranteed. Signed sealed and delivered. Assuming, you know, that they're still breathing. Listen, Starlight Express, I'm gonna give you a 9.6 for technique, 0.0 for choice of victim! I'm a lawyer! Furthermore, does this steaming pile of crap scream payday to you, huh? The only way that entire car is worth $500 is if there's a $300 hooker sitting in it! Now let's talk about what you owe me for the windshield. I'm gonna make an educated guess what happened here. My two clients, Frick and Frack, the mop heads, were in a simple traffic accident. A minor fender bender, but maybe they were on the wrong side of the street or didn't look both ways. It could happen to anyone. My clients, exhibiting extremely poor judgement, followed your grandmother to this delightful, well-tended home. Now, at this juncture I'm deducing that they said or did something that crossed a line. And you, with some justification, put them in their place. Based on the salsa stain there, it could have gone a couple ways. Bottom line, not to be morbid, but if they're dead, I'm guessing that I'm… I'm gonna go with glass half full here and say they're not. My point is, if they're still alive, why kill us, because of a misunderstanding? Our own stupidity? Why mess up your lovely Abuelita's place? Why jump to the nuclear option? I'm saying keep it simple. I will collect my moronic clients, and poof! We are gone. Neither you nor your lovely Abuelita will lay eyes on us ever again. Guaranteed. Signed sealed and delivered. Assuming, you know, that they're still breathing. I'm gonna make an educated guess what happened here. My two clients, Frick and Frack, the mop heads, were in a simple traffic accident. A minor fender bender, but maybe they were on the wrong side of the street or didn't look both ways. It could happen to anyone. My clients, exhibiting extremely poor judgement, followed your grandmother to this delightful, well-tended home. Now, at this juncture I'm deducing that they said or did something that crossed a line. And you, with some justification, put them in their place. Based on the salsa stain there, it could have gone a couple ways. Bottom line, not to be morbid, but if they're dead, I'm guessing that I'm… I'm gonna go with glass half full here and say they're not. My point is, if they're still alive, why kill us, because of a misunderstanding? Our own stupidity? Why mess up your lovely Abuelita's place? Why jump to the nuclear option? I'm saying keep it simple. I will collect my moronic clients, and poof! We are gone.

4/11/2016 Black and Latino parents want better teachers and harder classes for their kids LA Times Black and Latino parents want better teachers and harder classes for their kids

Los Angeles Unified School District students Alexandria Marek, 8, right, and Kerala Seth, 4, left, protested the district's cuts to the highprofile Mandarin Immersion Program at Venice's Broadway Elementary school in March. (Al Seib / Los Angeles Times)

By Sonali Kohli

APRIL 10, 2016, 8:36 AM

eadlines and talk shows across the country often feature parents worried about their children's stressful workload or pulling their kids H out of new standardized tests. But an umbrella organization of civil rights groups contends that there is a huge population of people whose voices are missing when talking about the needs of schools. In a nationally representative survey of black and Latino parents in the U.S., the Leadership Conference Education Fund found that these parents care about having good teachers, more money for their schools and a more challenging

http://www.latimes.com/local/education/lameedublacklatinoparentsurvey20160408snaphtmlstory.html 1/4 Entry 14 Write-Up “Black and Latino parents want better teachers and harder classes for their kids - LA Times” by Sonali Kohli

I'm gonna make an educated guess what happened here. My two clients, Frick and Frack, the mop heads, were in a simple traffic accident. A minor fender bender, but maybe they were on the wrong side of the street or didn't look both ways. It could happen to anyone. My clients, exhibiting extremely poor judgement, followed your grandmother to this delightful, well-tended home. Now, at this juncture I'm deducing that they said or did something that crossed a line. And you, with some justification, put them in their place. Based on the salsa stain there, it could have gone a couple ways. Bottom line, not to be morbid, but if they're dead, I'm guessing that I'm… I'm gonna go with glass half full here and say they're not. My point is, if they're still alive, why kill us, because of a misunderstanding? Our own stupidity? Why mess up your lovely Abuelita's place? Why jump to the nuclear option? I'm saying keep it simple. I will collect my moronic clients, and poof! We are gone. Neither you nor your lovely Abuelita will lay eyes on us ever again. Guaranteed. Signed sealed and delivered. Assuming, you know, that they're still breathing. Listen, Starlight Express, I'm gonna give you a 9.6 for technique, 0.0 for choice of victim! I'm a lawyer! Furthermore, does this steaming pile of crap scream payday to you, huh? The only way that entire car is worth $500 is if there's a $300 hooker sitting in it! Now let's talk about what you owe me for the windshield. I'm gonna make an educated guess what happened here. My two clients, Frick and Frack, the mop heads, were in a simple traffic accident. A minor fender bender, but maybe they were on the wrong side of the street or didn't look both ways. It could happen to anyone. My clients, exhibiting extremely poor judgement, followed your grandmother to this delightful, well-tended home. Now, at this juncture I'm deducing that they said or did something that crossed a line. And you, with some justification, put them in their place. Based on the salsa stain there, it could have gone a couple ways. Bottom line, not to be morbid, but if they're dead, I'm guessing that I'm… I'm gonna go with glass half full here and say they're not. My point is, if they're still alive, why kill us, because of a misunderstanding? Our own stupidity? Why mess up your lovely Abuelita's place? Why jump to the nuclear option? I'm saying keep it simple. I will collect my moronic clients, and poof! We are gone. Neither you nor your lovely Abuelita will lay eyes on us ever again. Guaranteed. Signed sealed and delivered. Assuming, you know, that they're still breathing. I'm gonna make an educated guess what happened here. My two clients, Frick and Frack, the mop heads, were in a simple traffic accident. A minor fender bender, but maybe they were on the wrong side of the street or didn't look both ways. It could happen to anyone. My clients, exhibiting extremely poor judgement, followed your grandmother to this delightful, well-tended home. Now, at this juncture I'm deducing that they said or did something that crossed a line. And you, with some justification, put them in their place. Based on the salsa stain there, it could have gone a couple ways. Bottom line, not to be morbid, but if they're dead, I'm guessing that I'm… I'm gonna go with glass half full here and say they're not. My point is, if they're still alive, why kill us, because of a misunderstanding? Our own stupidity? Why mess up your lovely Abuelita's place? Why jump to the nuclear option? I'm saying keep it simple. I will collect my moronic clients, and poof! We are gone.

4/11/2016 DeRay Mckesson Won’t Be Elected Mayor of Baltimore. So Why Is He Running? The New York Times

http://nyti.ms/1qiFPP0

Magazine DeRay Mckesson Won’t Be Elected Mayor of Baltimore. So Why Is He Running?

By GREG HOWARD APRIL 11, 2016 DeRay Mckesson will not be the next mayor of Baltimore. He’s a 30year old with no experience in city government who registered less than 1 percent in a recent poll. He has no clear local support network and has been rejected by his most likely constituency — the city’s young black activists. At least one competing candidate has been embedded in Baltimore politics nearly as long as Mckesson has been alive.

And yet there he was on a recent Monday afternoon, in a coffee shop on the city’s north side, signing campaign fliers. He said he couldn’t sleep last night and got up to dress long before the sun rose over Roland Park, the tony North Baltimore neighborhood where he lives with a childhood mentor (navy chinos, eggshell Oxford shirt and, of course, his trademark royal blue Patagonia puffer vest, now faded and fraying around the collar). He had been pulled here and there all day, doing interviews with Mashable and Mother Jones, taking calls from the Museum of Modern Art and journalists in Italy and Germany. He’s exceptionally charming; all day, he fielded questions graciously, smiling and laughing, joking and gossiping. Through it all, he signed fliers. “I don’t even know what I’m writing anymore,” he said, scribbling.

http://www.nytimes.com/2016/04/11/magazine/deraymckessonwontbeelectedmayorofbaltimoresowhyisherunning.html?hp&action=click&pgtype=Ho… 1/10 Entry 15 Write-Up “DeRay Mckesson Won’t Be Elected Mayor of Baltimore. So Why Is He Running?” by Greg Howard

I'm gonna make an educated guess what happened here. My two clients, Frick and Frack, the mop heads, were in a simple traffic accident. A minor fender bender, but maybe they were on the wrong side of the street or didn't look both ways. It could happen to anyone. My clients, exhibiting extremely poor judgement, followed your grandmother to this delightful, well-tended home. Now, at this juncture I'm deducing that they said or did something that crossed a line. And you, with some justification, put them in their place. Based on the salsa stain there, it could have gone a couple ways. Bottom line, not to be morbid, but if they're dead, I'm guessing that I'm… I'm gonna go with glass half full here and say they're not. My point is, if they're still alive, why kill us, because of a misunderstanding? Our own stupidity? Why mess up your lovely Abuelita's place? Why jump to the nuclear option? I'm saying keep it simple. I will collect my moronic clients, and poof! We are gone. Neither you nor your lovely Abuelita will lay eyes on us ever again. Guaranteed. Signed sealed and delivered. Assuming, you know, that they're still breathing. Listen, Starlight Express, I'm gonna give you a 9.6 for technique, 0.0 for choice of victim! I'm a lawyer! Furthermore, does this steaming pile of crap scream payday to you, huh? The only way that entire car is worth $500 is if there's a $300 hooker sitting in it! Now let's talk about what you owe me for the windshield. I'm gonna make an educated guess what happened here. My two clients, Frick and Frack, the mop heads, were in a simple traffic accident. A minor fender bender, but maybe they were on the wrong side of the street or didn't look both ways. It could happen to anyone. My clients, exhibiting extremely poor judgement, followed your grandmother to this delightful, well-tended home. Now, at this juncture I'm deducing that they said or did something that crossed a line. And you, with some justification, put them in their place. Based on the salsa stain there, it could have gone a couple ways. Bottom line, not to be morbid, but if they're dead, I'm guessing that I'm… I'm gonna go with glass half full here and say they're not. My point is, if they're still alive, why kill us, because of a misunderstanding? Our own stupidity? Why mess up your lovely Abuelita's place? Why jump to the nuclear option? I'm saying keep it simple. I will collect my moronic clients, and poof! We are gone. Neither you nor your lovely Abuelita will lay eyes on us ever again. Guaranteed. Signed sealed and delivered. Assuming, you know, that they're still breathing. I'm gonna make an educated guess what happened here. My two clients, Frick and Frack, the mop heads, were in a simple traffic accident. A minor fender bender, but maybe they were on the wrong side of the street or didn't look both ways. It could happen to anyone. My clients, exhibiting extremely poor judgement, followed your grandmother to this delightful, well-tended home. Now, at this juncture I'm deducing that they said or did something that crossed a line. And you, with some justification, put them in their place. Based on the salsa stain there, it could have gone a couple ways. Bottom line, not to be morbid, but if they're dead, I'm guessing that I'm… I'm gonna go with glass half full here and say they're not. My point is, if they're still alive, why kill us, because of a misunderstanding? Our own stupidity? Why mess up your lovely Abuelita's place? Why jump to the nuclear option? I'm saying keep it simple. I will collect my moronic clients, and poof! We are gone.

Appendices

The Archaeology of Regions: From Discrete Analytical Toolkit to Ubiquitous Spatial Perspective Author(s): John Kantner Source: Journal of Archaeological Research, Vol. 16, No. 1 (March 2008), pp. 37-81 Published by: Springer Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/41053246 Accessed: 12-04-2016 00:23 UTC

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This content downloaded from 35.8.11.3 on Tue, 12 Apr 2016 00:23:44 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms J Archaeol Res (2008) 16:37-81 DOI 10.1007/sl0814-007-9017-8

ORIGINAL PAPER

The Archaeology of Regions: From Discrete Analytical Toolkit to Ubiquitous Spatial Perspective

John Kantner

Published online: 26 September 2007 © Springer Science+Business Media, LLC 2007

Keywords Regional analysis • Settlement patterns • Spatial analysis • Archaeological method and theory • Geographic information systems

J. Kantner (Ë3) School for Advanced Research on the Human Experience, P.O. Box 2188, Santa Fe, NM 87504, USA e-mail: [email protected]

Ö Springer

This content downloaded from 35.8.11.3 on Tue, 12 Apr 2016 00:23:44 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms 38 J Archaeol Res (2008) 16:37-81

Introduction

What is the state of regional analysis in archaeology today? Although a review of the current literature in archaeology reveals that scholarship can still be divided between site-focused and region-focused studies, the line between the two is no longer clearly demarcated. In fact, perhaps the majority of studies in archaeology are more accurately described as "region-sensitive," for considerations of human- human and human-environment relationships across regional space are usually important, even if the claim is not made that a "regional analysis" is being conducted. One could argue that the region as a scale of archaeological inquiry is rapidly becoming ubiquitous (e.g., Alcock and Cherry 2004, pp. 1-3). On the other hand, the classic tools of regional analysis, such as fall-off analysis, central-place modeling, and catchment analysis, are being replaced by more sophisticated geostatistical and graphical techniques made possible with modern computing technologies. The result is that regional archaeology no longer focuses on a distinct suite of tools of archaeological inquiry. Space on various scales is part of almost any form of archaeological research today, whether explicit or not, whether emerging from social theory or processual archaeology, and whether the classic techniques of regional analysis are formally applied or not. This article first considers the history of regional analysis in archaeology before reviewing issues that continue to challenge investigations at large spatial scales, including problems in identifying what regions are, determining meaningful scales and units for spatial analysis, and thereby defining what regional archaeology includes. Accepting that a regional perspective is a valid way of thinking about and studying the past, the article next reviews current methodological directions in regional archaeology before considering important theoretical paradigms that are influencing how the regional scale of analysis currently is manifested in the discipline.

History of regional archaeology

Regional archaeology in the Americas is said to have originated with Julian Steward's research in the 1930s (Parsons 1972, p. 128). In his investigations of societies in the Southwest and Basin areas of the United States, Steward (1937, 1938) advocated an ecological approach that explicitly considered the relationship between environmental characteristics, human populations, and patterns of regional settlement. His emphasis on entire landscapes rather than just individual sites influenced a number of studies in the 1940s and 1950s. Gordon R. Willey's ground- breaking project in the Vini Valley of Peru (Willey 1949, 1999), for example, combined aerial photography, architectural observations, and regional maps of site distributions to reconstruct sociopolitical organization across an entire region and to compare these patterns with the physical environment. No longer was archaeological survey done exclusively to identify sites for excavation; now, the pattern of sites across a region was itself an important source of information about past societies (Anschuetz et al. 2001, pp. 168-170; Stanish 2001, p. 217).

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Although Willey's analyses consisted of basic inferences derived from observations of the settlement data, his work shaped the future of settlement pattern studies. In 1956, Willey published a collection of papers written by several anthropologists interested in regional patterns of human behavior. One contributor, William T. Sanders (1956), provided additional precision in the terminology used for regional research, with a focus on defining the units of interaction at a regional scale and on how these could be identified archaeologically. By the early 1960s, Sanders was applying his ideas on a large scale in the Teotihuacan Valley, Mexico, where he explored the symbiotic relationships that formed between agricultural communities (Sanders 1965, 1999). Meanwhile, K. C. Chang's work in the Arctic considered ecological relationships between hunter-gatherers and the landscape (Chang 1958). Archaeology in many other parts of the world during the first several decades of the 20th century was not explicitly interested in regional patterns of human settlement (Galaty 2005, pp. 292-297; Parsons 1972, p. 136). Much of the reason for the greater emphasis on regional archaeology in the United States was the presence of expansive landscapes with comparatively little contemporary occupation, which facilitated large-scale surveys. In contrast, European archaeologists had to aggregate the results of numerous small surveys and excavations to identify any spatial patterning. The British landscape school derived from "topographic approaches" that explored the rich complexity of local relief, elevation, soils, and the very high density of archaeological remains, often on a very small spatial scale. The classic study by Cyril Fox (1923) on the Cambridge region, however, was the blueprint for a larger-scale exploration that examined the "personalities" of different landscapes, from the higher, wetter, cooler, and less fertile "highland zone" of west and north Britain to the lower, drier, warmer, and more fertile "lowland zone" of the east and south (Fox 1932). The use of aerial photography for enhancing large-scale archaeological research was pioneered by British scholars such as O. G. S. Crawford (1929). The emergence of the "New Archaeology" in the mid-1960s profoundly influenced the direction of regional archaeology (Anschuetz et al. 2001, pp. 170- 171). Its concern with scientific methodologies and new analytical tools, many borrowed from other disciplines, had a strong impact on all kinds of formal approaches. Kent Flannery's ecosystem approach (Flannery 1968) emphasized the interrelationships between human behavior and the surrounding environment, thereby advocating a holistic regional perspective. An accompanying trend was toward greater precision in the application of archaeological concepts. By the late 1960s, for example, several archaeologists were clearly distinguishing a "settlement pattern" from a "settlement system," the former reflecting empirical observations made by the archaeologist and the latter representing the theory-bound interpretations of the patterning (Flannery 1976; Parsons 1972, p. 132). Another influence of the New Archaeology was an increasing use of quantitative methods for investigating spatial data, many borrowed from geography, biology, and economics, in an effort to make archaeology more scientific. Lewis and Sally Binford's (1966) reconstruction of Paleolithic settlement systems through the application of multivariate statistics was one of the first such studies. Statistical

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This content downloaded from 35.8.11.3 on Tue, 12 Apr 2016 00:23:44 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms 40 J Archaeol Res (2008) 16:37-81 techniques were commonly employed for identifying spatial patterns in the distribution of artifacts, which could then be associated with particular social units (e.g., Hill 1970; Whallon 1968). The New Archaeology also encouraged the development of new techniques for producing detailed environmental reconstructions and comparing these with patterns of human settlement using methods such as catchment analysis (e.g., Roper 1979; Viti-Finzi and Higgs 1970). The result was a growing suite of discrete quantitative and graphical tools that comprise the classic techniques that many scholars regard as "regional analysis." Through the 1970s and into the 1980s, New Archaeology matured into processual archaeology, which continued an interest in multidisciplinary perspectives on human behavior and the use of formal quantitative methods to identify spatial patterns. Although archaeologists were already employing techniques such as central-place and gravity models (Hodder and Orton 1976), the 1976 publication of Regional Analysis by Carol A. Smith further exposed the discipline to geographical methods. Spatial location and allocation models, distance decay models, and network analysis joined the suite of quantitative spatial tools in regional analysis (Kantner 2005). Throughout these two decades, however, archaeology sometimes struggled to apply these borrowed methods adequately enough to serve the circumstances of its own discipline. Some of the more challenging issues included how to sample and bound regions appropriately, given the vagaries of archaeological data and no a priori knowledge of the spatial scale of the original sociocultural landscape (e.g., Fish and Kowalewski 1990; Johnson 1980; Parsons 1972). A related debate revolved around the proper units of analysis given the difficulty in empirically defining entities such as "sites" or "communities" (e.g., Dunnell and Dancey 1983; Lewarch and O'Brien 1981). Such issues were not as challenging to the geographers and ecologists who contributed the tools of regional analysis - and who could directly observe behavior - as they were to the archaeologists attempting to apply them for reconstructing behaviors across past landscapes. After the early 1990s, a number of influences in archaeology promoted new approaches for reconstructing past regional behavior. Because the sometimes uncritical application of techniques taken from other disciplines often was challenged (e.g., Bell and Church 1985, p. 355; Paynter 1983; Rhoades 1978; Ruggles and Church 1996, pp. 161-164), archaeologists became more cautious in assessing new approaches for analyzing regional data. One result was the development of unique approaches for examining complex regional data that built on the strengths of classic analytic techniques but were designed specifically for the challenges of archaeology (e.g., de Montmollin 1989; Gaffhey et al. 1996; Lake et al. 1998; Ruggles and Medyckyj-Scott 1996; Zubrow 1994). Theoretical perspectives on regional space also were changing. Archaeologists interested in "historical ecology" explicitly considered the long-term trajectory of human- environment interactions and their complex interplay in regional change (Crumley 1994a; Crumley and Marquardt 1990). From a somewhat different angle, the postprocessual critique challenged the discipline's focus on a strict positivist epistemology and opened the way to qualitative techniques for evaluating past landscapes. Influence from more humanistic geographers, with a lengthy intellectual heritage tracing back to Carl Sauer (1925), also provided inspiration for this new

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This content downloaded from 35.8.11.3 on Tue, 12 Apr 2016 00:23:44 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms J Archaeol Res (2008) 16:37-81 41 direction (Anschuetz et al. 2001), especially in Europe, where "landscape archaeology" continues to reflect an interest not just in spatial or ecological relationships but also in how people perceive and construct the unique and often ideologically charged regions in which they live (e.g., Kelso and Most 1990; Knapp and Ashmore 1999). The various influences that shaped regional archaeology in the late 1990s occurred in the context of increasingly powerful computer technology for modeling, analyzing, and visualizing complex multidimensional landscapes. The ease with which sophisticated spatial analyses can be accomplished using geographic information system (GIS) software not only makes the analysis of regional spaces widely accessible but enables researchers to better apply and build on the traditional tools of regional analysis (Aldenderfer and Maschner 1996; Allen et al. 1990; Conolly and Lake 2006; Kvamme 1989; Maschner 1996). For example, trend- surface analysis, introduced to archaeology in the 1970s for interpolating artifact distributions to identify potentially meaningful patterns across regional space (e.g., Hodder and Orton 1976), can now be conducted quickly on a computer using a variety of sophisticated geostatistical algorithms (Gillings and Wheatley 2005; Johansen et al. 2004; Lloyd and Atkinson 2004). The power of computer hardware and software also has reintroduced the possibility of simulation modeling across digital "regions"; archaeologists, after flirting with simulation in the 1970s (e.g., Aldenderfer 1981; Hodder 1979; Wobst 1974), had abandoned it in the face of theoretical and technological challenges. The approach is now reentering the field at the beginning of the 21st century, influenced especially by complexity theory, agent-based modeling, and powerful new technologies. The result is that archaeologists today have at their disposal an extensive suite of tools for applying a regional perspective to their research.

Fundamental issues in regional archaeology

A consideration of regional archaeology necessarily requires a working definition of "region." In general, archaeological regions are spaces for which meaningful relationships can be defined between past human behavior, the material signatures people left behind, and/or the varied and dynamic physical and social contexts in which human activity occurred. Unfortunately, archaeologists have too frequently defined regions of interest only indirectly, often relying upon current constraints on their research, such as modern political boundaries or the budget available for fieldwork (e.g., chapters in Billman and Feinman 1999; Fish and Kowalewski 1990; Parsons 2004, pp. 6-8). With so much archaeological investigation currently conducted in the realm of cultural resource management (CRM), regional approaches also are limited by immediate and practical spatial concerns such as the areal extent of the proposed impact by modern development and land use. When made explicit, regions are conceptualized at many different scales, from continental regions incorporating enormous areas (e.g., Lekson 1999; McGuire et al. 1994) to localized regions centered on small drainage systems (e.g., Madry and Rakos 1996). Demarcation of regions is often determined by the specific

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This content downloaded from 35.8.11.3 on Tue, 12 Apr 2016 00:23:44 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms 42 J Archaeol Res (2008) 16:37-81 questions and theoretical perspective guiding the research. In a review of what is "local" vs. "distant" in the greater U.S. Southwest, for example, Whalen and Minnis (2003, p. 314) note that many scholars start with topographic boundaries but also consider geographic patterning in material culture to bound analytical regions (e.g., Duff 2000; Hegmon et al. 2000), often equating a spatially contiguous distribution of distinctive artifacts and features with a sociopolitical or sociocultural group. For many archaeologists, the region is conceptualized as equivalent to a human "population," which then requires that the material expression of such a sociodemographic unit be identified (Parsons 2004). While many archaeologists confine their regional studies to landscapes bounded by prominent geographic features, this assumes that people in the past would have had similar criteria for defining their landscapes. Similarly, the use of a model of human settlement to identify a sociocultural or political region relies on the assumption that the model correctly represents the criteria that actually shaped that particular human landscape. Archaeologists are increasingly acknowledging that past boundaries between people, as well as the relationships between humans and the environment, were constantly changing (Ashmore 2002; Bender 2002; Dewar 1991; Dewar and McBride 1992; Lightfoot and Martinez 1995; Wandsnider 1992). The challenges and assumptions that underlie the bounding of archaeological regions are not insurmountable, but they do impact the kinds of questions and analytical techniques that can be applied to the resulting regional data (Green and Perlman 1985; Johnson 1977, p. 499; Neitzel 1994; Paynter 1983, pp. 253-260; Wandsnider 1998). Accordingly, regional archaeology requires the researcher to identify clearly how and why boundaries are determined.

Defining regional analysis and regional archaeology

What, then, is regional analysis? The term is borrowed from geography - its use in archaeology has historically revolved around quantitative and graphical methods taken from economic and cultural geography and to a lesser degree from spatial modeling in ecology (Ebdon 1985; Hodder and Orton 1976; Smith 1976). Archaeologists interested in region and landscape continue to benefit from the methods of geography, which are evolving at a rate often unappreciated by archaeologists, particularly new techniques for analyzing social and human- environment relationships, not the least of which are developments in GIS applications (e.g., Conolly and Lake 2006; Goodchild and Janelle 2004; Kvamme 1999). With the diversification of archaeological paradigms, however, regional analysis has expanded in terms of applications and techniques, from a discrete suite of tools borrowed from geography and ecology to diverse spatial analytic methods available from a wide variety of disciplines as well as developed by archaeologists themselves. Modern regional analysis - or what we might call "regional archaeology" to distinguish it from the traditional tools of regional analysis - is more than just a limited set of tools for identifying and describing information from a large area. The fundamental criterion is that regional archaeology is concerned with spatial

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This content downloaded from 35.8.11.3 on Tue, 12 Apr 2016 00:23:44 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms J Archaeol Res (2008) 16:37-81 43 relationships among human entities and between them and the nonhuman physical world. Regional approaches accordingly contrast most obviously with the smaller spatial scale of site-focused approaches, although of course the results of the latter provide critical data for the former. Stanish (2001, p. 217) further notes, "a key point is that, by controlling for context, the whole of the information collected from a region is greater than the sum of the individual sites"; "context" in this sense is the spatiotemporal location of sites in a dynamic physical world. Coulam and Schroedl (2004), for example, assess the meaning of Late Archaic split-twig figurine styles in the U.S. Southwest from a regional perspective. They not only examine the archaeology of individual sites to aid their interpretation, but especially consider spatiotemporal context to conclude that figurine styles reflect ritual and domestic functions, with the ritual style found in the ethnographically important Grand Canyon. Coulam and Schroedl are not interested just in collecting and describing a lot of data from a large area; they are interested in how and why the figurines are distributed across that space in relation to one another and to the sociocultural and physical environment. Regional archaeology is in many ways synonymous with settlement pattern analysis, to the point that the two approaches are often conflated (e.g., see discussions in Billman and Feinman 1999; Fish and Kowalewski 1990). Regional archaeology tends to be more interested in spatial relationships among a diversity of human and environmental phenomena, whereas settlement pattern analysis tends to concentrate more narrowly on quantifiable spatial relationships among material remains. Regional archaeology, with its genesis in classic regional analysis and processual archaeology, is more obviously informed by middle range theory - and thus archaeological theory in general - compared to the data-generation focus of settlement pattern archaeology. In practice, however, archaeologists use the terms "regional analysis," "settlement pattern analysis," "regional archaeology," and "settlement archaeology" interchangeably, and archaeological theory is differen- tially implicated in specific applications. The bottom line is that contemporary regional archaeology is a widespread, method-oriented perspective for answering a variety of anthropological problems through the use of spatiotemporal and contextual data from a sizable, contiguous area. One important caveat is that multiscalar approaches using regions as a point of departure rather than the exclusive level of analysis are increasingly important. In their zooarchaeological study of the northern San Juan region of the U.S. Southwest, for example, Muir and Driver (2002) consider multiple scales of analysis, from the household up to the regional level, to identify varying patterns of faunal use and disposal. These differing spatial scales together provide a unique perspective on questions of changing hunting strategies, community economies, regional abandonment, and sociopolitical organization. Similarly, supraregional scales of analysis are enjoying a resurgence of interest, including those informed by world systems theory (e.g., Stein 1999; but see Jennings 2006). In one such study, Smith and Montiel (2001) consider economic exchange between a capital and distant provincial areas to identify domination in hegemonic empires that do not otherwise formalize their boundaries in the manner of territorial empires. A similar supraregional analysis was conducted by Parker (2002), who attempts to identify

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and characterize the northern, Anatolian boundary of the Assyrian empire. Exceptionally large scales of analysis - well beyond what might be considered a "region" - also are employed for investigations of identity and migration. Geib (2000) uses the supraregional distribution of Early Archaic sandal types to identify a stylistic boundary dividing the northern and southern Colorado Plateau that potentially reflects ethnic divisions (see also Wonderley 2005). Long-distance migrations also are assessed at such supraregional scales (e.g., Kulischeck 2003; Lekson and Cameron 1995; Lekson et al. 2002). Regional archaeology is clearly just one scale in increasingly spatially sensitive and scale-inclusive archaeological research (e.g., see chapters in Alcock and Cherry 2004).

Units of regional archaeology

A critical challenge for a regional approach is how to identify appropriate units of analysis (e.g., Parsons 1972, pp. 137-144, 2004, pp. 9-12; Stafford and Hajic 1992, pp. 138-143; Wandsnider 1998). Most techniques in regional archaeology require the identification of comparable entities that can be quantified. Traditionally, the unit of interest at this scale has been the "site," an entity that is the subject of considerable controversy; identifying boundaries of an archaeological site presents problems similar to the definition of a region (Dunnell and Dancey 1983, p. 271; Kooyman 2006). In some circumstances, the edges of a site seem quite obvious because the archaeologist can easily distinguish the bounded area containing material culture from surrounding space with no artifacts at all. A spatial clustering of artifacts around the remains of a structure, for example, is often interpreted as analytically distinct, perhaps representing a "household." Even in these situations, however, the investigator cannot be certain about how the bounded material culture articulates with past human behavior; ethnographic cases, to continue the example, illustrate how mùltiple domestic structures can often comprise a single sociocultural "household." Of course, material culture recovered from any region inevitably represents numerous episodes of human activity, and even seemingly well-bounded material culture may represent a palimpsest of very different behaviors that occurred over long periods of time (e.g., Dewar and McBride 1992, pp. 231-237). Most regions exhibit a seemingly continuous distribution of material culture deposited during many different episodes, and defining spatial units may seem more an art than an empirical process. Archaeologists have developed many methods for identifying unit boundaries, most of which can be classified as "distributional approaches" that rely on the spatial patterning of the material remains. Nearest- neighbor analysis, for example, is a venerable technique in which each item is associated with its closest neighbor, producing clusters of material culture that can be used to identify boundaries (e.g., Earle 1976; Washburn 1974); revisions to this technique are enabling greater sophistication and flexibility (e.g., Bailey 1994, pp. 25-27; Hill 2004). "Fried-egg" techniques distill spatial distributions of material culture into isolines and identify boundaries, with various smoothing and scaling techniques used to identify patterns of interest and highlight site edges (e.g., Henderson and Ostler 2005; Kintigh 1988; Peterson and Drennan 2005). Clustering

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algorithms such as unconstrained cluster analysis similarly group artifacts or other items together to identify patterning that is not readily visible to the eye and that can be used to identify sites (Aldenderfer 1982; Whallon 1984). Distributional approaches provide explicit methods for identifying boundaries, but the underlying assumptions are often questioned (Cowgill 1989) Nearest- neighbor analysis and most clustering algorithms will force material culture into bounded spatial clusters without acknowledging that humans deposit items both in and between meaningful points on the landscape. "Fried-egg" techniques are extremely sensitive to the specific criteria used for defining isolines; just as bounding a "hill" by the lines on a contour map is not always so obvious, defining boundaries using isolines of material culture distributions is a decidedly subjective task, even using methods such as progressive smoothing to identify clusters (Peterson and Drennan 2005, pp. 16-17). Spatial statistics, however, can be helpful for validating clusters of material culture and establishing them as meaningful units for analysis (e.g., Bailey 1994; Kvamme 1996, pp. 46-49). Bevan and Conolly (2005), for example, advocate the use of Ripley's K function as a statistical procedure for identifying the aggregation and segregation of point data at different spatial scales; they illustrate the approach on the Aegean island of Kythera. In his study of Holocene settlement patterns in Jordan, Hill (2004) supplements nearest- neighbor statistics with Hodder and OkelFs A statistic and local density analysis, complementary approaches that measure segregation and association between points. Despite these successes, Bevan and Conolly (2005) do note that the assumptions of most geostatistical procedures are problematic for typical archaeological distributions. Problems associated with defining discrete units of analysis have promoted a fully distributional approach known as "siteless" archaeology in which the goal is to analyze and interpret artifact distributions directly, instead of the creation and analysis of interpretive units such as sites (Ebert 1992; Ebert et al. 1996; Galaty 2005, pp. 300-302). Proponents contend that any attempts to distinguish sites from nonsite areas are misguided; they argue that units of space rather than arbitrary clusters of artifacts should provide the basic analytical elements for regional archaeology (Dunnell 1992; Lewarch and O'Brien 1981, p. 322). They contend that the notion of the "site" is confounded by both the methodological issues described above and, more importantly, theoretical inadequacies. Because human behavior is the subject of interest, and because all material culture represents this behavior, proponents of siteless archaeology believe that investigators should be more interested in the distribution of the actual cultural material across a region rather than in arbitrary behavioral units that disguise variability or impose interpretation (Dunnell 1992, pp. 32-33; Dunnell and Dancey 1983, pp. 271-274). Methods used in siteless archaeology include surface analyses that display spatial patterning of artifacts or other items of interest. Increasingly accessible computer technologies such as GIS can accommodate the large volumes of data that siteless analyses at regional scales require (e.g., Ebert et al. 1996; Given 2004; Thompson 2004). Most archaeologists appreciate the motivations of siteless archaeology (e.g., Parsons 2004), but the approach has not been widely applied for two reasons (Ebert 1992; Lewarch and O'Brien 1981, pp. 322-325). First, archaeologists can make

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This content downloaded from 35.8.11.3 on Tue, 12 Apr 2016 00:23:44 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms 46 J Archaeol Res (2008) 16:37-81 interpretations of past behavior only by building associations between groups of artifacts and other entities in the archaeological record; most individual items are meaningless outside of these associations. Accordingly, archaeologists use these associations as units of behavioral analysis, and entities such as activity areas and sites help represent these associations. Although siteless approaches make this process explicit and encourage the recognition of off-site distributions, the additional effort may seem excessive when the results are comparable to traditional site-focused archaeology. Second, our discipline's traditions have permeated modern procedures, and, for better or for worse, the "site" has become the archaeological entity recognized by government agencies, preservation law, and CRM procedures. Continuous distributions of material culture are much more difficult to work with for making management or policy decisions about the recording and preservation of cultural heritage. Although siteless/distributional archaeology has seen little application in practice, legitimate concerns linger about whether the site is an appropriate unit for understanding human behavior, on a regional scale or otherwise (Dunnell 1992; Peterson and Drennan 2005). What does the site represent? Is it a "household," a "community," or an "activity area"? And the reverse also is a significant problem: If we want to identify households and communities, what should they look like on the regional landscape (e.g., Henderson and Ostler 2005; Kolb and Snead 1997; Mahoney 2000; Mahoney et al. 2000)? While many researchers advocate spatial analyses at varying scales for differentiating and interpreting various sociocultural units and for reconstructing the physical landscapes of which they are a part (e.g., Bevan and Conolly 2005; Fisher and Feinman 2005, pp. 65-66; Holdaway and Fanning 2004), ultimately the meaning given to spatial units is an interpretive problem. Wells and his colleagues (2004), for example, note that nearly three- quarters of the sites recorded in surveys of the middle Gila River landscape cannot be assigned behavioral meaning any more precise than "artifact scatters." They therefore employ density and diversity measures to categorize these between- village scatters into interpretable activity areas needed to reconstruct meaningful regional histories. The definition of appropriate spatial units of analysis is clearly an important issue, but of equal concern is the placement of units on a temporal scale (Coffey 2006; Wandsnider 2004). This, of course, is not just a problem of regional archaeology, but insofar as all human landscapes are a palimpsest of millennia of behavior, analysis from a regional perspective cannot proceed without accurate methods to identify chronological change. In the absence of absolute dates, the traditional approach is to use cross-dated stylistic complexes of diagnostic material culture to divide archaeological units into different time periods. Contemporary methods for developing precise regional chronologies include microseriation, which improves traditional frequency seriation by focusing on attributes rather than styles (e.g., Duff 1996). Correspondence analysis, a multivariate scaling procedure, is particularly popular for creating chronological seriations for regional archaeology (e.g., Baxter 1994; Steponaitis and Kintigh 1993). For example, in their analysis of regional demographic changes in the Zuni region of the U.S. Southwest, Kintigh and his colleagues (2004, pp. 436-^*39) compare the use of traditional stylistic

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This content downloaded from 35.8.11.3 on Tue, 12 Apr 2016 00:23:44 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms J Archaeol Res (2008) 16:37-81 47 complexes with correspondence analysis. They conclude that while procedures such as correspondence analysis provide some level of statistical rigor, they are not necessarily superior to traditional approaches. The authors accordingly advocate the use of both statistical seriation and traditional stylistic complexes for refining regional chronologies. For defining regions, the units of analysis within them, and their chronological relationships, multiple analytical approaches like that advocated by Kintigh and his colleagues provide the most secure results.

New methods in regional archaeology

Arguably the most notable changes in regional archaeology are the advances in analytical methods. The classic tools of regional analysis, such as fall-off analysis, catchment studies, location-allocation modeling, and rank-size distributions, are used less often today (Kantner 1996, 2005), although some important exceptions do exist (e.g., Brown and Witschey 2003; Drennan and Peterson 2004; Hare, 2004; Lee 2004). In contrast, the phenomenal growth of inexpensive and accessible computing power combined with the methodological maturity resulting from several decades of regional archaeology have made a variety of new techniques available that in many cases have replaced or substantially built on the analytical tools of the past. Parallel to this is the growing utility of spatially sensitive analytical approaches emerging from allied fields such as geophysics and geochemistry, techniques that have experienced remarkable technological advances and increasing accessibility due to lower costs and greater ease of use. While the older methods still have a place in regional archaeology, in practice their use has declined as - for better or for worse - the attention of archaeologists has turned to new technologies for conducting large-scale spatial and geostatistical analyses.

Survey techniques

Regional archaeology cannot proceed without the application of successful survey techniques. Most archaeologists continue to advocate and practice full-coverage survey as opposed to sampling approaches, particularly as the importance of complex forms of regional interaction is demonstrated again and again in diverse archaeological cases (e.g., Bauer and Covey 2002; Covey 2003; Feinman and Nicholas 1999; Finsten and Kowalewski 1999; Fish and Kowalewski 1990; Spencer and Redmond 2001; Whalen and Minnis 2003). While full-coverage survey is costly, several decades of practice (especially with the ubiquity of pedestrian survey in CRM) have refined survey methods (Banning et al. 2006; Collins and Molyneaux 2003). Archaeologists continue to develop new techniques and approaches as they confront new challenges and integrate new technologies to reconstruct past settlement patterns and physical landscapes. Cannon (2000), for example, demonstrates the utility of a sophisticated soil probe that extracts subsurface stratigraphy intact and thereby characterizes deposits quickly. Use of this tool to test shell- midden sites on the central coast of British Columbia made it possible for Cannon

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This content downloaded from 35.8.11.3 on Tue, 12 Apr 2016 00:23:44 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms 48 J Archaeol Res (2008) 16:37-81 and his colleagues to record sites twice as fast as traditional testing techniques, allowing them to rapidly reconstruct regional settlement history. Increasing accessibility to remote-sensing technologies enables archaeologists to augment their survey data at varying spatial scales. Aerial photography and space- based remote sensing have been in use for some time (e.g., Eddy et al. 1996; Madry and Crumley 1990; Obenauf 1980), and their utility is greater now than ever before, with a wide variety of multispectral data products available at varying levels of precision from both government and private industry sources (Fowler 2002; Harmon et al. 2006; Lock 2003; Sever and Irwin 2003; Wilkinson et al. 2004). Ground- based geophysical survey has received the most attention in the last several years, with many universities and CRM firms purchasing the increasingly less-expensive resistivity, conductivity, magnetometry, gradiometry, and ground-penetrating radar equipment (Hargrave et al. 2002; Kvamme 2003; Silliman et al. 2000). While geophysical surveys are not yet directly possible at the regional scale, the techniques speed the acquisition of the data needed for regional assessments (e.g., Conyers et al. 2002). Other new approaches for identifying archaeological remains on a regional scale concentrate on past landscapes that are inaccessible through standard procedures. Pleistocene occupations that are currently below sea level due to Holocene warming and coastal flooding are of great interest to archaeologists but notoriously difficult to identify. In his investigations of the Florida coast, Faught (2004) uses a combination of bathymétrie enhancement, subbottom profiling, and side-scan sonar remote sensing to find the courses of paleo-river channel, thereby identifying likely locations for Paleoindian remains that can be targeted during diver surveys. Lewis (2000) explores Holocene-era sea-level rise from another angle, examining state- maintained site records in Mississippi to identify coastal regions impacted by eustatic sea-level rise. In this case, archaeological remains older than 2500 BP are proportionally underrepresented along the coast compared to nearby lands that were protected from the effects of inundation, leading to a biased pattern of current site distribution. Water is not the only deterrent to identifying regional patterns; glaciers and ice patches hide evidence important for understanding human cultural behaviors at both high latitudes and high altitudes, as evidenced by the frequency of remains currently being uncovered as a result of global warming. Dixon and his colleagues (2005) present a GIS-based modeling technique for identifying locations where archaeological remains are likely to be revealed as glaciers ai>d ice patches melt. The model combines a variety of biological, geological, and cultural datasets with satellite imagery to evaluate archaeological potential and guide aerial and pedestrian regional survey.

Geographic information science

The attraction of GIS is its ability to organize spatially referenced data of varying types into a single database (Conolly and Lake 2006; Kvamme 1999; Lock 2003; Wheatley and Gillings 2002). Because the archaeological record and environmental characteristics ,are represented by a wide variety of point, linear, polygonal, and

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continuous spatial data, the data-management strengths of GIS have largely fueled its growth in archaeology. Hill and his colleagues (2004), for example, have assembled an enormous GIS database of the entire prehistoric U.S. Southwest that includes over 3,000 sites with nearly 6,000 temporal components. They are using it to track trends in depopulation, migration, and the resulting coalescence in multiethnic towns. The true power of GIS, however, is its analytical capabilities (Church et al. 2000), which go far beyond the simple comparison of different "layers" of data that marked earlier applications. Today, the variety of techniques for capturing, storing, displaying, and analyzing geospatial data is known as "geographic information science" (GISci) and includes digital technologies from remote sensing to total station mapping to viewshed and watershed analyses. While, historically, archaeologists have been several steps behind other disciplines in appreciating and harnessing GISci capabilities, this is rapidly changing as GIS and GISci become integrated into graduate education and applied training in archaeology. Some GISci applications in regional archaeology are building on the classic techniques of regional analysis, such as network analysis and distance decay models, which can be done much more quickly with tremendous amounts of data using GIS software (Conolly and Lake 2006). In one study, Johansen and his colleagues (2004) use network analysis to investigate the spatial patterning of Early Bronze Age barrow mounds in southern Jutland to identify social interaction and the corresponding flow of goods. Intentional alignments of mounds, or what the researchers call "barrow lines," are analyzed for centrality using network theory. Correspondence analysis of material culture found along these lines compared with items recovered away from the lines suggests to Johansen and his colleagues that a network of social interaction and the exchange of wealth goods occurred in the region. The longevity of the regional patterning points to a cultural tradition surrounding mound building that superseded the lives of individuals in southern Scandinavia, while the lack of central places suggests an absence of chiefly societies until later in the Bronze Age. Such complex spatiotemporal network and correspondence analyses are possible with computer-based GISci technology. Today, many if not most GISci applications in archaeology are using GIS to assemble geospatially referenced environmental data, create paleoenvironmental reconstructions, and compare these with the regional distribution of past human settlement. These analyses are increasingly easy to do with the growing availability of digital environmental data, and the results can be used to determine the impact of environmental structure on regional human settlement, the effect of climate change on settlement patterns, and the role of human resource use in altering the physical landscape. Field (2004), for example, uses a GIS database to assemble regional information on the topography and soil quality of Fiji's Sigatoka Valley. Additional data on seasonal and long-term climatic fluctuations are then employed to reconstruct the cultivation risks in different parts of the region due to both drought and floods. Field then compares these results with the settlement history to illustrate how these spatiotemporal environmental challenges encouraged the development of competitive strategies as represented by fortified habitations. Another compelling example is provided by Hill (2000, 2004), who uses GISci techniques to evaluate

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This content downloaded from 35.8.11.3 on Tue, 12 Apr 2016 00:23:44 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms 50 J Archaeol Res (2008) 16:37-81 the impact of Holocene human settlement on soil erosion in west-central Jordan. Part of his assessment is based on a GIS database built from topographic, precipitation, soil, and vegetation spatial information, which was input into a universal soil loss equation to create potential soil loss raster data for the entire region. By comparing the results of the environmental analysis with reconstructions of the intensity of past landscape use, Hill demonstrates that soil degradation has been a problem for the region's agripastoral inhabitants throughout the Holocene. Importantly, both Field and Hill note the applied value of their studies for understanding environmental risks for today's inhabitants of Fiji and Jordan, respectively. GIS functionality includes the ability to model high-resolution digital landscapes, which can then be used to simulate the effect of topography on movement and visibility (Conolly and Lake 2006). Most GIS software includes algorithms for generating "cost surfaces," or "friction surfaces," which calculate the costs of movement across three-dimensional space and that can identify likely pathways used by people in the past. Digitally modeling complex landscapes also allows for much more realistic and accurate assessments of site catchments (e.g., Varíen 1999; Varíen et al. 2000). In his study of human-induced soil degradation in Jordan described earlier, Hill (2004) establishes use territories for each site in the region according to the cost of movement across the topographically variable landscape. The GIS then generates a "use-intensity" surface by accumulating the use territories of each site, which in turn is compared with the independently generated measures of soil loss. Jennings and Craig (2001) employ a similar approach but a different cost-surface algorithm to generate movement costs away from the centroids of Andean valleys reportedly controlled by the Wari empire. This GIS-based approach is used to model areas of spatial control in relation to administrative sites (see also Hare 2004). Algorithms for determining the intervisibility of two points in a region as well as the complete "viewshed" of a single point also are built into most GIS software packages (Conolly and Lake 2006). In his research on Paquimé (Casas Grandes) of northern Mexico, Swanson (2003) analyzes digital elevation data in a GIS database to identify the intervisibility of hilltop features hypothesized to be fire-signaling stations. While the results reveal that the features can all be linked together into a line-of-sight network, Swanson acknowledges that the topography of the region naturally promotes intervisibility, even if that was not the intent of the Paquimé people. He therefore created a GIS routine to generate intervisibility estimates for randomly selected topographic high points, using the resulting data for statistical support. Combining the geospatial functions of GIS software can be particularly informative for understanding past behavior at regional scales. Kantner and Hobgood (2003), for example, employ both cost-surface and viewshed analysis to evaluate the cultural landscape of a region of the northern U.S. Southwest. In their study, remnants of 1 lth-century roadways associated with the Chacoan tradition are compared with a simulated network of GIS-generated "cost paths" that connect Puebloan villages together. The results suggest that the roads were not part of a regional "network" linking disparate villages into a unified economic system; rather they indicate that roadways served local functions related to small-scale

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socioideological dynamics. Next, an alleged communication network based on Chaco-era towers found in Puebloan villages is evaluated by assessing GIS- computed intervisibility. Again, the analysis casts doubt on the proposed intervillage connectivity and instead identifies the enhanced localized viewshed provided by the towers. Similar studies include Mack's (2004) use of both viewshed analysis and cost-path modeling to reconstruct the dramatic landscape experiences of pilgrims visiting 16th-century Vijayanagara, India, while Byerly and colleagues (2005) apply the two techniques to assess the function of a purported bison jump in Texas through an understanding of its place on the Paleoindian landscape. GISci applications in archaeological inquiry have grown in popularity largely due to their ease of use and the availability of so many useful, prepackaged analytical algorithms. The seduction of this new technology, however, has too often led to its uncritical use. Many different software packages exist, and each has different and often invisible built-in algorithms designed to achieve similar functions. Archaeol- ogists also develop their own formulas for their GIS analyses, as illustrated by the numerous cost-path algorithms reported in the literature (e.g., Kantner 2004). Little empirical work has been conducted to compare the strengths and weaknesses of different packages and algorithms, leading to uncertainty as to how much value should be placed in GIS-based studies. Similarly, the precision allowed in GIS databases often becomes confused with accuracy, such that fuzzy geospatial data at low resolutions attain enhanced value once integrated into sophisticated GIS-based regional analyses in which variability in data quality cannot easily be accommodated.

Predictive modeling and simulation

The application of predictive modeling in regional archaeology is enjoying a resurgence of interest. Once popular in the 1970s and 1980s (Aldenderfer 1981), particularly for management purposes on public lands, predictive modeling and related approaches in computer simulation were criticized for their emphasis on the role of the physical environment in determining patterns of human settlement, a debate that still continues today (e.g., Gaffhey and van Leusen 1995; Kvamme 1997). Related to this was the difficulty of accessing computers powerful enough - and the requisite training in programming - to do anything more than very simple models. Today, with supercomputers on everyone's desks, and readily available, object-oriented modeling software, archaeologists are again exploring the utility of modeling and simulation for both practical applications and for evaluating theory (Brantingam 2006; Ebert 2000; Westcott and Brandon 2000). Unfortunately, as in the case of GISci approaches, such ease of access often comes with the uncritical use of the new technology (see Woodman and Woodward 2002). Most computer modeling in archaeology takes advantage of the built-in analytical capabilities of GIS software. With regional environmental information organized into data layers in a GIS database, simple mathematical procedures can be used to relate variables together according to a theoretical model and produce predictions of where archaeological sites should be found (e.g., Ebert and Singer 2004; Elliott 2005). Or the reverse can be done, using known site locations to

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This content downloaded from 35.8.11.3 on Tue, 12 Apr 2016 00:23:44 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms 52 J Archaeol Res (2008) 16:37-81 identify the environmental correlates of past human settlement (e.g., Duncan and Beckman 2000; Perkins 2000; Warren and Asch 2000), which in turn can be used to guide targeted regional survey. Addressing criticisms of environmental determinism, many current applications consider not only physical environmental conditions but also social variables. Stancic and Kvamme (1999) take this approach in their GIS-based predictive modeling of Bronze Age hillforts in Croatia. In addition to the standard suite of physical variables such as slope and soil information gleaned from space-based remote-sensing data, the study includes four "social" variables. While the latter are primarily variables related to distances between archaeological features, begging the question of exactly what a "social variable" is, the resulting predictive model reflects a growing interest in a wider variety of causative variables impacting regional settlement. In another example, the relative contributions of men and women to subsistence underlies Zeanah's (2004) GIS-based computer simulation of settlement changes in the Carson Desert of western Nevada. While explicitly social variables are not built into the GIS database, Zeanah does use models from human behavioral ecology to separately simulate the foraging strategies of men and women, which are then combined together to predict subsistence changes and thus the settlement patterns of the Late Holocene. Several archaeologists are building simulation models in which actual "agents" interact with one another and the physical landscape over numerous "generations" according to a set of theoretically derived rules. Such agent-based modeling in archaeology is almost always spatial, considering social interactions and environmental conditions at a regional scale. In one recent case study, the landscape of Long House Valley of northeastern Arizona was digitally recreated and agents "released" onto it (Axtell et al. 2002; Dean et al. 2000; Gumerman et al. 2003). The simulation considered agents to be equivalent to households, and each was given basic rules that determined how much food the agent consumed, when the agent would have to move to find more food, and the points at which a household would fission and when it would "die." The simulation was allowed to run for the equivalent of 500 years, and the spatial and demographic results were compared with the actual archaeological patterns. Johnson and colleagues (2005; see also Kohler et al. 2000) conduct a similar agent-based simulation for the Mesa Verde region of southwest Colorado, but they frame their study as an historical ecological investigation of human impacts on the landscape. Like the previous example, their simulation considers households to be digital agents that follow simple rules over many simulated years. The focus of that study, however, is on fuelwood demands by the agents and the subsequent effects on the physical environment. Johnson and his colleagues model different wood-use rates to identify their impact on both forest depletion and regional settlement patterns, concluding that human-induced degradation had serious repercussions for sustainable occupation of the landscape.

Demographic reconstruction

Much of our understanding of the past relies on reconstructions of how many people were alive at a specific location at a particular moment in time. Methods for

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This content downloaded from 35.8.11.3 on Tue, 12 Apr 2016 00:23:44 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms J Archaeol Res (2008) 16:37-81 53 accurate demographic reconstructions are therefore of particular concern to archaeologists. Recognizing that demography can be scaled along multiple spatial and temporal dimensions, not all demographic reconstructions are for region-sized populations. However, the obverse is true: scholars investigating regional sociocultural phenomena want to know how many people were alive and interacting at varying sociopolitical scales during the time period of interest (e.g., Bandy 2004; Cobb and Butler 2002; Kintigh et al. 2004, p. 432; Kowalewski 2003; Milner and Oliver 1999; Nelson and Hegmon 2001; Osborne 2004). Accordingly, much recent work in regional archaeology is considering new approaches for developing precise and accurate demographic reconstructions. Most archaeologists continue to rely directly or indirectly on ethnographic analogies for building models of regional population. In his study of the Pre- Pottery Neolithic in the Near East, Kuijt (2000) needs an accurate demographic reconstruction to understand relationships between sedentism, agriculture, and sociopolitical inequality. He considers ethnographic studies comparing overall settlement area and roofed area with numbers of residents when attempting to reconstruct regional and community-level populations. Acknowledging the inadequacies of these approaches, Kuijt nevertheless proposes that they are still useful for comparative purposes (Kuijt 2000, pp. 80-85). Working with a more complete archaeological record, Kintigh and colleagues (2004) similarly reconstruct settlement demography to understand late 13th-century aggregations at large towns in the Zuni region of the U.S. Southwest. In their study, the researchers consider simple demographic estimates, such as those derived by calculating the average number of rooms occupied per year of a given temporal period - a measure similar to that used by Kuijt. Kintigh and his colleagues, however, desire a more precise measure of annual population size within a temporal period. They present a modeling technique in which individual room use lives are tabulated annually and adjusted according to the growth rate calculated across the entire period. Gallivan (2002) takes a different approach in his investigations of sedentism and demography in late precontact and early contact contexts in the Middle Atlantic region. Measures of pottery discard are used to determine duration and size of occupancy - a method known as "accumulations research" (Varíen and Mills 1997). To provide a standard rate of discard, Gallivan uses "strong" archaeological cases where intact floor features can be used to convincingly infer a standard household ceramic assemblage. Assuming that the "strong cases" are valid, this method for reconstructing regional demography avoids the question- able uniformitarian assumptions of direct ethnographic analogy while providing what is perhaps the most precise approach. Demographic reconstruction for Scarre's (2001) recent research in Neolithic Brittany, in contrast, relies on indirect measures of population size while advocating the use of multiple measures from different sources to overcome the limitations of any one method. In that study, Scarre assesses the distribution of polished stone axes, palynological records of deforestation and cereal cultivation, and labor estimates for monument construction to provide a general assessment of regional demography and mobility.

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Complementary techniques for regional archaeology

Many analytical methods used in archaeology generate data that enhance interpretation when considered from a regional perspective, even though they are not usually considered part of traditional regional analysis in archaeology. These techniques allow us to look at the regional distribution of archaeological remains in a new light by providing the means to associate materials with one another or with the physical environment in a way that complements simple spatiotemporal relationships. Many such archaeological techniques useful for regional archaeology exist, but for the sake of space, only two are considered here: compositional and osteological studies.

Compositional studies

The goal of compositional analysis is to identify the elemental and/or mineral components of material items. When the resulting data are considered from a regional spatial perspective, compositional analysis becomes very . effective at reconstructing how people created, modified, or moved items within a particular landscape. Accordingly, in most recent applications in archaeology, compositional analysis has concentrated on the production and distribution of ceramics within or between regions. A recent investigation by Eerkens and colleagues (2002) provides a typical example. They use instrumental neutron activation analysis (INAA) to compare the elemental composition of ceramics recovered from a regional archaeological record with the distribution of raw clays across the landscape to show that pottery among the Numa of the southwestern Great Basin was produced at the household level and distributed and consumed locally. Nichols and colleagues (2002) similarly utilize INAA to reconstruct changing spatial relations of production and distribution in the Basin of Mexico from ceramics, identifying the existence of a highly localized solar market model and increasing regionalism through time. INAA is also used in an analysis of pottery from capacocha sacrifices in Inca territory (Bray et al. 2005), showing that the pottery consistently came from both clay sources at Cuzco and Lake Titicaca and local areas where the sacrifices occurred, even those located over 1,000 km apart. Many other materials can be analyzed using INAA, and many other methods for compositional analysis also exist (e.g., Kantner et al. 2000; Kennett et al. 2002). The mobility patterns of Paleoarchaic foragers across the Great Basin are reconstructed using energy dispersive X-ray fluorescence (ED-XRF) analyses of lithic artifacts (Jones et al. 2003). In this example, locations of artifact recovery were compared with the availability of raw stone on the landscape to help establish territorial boundaries of different populations. Another study uses new, nondestructive portable infrared mineral analyzer spectroscopic technology (PIMA-SP™) to source red, flint-clay stone figurines associated with Cahokia (Emerson et al. 2003). The assessment of contexts of recovery combined with regional compositional data indicate that production of these figurines occurred in Cahokia in the 12th century and that as Cahokia deteriorated in the late 13th century, the figurines were traded away.

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Osteological studies

Bone isotope analysis is a well-established technique for reconstructing past diet from skeletal remains using the proportions of stable isotopes identified with a mass spectrometer. Applications of this method usually are used to track changing diet over time rather than across space. Some recent studies, however, have looked at dietary differences across a region or among different regions. Tomczak (2003), for example, considers dietary variation, as reconstructed through carbon and nitrogen isotopie analyses of human skeletal remains, among Chirabaya sites in southern Peru. The pattern of variation is used to assess both horizontal and vertical models of resource utilization, leading to support of the former model and the identification of regional economic specialization (see also Borrero and Barberena 2006). Yesner and colleagues (2003) attempt to confirm that the ethnohistoric record of Terra del Fuego in South America can be extended into the past. Carbon and nitrogen isotope analyses of skeletons from several sites largely confirm that ethnohistorically documented ethnic groups with different subsistence economies also existed in the past. Although the incorporation of regional relationships into bone isotope studies presents exciting possibilities, both of the examples cited here are limited by the sizes of their regional skeletal populations. As the cost of geochemical assays decreases and the geospatial precision of the analytical approaches increases, the value of these types of data for regional archaeology will grow. Craniometrie analyses also benefit from regional scales of assessment. Blom (2005) invokes Fredrik Barth' s work (2000) on ethnic group boundaries and ethnohistorical accounts from Spanish explorers in her osteological assessment of cranial modification in the Tiwanaku empire of the southern Andes. Her study of skeletal populations from three valleys, including the one containing Tiwanaku itself, reveals clear boundaries between all the valleys. Remains recovered from the capital, however, exhibit a mix of deformation styles, reflecting its central authority and regional draw. Blom' s study illustrates the necessity of a regional perspective for assessing questions of group identity, particularly ethnicity. A use for osteological research that has seen considerable interest over the past several years is that of long-distance migrations. Pinhasi and Pluciennik (2004), for example, build on previous settlement pattern analyses of demographic processes of Neolithic expansion in the Old World, specifically considering interregional craniometrie data as a means for tracing the region-by-region movement of agriculturalists from the Levant into southeastern Europe. These and other new ways of looking at human movement across regional and supraregional space are demonstrating great potential for adding another technique to the toolkit of regional archaeology.

New paradigms for regional archaeology

In the last two decades, several new theoretical approaches in anthropology have affected how regional archaeology is practiced, either because they use regional data in remarkably new ways or because they conceptualize human spatial behavior on a regional scale unlike ever before. These new paradigms are in various ways

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inspired by the traditional processual approach to regional data, either tracing their epistemological and interpretive history directly to processual archaeology, or reflecting the more humanistic postmodern approach that is at least in part a reaction to the perceived problems with processual archaeology. This section summarizes three of these new paradigms - historical ecology, landscape archaeology, and evolutionary theory - and evaluates their impacts on regional analysis as a discrete set of tools for archaeological inquiry and on the regional perspective more generally. These certainly are not the only archaeological approaches benefiting from regional scales of inquiry, but a broad spatial viewpoint is central to each of these perspectives.

Historical ecology

Scholars long have recognized that human impact on the physical environment is not only a recent phenomenon resulting from the Agricultural and Industrial Revolutions (Redman 1999). From the so-called "blitzkrieg" model of megafauna extinction (e.g., Martin et al. 1985) to deforestation for firewood (e.g., Köhler 1992; Kohler and Matthews 1988), humans often are implicated for negatively impacting the landscape, sometimes to such a degree that they unintentionally precipitate their own economic and sociopolitical crises. Recognition of this systemic human- environmental relationship has been formalized into an area of multidisciplinary research that is known variously as "historical ecology," "landscape history," "environmental history," or "socioecology," among others (e.g., Barton et al. 2004; Butzer 1982; Crumley 1994a; Crumley and Marquardt 1990; Hardesty and Fowler 2001; Kim 2003; Winthrop 2001). Historical ecology traces how human impact has created a particular landscape and how that resulting landscape has in turn shaped human behavior. Crumley (1994b, p. 6) provides the example of a forest: [Astronomically driven regional climate is modified by latitude and topography, and by the nonuniform distribution of population and human activity; thus the existence of a forest is the result of both location, which determines temperature and rainfall patterns, and previous and current human management practices.

The reconstruction of the dialectical relationship between humans and the regions in which they live provides two kinds of information. On one hand, historical ecology most obviously tells us how specific landscapes came to be the way they are today and the role of human populations in creating the world in which we live. This ostensibly can provide lessons for the future (e.g., Fisher and Feinman 2005; Redman 1999). On the other hand, historical ecology also can tell us about human values, attitudes, and behaviors at specific points in the past as read from their impact on the landscape. This provides us reconstructions of the past from a regional environmental perspective. Historical ecology is explicitly multidisciplinary, drawing data from geographers and historians as well as ethnographers, ethnohistorians, and archaeologists, and it is analytically multiscalar, considering

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human-environment interaction at varying spatial and temporal scales, with a particular emphasis on the regional scale (e.g., Runnels 2000). Recent examples of studies in historical ecology include Fisher's (2005) multidisciplinary landscape project that is based on settlement pattern research and intensive geoarchaeological investigations. Fisher shows that in the history of the Tarascan empire of Mesoamerica, episodes of land degradation were the unintended consequences of human actions and not caused by nonhuman environmental changes. Barton and colleagues (2004) provide another recent example, although they represent it as socioecology rather than historical ecology. They investigate changes in human-environment landscapes in a region of eastern Spain from the Late Pleistocene through the Middle Holocene, employing a program of survey and subsurface testing of geographic study units that they call "patches." Measures of land use are generated with the assistance of GIS software for four valleys, and a reconstruction of "contingent landscapes" is presented in which evolutionary changes in human cultural behavior and the environment are shaped by earlier human-environment interactions. Some studies that arguably fall under the rubric of historical ecology are less interested in the recursive nature of human-environment interactions and more focused on the "coevolution" of human populations and the physical environment. Darling and colleagues (2004), for example, consider the case of the Akimel O'odham, Gila River Pima Indians of south-central Arizona, and the "village drift" of their rancherías in response to high-frequency environmental changes, such as shifts in river channels. While in this example people did not so much precipitate environmental change, previous decisions about where to live and plant fields shaped their possible responses to environmental changes, producing a predictable form of drifting settlement within culturally defined territories (also see Waters and Ravesloot 2001). Despite the primacy given to the physical environment, this case study still embraces the role of prior decisions in contingently shaping how humans behave on the landscape, the essential paradigmatic premise of historical ecology.

Landscape archaeology

At first glance, landscape archaeology and historical ecology appear very similar, as both see humans as intrinsic components of landscapes, and in fact the labels are often used interchangeably. However, historical ecology and allied approaches generally trace their intellectual heritage to processual archaeology, and they typically concentrate on functional-economic relationships between humans and the regional landscapes in which they live. Some historical ecological reconstructions are akin to parables that warn us of our impact on the environment (e.g., Redman 1999). Landscape archaeology, on the other hand, is more closely informed by postmodern currents in anthropology as a whole, and particularly by social theory, regarding landscape as an ideational construct of the human mind. While both historical ecology and landscape archaeology regard human-environment interaction as their topic of inquiry, the former emphasizes the interaction of humans in or as part of the landscape while the latter emphasizes landscapes as creations of

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This content downloaded from 35.8.11.3 on Tue, 12 Apr 2016 00:23:44 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms 58 J Archaeol Res (2008) 16:37-81 human cognition. As Bender (2002, p. S 103) notes in her essay on landscape and time, "landscape is time materializing: landscapes, like time, never stand still... [And] landscapes and time can never be 'out there': they are always subjective." Knapp and Ashmore (1999) provide an oft-cited formulation of landscape archaeology. They note that landscape exists only insofar as it is "perceived, experienced, and contextualized by people" (1999, p. 1), paralleling Bender's phenomenological approach to landscape (also see Anschuetz et al. 2001, pp. 160- 161; Ashmore 2002). Seminal work in the phenomenology of landscape has especially deep roots in British archaeology (Thomas 1996; Tilley 1994). From this perspective, landscape is regarded as comprising places that no matter how physical or essential to basic human needs, are only meaningfully constituted through human action in reference to them. Mobile foragers, for example, move through a regional space of trails, views, hunting points, water holes, and so on, together which constitute a cultural landscape, since people have assigned these places culturally situated meanings mediated by their collective experiences with them over time. Landscape archaeology further contends that landscapes reinforce cultural values, in accordance with the perspective's foundation on social theories of practice and structure. Accordingly, human response to nonhuman environmental change is discursively shaped by the created landscape in which the change occurs. Because not all elements of a landscape have the same meaning and creation, Knapp and Ashmore (1999, pp. 10-12) categorize landscape in three ways: constructed landscapes, in which culturally meaningful features are built onto the landscape; conceptualized landscapes, in which cultural meanings are attributed to natural features, with few constructed features; and ideological landscapes, which are ernie, imagined landscapes rife with meaning that evoke emotional responses. The majority of archaeological research conducted under the rubric of landscape archaeology focuses on themes of place and meaning within regional space. "Place" is a fundamental concept within landscape archaeology that encapsulates the central theoretical perspective of this paradigm: places are temporal human creations within landscapes, "the hybrid conjoining of heterogeneous semantic fields - imaginaries - with the material world [at varying scales]" (Whitridge 2004, p. 243; also see Alcock 2002; Thomas 2001). Examples include Potter's study (2004) of hunting landscapes in the U.S. Southwest, in which he uses the regional distribution and imagery of rock art places to identify a gender-charged landscape cognized by its human creators as a field in which men establish their maleness. In their research on ritual landscapes associated with the 19th-century ghost dance movement in western North America, Carroll and colleagues (2004) approach place and meaning from a different direction. They examine the integration of regional geography and ritual technologies into a single imaginary of landscape places, which then can be used to identify ceremonial settings in the archaeological record. An important arena of research in landscape archaeology is the role of cultural memories of places in defining identities. From this perspective, places created by people at a past point in time are continually engaged in the negotiation of meaning at a later point in time; time and space, in fact, are envisioned differently than from a traditional Western cultural viewpoint. In some case studies, places are charged

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with past events and personalities that are integral to current practices. The research of Stewart and colleagues (2004) on Inuit oral histories and archaeological places in northern Canada, for example, identifies how places imagined as "traditional" are "foregrounded" in the landscape. Similarly, Colwell-Chanthaphonh's ethnohistorical work (Colwell-Chanthaphonh 2003; Ferguson and Colwell-Chanthaphonh 2006) in the San Pedro Valley of southeastern Arizona notes the evocative role of regionally distributed rock-art places for shaping the identities of several indigenous groups today (see also King 2003). Historical archaeologists especially have gravitated to this approach to past regional landscapes, with a particular interest in how the meanings of places can be contested by different sociocultural groups with different memories of the landscape (e.g., contributions in Shackel 2001; Shackel and Chambers 2004). Monuments represent another area of interest in landscape analysis, especially since a "monument" is necessarily a construct of human perception of space and place, meaning and memory. Johansen (2004), for example, reveals the monumental nature of the Neolithic ashmounds of South India. As identified by their spatial locations and stratigraphie details, these unusual constructions of decomposed and burned cow dung, soils, and material culture are interpreted as not just enormous middens but instead as products of episodic ritual practice that visually reinforced sociosymbolic meanings; only analysis at a regional scale could identify this pattern. In south-central Ohio, Bernardini' s (2004) examination of Hopewell earthworks distinguishes the "referential meaning" of individual monuments from their "experiential meaning," suggesting that the earthworks were part of a single regional landscape maintained through ceremonial action rather than the separate creations of autonomous villages (see also Howey and O'Shea 2006). Massive ditches found in southern Benin, West Africa also take on new meaning when examined through the lens of landscape archaeology (Norman and Kelly 2004). From dating from the 17th through 19th centuries, these features historically were interpreted by Europeans as the product of Western military designs. Norman and Kelley (2004), however, use both anthropological and archaeological data to argue that the Hueda and Dahomey kingdoms created a built landscape in which the ditches were symbolic barriers patrolled by supernatural members of their pantheons. In all these examples, human understanding of and interactions with and across regional space are shaped by how the landscapes are perceived, not only by "objective" assessments of the physical environment and cost-benefit analyses of behavioral options.

Evolutionary theory

While landscape archaeology engages social theory in considerations of human behavior and culture on a regional scale, evolutionary theory also offers a theoretical foundation for the regional investigation of past behavior. Advocates of evolutionary theory in archaeology all trace their intellectual histories to Darwin's theory of evolution by natural selection - and, to a lesser degree, sexual selection - as updated with a contemporary understanding of genetics and complementary

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This content downloaded from 35.8.11.3 on Tue, 12 Apr 2016 00:23:44 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms 60 J Archaeol Res (2008) 16:37-81 evolutionary processes. This "neo-evolutionary" or "neo-Darwinian" perspective has long been a part of regional archaeology, tracing back to the adaptationist views inherent in cultural ecology. Most often the application of evolutionary theory is implicit and imprecise. Nevertheless, because neo-evolutionary theory purports to explain changing relationships among changing organisms in changing landscapes, it remains an important means for understanding human cultural behavior at regional scales. Contemporary evolutionary theory in archaeology occurs in three forms: evolutionary archaeology, or what is often called "selectionism"; cultural transmission theory; and human behavioral ecology. Each differs significantly in how neo-evolutionary theory is interpreted and in their understanding of how this can be applied in archaeological research, at a regional scale or otherwise. Selectionism most strictly interprets evolutionary theory while also pointing to the empirical insufficiency of reconstructed past behavior. Accordingly, this approach focuses on the direct analysis and interpretation of material culture, regarding it as an extension of the human phenotype and therefore shaped by natural selection. Due to this emphasis on artifacts rather than behavior and the selectionist interest in ecological spatiotemporal settings, regional data are often collected through distributional archaeology. Ladefoged and Graves (2000), for example, consider agricultural strategies in the north Kohala region on the island of Hawai'i using selectionist theory. They argue that a heterogeneous and changing environment provided the context in which selection acted on the material manifestations of differing variants of agricultural practice. Using a GIS database of 570 km of agricultural field border walls and 190 km of trails across a 55-km2 area, the researchers argue that selection favored a shift from field locations and designs that optimized total energy return to those that provide more stable, risk-averse returns. In his investigation of steatite vessel spatiotemporal distribution in the Eastern Woodlands of North America, Truncer (2004) uses a selectionist perspective in a supraregional analysis. Steatite vessels were produced in low frequencies for 2,000 years, but Truncer argues that they markedly increased around 2,500 cal B.C. because selective conditions favored their functional characteristics. His regional perspective is reflected in the spatiotemporal correlation of vessel distributions with mast-forest environmental contexts. The second evolutionary approach, cultural transmission theory, concentrates on the mechanisms by which cultural traits are passed from individual to individual, contending that those mechanisms are quite different from how biological traits are transmitted and are as important, if not more so, than the role of natural selection in shaping human cultural change. With its emphasis on the role of interpersonal communication, a consideration of space is an important part of cultural transmission theory, and regional scales of analysis are common. Jordan and Shennan (2003) provide a compelling example. In their study, the researchers were interested in regional distributions of basketry styles and how these reflect cultural transmission among indigenous Californian groups. The analysis reveals that linguistic boundaries are not mirrored by stylistic patterning. The basketry traditions also do not correlate with ecological patterns, suggesting that changes in basketry style were not transmitted using the same mechanisms as language and therefore did not accumulate trait changes in the same way. Jordan and Shennan demonstrate the

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This content downloaded from 35.8.11.3 on Tue, 12 Apr 2016 00:23:44 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms J Archaeol Res (2008) 16:37-81 61 value of a regional perspective for understanding changing human cultural traits across both time and space. The scholars note, however, that teasing apart the differential processes of basketry and linguistic trait transmission will require them to move their analysis to the subregional scale. In contrast to both selectionism and cultural transmission theory, human behavioral ecology is more directly interested in human decision making, arguing - often implicitly - either that evolutionary processes have shaped cognition to operate as a proxy for selective forces or that these forces operate directly on human behavior. Either way, adaptive behavior and the material culture it produces are assessed at regional scales of ecological analysis. In another evolutionary study on Hawai' i, this one in the Kona region, Allen (2004) employs a bet-hedging model from behavioral ecology to show shifting farming strategies in the context of environmental unpredictability. Her conclusions and regional data sources parallel Ladefoged and Graves' s (2000) study, but Allen emphasizes chiefly decision- making strategies rather than the success of farming systems in the face of selective pressure. Many other applications of behavioral ecology similarly compare predictions of human foraging behavior with regional archaeological records (e.g., Bettinger 1999; Elston and Zeanah 2002). Despite the strength of evolutionary approaches in regional archaeology, they cannot readily explain all human behavior. Whitridge's (2001) multiscalar analysis of fish remains and fishing technologies among the Thule Inuit warns archaeologists that regional distributions of resources do not always equate with the subsistence economy. Whitridge uses the distribution of fish remains at varying scales to conclude that fish were a minor component of classic Thule diet. That pattern contrasts, however, with the importance of fishing in material and oral culture, leading Whitridge to propose that fishing was used for monitoring environmental conditions but perhaps more importantly for communal recreation. This regional study serves as a cautionary tale illustrating that humans use environmental resources in complex ways that have a large social component that evolutionary approaches often miss.

Concluding comments

For many archaeologists, regional archaeology is equated with quantitative and graphical approaches for characterizing the spatial relationships among archaeological remains and between them and the physical environment. During its heyday in the 1970s and 1980s, regional analysis included a suite of tools, such as fall-off analysis, central-place models, and catchment analysis, situated within an ecological and processual epistemological and interpretive paradigm. This review of regional approaches over the last several years suggests that the regional analysis of the past no longer maintains such a cohesive form. Analytical tools that abstract and/or idealize human-space relationships are not as common. Important exceptions do exist (e.g., Blanton 2004; Brown and Witschey 2003; Drennan and Peterson 2004; Hare 2004; Nelson and Schollmeyer 2003), but even these cases are much more sophisticated than their progenitors. Complementing the old

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This content downloaded from 35.8.11.3 on Tue, 12 Apr 2016 00:23:44 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms 62 J Archaeol Res (2008) 16:37-81 techniques are new tools such as GIS-based landscape modeling and agent- oriented computer simulation that arguably provide more contingent and realistic reconstructions of human interaction with and across regional space. Regional analysis has become a more ubiquitous and analytically flexible regional archaeology. What happened to the simple models of classic regional analysis? No single event in the last two decades can be identified as the point at which the old tools were replaced by the newer approaches described in this article, and in fact traditional regional analysis still does provide heuristic value. But at least two converging factors likely led to the erosion of regional analysis as a discrete toolkit of simple quantitative and graphical techniques. First, the growing" availability of powerful computers and their ease of use have promoted model complexity over analytical simplicity. Now, trend surfaces stretched to accommodate least-cost- path movement and representing three-dimensional space are more common than fall-off analysis; complex spatiotemporal models of farming productivity with multiyear storage simulations provide more realism than catchment analysis; fractal geometry and complexity theory build upon the rank-size rule; and massive relational databases now accommodate artifacts and features as basic analytical units instead of sites and communities. These technologically sophisticated tools provide a level of precision that make the old tools of regional analysis less attractive. On the other hand, the new techniques do have their drawbacks: their complexity can confound comparisons between projects, and often the adoption of technological applications seems to be done just for the sake of being able to use the hottest new "toy." The second factor that likely eroded the unity of regional analysis is the variety of new theoretical paradigms interested in human-space interactions, many of which are intellectually incompatible or even explicitly opposed to one another. Historical ecology, landscape archaeology, selectionist evolutionary theory, and human behavioral ecology, to name a few, regard space in different ways (Daly and Lock 2004), not just in the interpretive sense of what they think humans do in the space, but more fundamentally in the epistemological sense of what and how we can know of this arena of human behavior. Traditional adaptationist and functionalist approaches couched in the scientific method vie with social theory situated in hermeneutic or dialectical epistemologies as the interpreters of past human spatial behavior. Nevertheless, even as this has led to more diverse "regional archaeologies" with different thematic interests, they often share many of the newer tools, such as GIS, that allow archaeologists to identify and describe relationships across regional space. Is regional analysis therefore dead? Perhaps. Consider how often "regional analysis" appears as the keyword of an article today compared with 25 years ago. In its place, however, is a dominant regional perspective in which an assessment of multiscalar spatial context is fundamental to a great many archaeological studies, no matter what specific analytical tools or theoretical paradigms are employed. Julian Steward would probably appreciate how thoroughly assessment of human-space relationships is integrated into archaeological inquiry today.

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Spikens, P. (2000). GIS models of past vegetation: An example from northern England, 10,000-5000 B.P. Journal of Archaeological Science 27: 219-234. Spikens, P., Conneller, C, Ayestaran, H., and Scaife, B. (2002). GIS based interpolation applied to distinguishing occupation phases of early prehistoric sites. Journal of Archaeological Science 29: 1235-1245. Stanish, C, and Bauer, B. (2007). Pilgrimage and geography of power in the Inca state. In Moms, C, Burger, R., and Matos, R. (eds.), Variability in the Expressions of Inka Power, Dumbarton Oaks, Washington, DC (in press). Stoffle, R. W., Loendorf, L., Austin, D., Halmo, D., and Bulletts. A. (2000). Ghost dancing the Grand Canyon: Southern Paiute rock art, ceremony, and cultural landscapes. Current Anthropology 41: 1 1-38. Stoltman, J. B. (2000). A reconsideration of the cultural processes linking Cahokia to its northern hinterlands during the period A.D. 1000-1200. In Ahler, S. R. (ed.), Mounds, Modoc, and Mesoamerica: Papers in Honor of Melvin L Fowler, Scientific Papers Vol. 28, Illinois State Museum, Springfield, pp. 439-467. Sutton, S. B. (2000). Contingent Countryside: Settlement, Economy, and Land Use in the Southern Argolid since 1700, Stanford University Press, Stanford, CA. Thurston, T. L. (2001). Landscapes of Power, Landscapes of Conflict: State Formation in the Danish Iron Age, Kluwer Academic/Plenum Publishing, New York. Tnngham, R. (2000). Southeastern Europe in the transition to agriculture in burope: Bridge, butter, or mosaic. In Price, T. D. {ed.), Europe 's First Farmers, Cambridge University Press, Cambridge, UK, pp. 19-56. Tschan, A. P., Raczkowski, W., and Latalowa, M. (2000). Perception and viewsheds: Are they mutually inclusive? In Lock, G. (ed.), Beyond the Map: Archaeology and Spatial Technologies, IOS Press, Amsterdam, pp. 28-48. Ucko, P. J., and Layton, R. (eds.) (1999). The Archaeology and Anthropology of Landscapes: Shaping Your Landscape, Routledge, New York. Usman, A. A. (2004). On the frontier of empire: Understanding the enclosed walls in northern Yoruba, Nigeria. Journal of Anthropological Archaeology 23: 119-132. van aer Leeuw, ¿. n.

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Archaeology as Anthropology Revisited Author(s): William A. Longacre Source: Journal of Archaeological Method and Theory, Vol. 17, No. 2 (June 2010), pp. 81- 100 Published by: Springer Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/40784755 Accessed: 12-04-2016 00:23 UTC

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This content downloaded from 35.8.11.3 on Tue, 12 Apr 2016 00:23:16 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms J Archaeol Method Theory (2010) 17:81-100 DOI 10.1007/s 108 16-0 10-9080-1

Archaeology as Anthropology Revisited

William A. Longacre

Published online: 6 May 2010 © Springer Science+Business Media, LLC 2010

Keywords History of archaeology · History of anthropology · Archaeology's place in anthropology

W. A. Longacre (S) University of Arizona, Tucson, AZ, USA e-mail: [email protected]

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John Wesley Powell was instrumental in furthering the growth of anthropology, including archaeology. He was a leader in the founding of the Anthropological Society in Washington, D.C. in 1879. That society launched its own journal, The American Anthropologist in 1888, and from the beginning, it regularly included articles on archaeology. Nearly 40 years before the 100th anniversary meeting, Lewis R. Binford published his seminal article in American Antiquity, "Archaeology as Anthropology" (Binford 1962). To recognize his importance in my own development, I entitled my doctoral dissertation "Archaeology as Anthropology, A Case Study" (Longacre 1963). But is archaeology anthropology? Well, yes and no in a sense. In almost all countries offering university training in anthropology, archaeology is not included. It is embraced only in the USA and in those few countries historically close to the USA, like Taiwan, Canada, Mexico, and the Philippines. Well, not all schools in Canada imbed archaeology in anthropology, but most do. And for the Philippines, archaeology as part of anthropology was imposed as part of our colonial experiment at the turn of the twentieth century. A National Museum was created in about 1903 with a major focus on ethnology, and a department of anthropology was established at the major public university, The University of the Philippines, which included a four-field approach. The National Taiwan University was established shortly after 1950, and the anthropology department was founded by largely Harvard-trained scholars. But for the rest of the world, archaeology is not a part of anthropology. At the Society for American Archaeology meetings in spring 1991, Ian Hodder then-from the University of Cambridge suggested this strange American placement of archaeology within anthropology was purely accidental and not necessary. In that belief, he is, I submit, only half right. Why is it that most American archaeologists feel quite comfortable with the notion that archaeology has a normal or natural place within the larger discipline? There is a long history here to explore, and we will find that the fuzzy, warm, comfy feeling most of us have about archaeology as anthropology has not always been in place. In fact, in our recent history, the Archaeology Division faced a crisis as hundreds of members cancelled their memberships in the American Anthropological Association. They were convinced that archaeology could no longer be a part of the "new" cultural anthropology - with its almost anti-science emphasis that seemed to have taken over the association. Maybe we can get a better picture of the current situation by looking backwards and exploring our roots. The invention of anthropology about 150 years ago is a fascinating story. The accidental inclusion of archaeology turns out not to be such an accident after all but rather was a logical addition to dealing with the task at hand. There is not space to present the details of the entire story, even if it is an exciting tale. But, perhaps, we archaeologists can learn from the past after all - especially our own past. It all begins with a brilliant man, Lewis Henry Morgan, a lawyer living in upper New York State, the father of American anthropology (Fig. 1). As one biographer put it, he invented kinship. He also invented a new type of blast furnace for transforming iron ore to metal. He completed the first modern ethnographic study of an American Indian group, the Seneca, and published the first ethnographic monograph, a two- volume account of Iroquois society and culture (1851). The Iroquois work was an eye-opener for Attorney Morgan. He came to understand a different form of reckoning kinship through the maternal line and residence rules that

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Fig. 1 Lewis Henry Morgan. Photo courtesy of the National Anthropological Archives, Smithsonian Institution

kept the female members of the group together. The Iroquois matrilineage lived in the traditional long house, alerting Morgan to the intimate relationship that might exist between forms of houses and forms of society. It also alerted him to the possibility of other forms of kinship among the world's peoples that would have to be explored. The Iroquois monograph was published in 1851. For the next 20 years or so, Morgan collected information about peoples all over the world. He did this by sending out questionnaires to missionaries, military expeditions, explorers, state department workers - anyone he could call on to provide kinship terms and other information about American Indian peoples as well as peoples all over the earth - Pacific Islanders, Africans, Asian peoples. He had data on hundreds of societies when he invented a system of classification of forms of kinship and published it with all the supporting data as Systems of Consanguinity and Affinity of the Human Family in 1 870 at government expense (Morgan 1870). Morgan's kinship work was interrupted by his own continuing ethnographic work among various American Indian groups. He spent time among the sedentary agricultural peoples in the Missouri River valley, the Mandan, Hidatsa, and Arikara. He was also busy

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Fig. 2 The ruins of the Morgan Blast Furnace near Ishpeming, Michigan (photos by J. Skibo) making money as a lawyer. He was hired by a group of investors who built a railroad line from the massive iron ore deposits in Michigan's Upper Peninsula to the ore docks in Marquette on Lake Superior. He came to love that part of the north central USA and spent a great deal of time there. It was there where he invented the Morgan Blast Furnace as it is still called (Figs. 2 and 3). As he became acquainted with the forests of the UP, he became interested in the beaver that dammed the streams in the area. Perhaps, as a respite from the American Civil War, he spent the summer of 1 863 studying these very social animals and their amazing architecture. This led to The American Beaver and His Works, which he published in 1868 (Morgan 1868). The Beaver work reminded him of the importance of architecture to the organization of society for the accomplishment of essential tasks, in this case those of a very social animal, the beaver. Perhaps, there are a few of you who did not know that the beaver played an important role in the development of anthropological archaeology. And maybe there are some of you who did not realize that his guides and helpers in the beaver research were brothers from Marquette, Michigan, Homer Kidder and Alfred Vincent Kidder, Sr. (Figs. 4 and 5).

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Fig. 3 The ruins of the Morgan Blast Furnace near Ishpeming, Michigan (photos by J. Skibo)

All of these experiences helped him crystallize a general explanatory theory to account for the vast variety among humankind of forms of descent and social order, rules for behavior, material culture, and customs of all sorts. He explained this enormous diversity as the result of varying rates of human progress over the ages. Humankind, he felt, had progressed through three major stages of development: Savagery, Barbarism, and Civilization, with numerous substages often based on the development of items of material culture such as the bow and arrow or pottery. These arguments, generally called Classical Evolutionary Theory today, were presented to the world in his book, Ancient Society, published in 1877 (Morgan 1877). Morgan continued to pursue his interests in the linkage between architecture and social organization. He made a visit to the American Southwest and visited a number of prehistoric pueblo sites. Although his principal contribution lay with the ordering of all of humankind and explaining variation in culture, he wanted to explore the processes of change responsible for the creation of different levels of development. To do that would require very long-term study, as social institutions were slow to change. Thus, architecture seemed a promising way to explore gradual change

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Fig. 4 Α. V. Kidder, Sr in the north woods about 10 years after helping Morgan with his beaver study in 1863. Photo courtesy of the Marquette Historical Museum through archaeological research. He discussed these ideas in his final book, Houses and House-Life of the American Aborigines, published in 1881 (Morgan 1881) just after he died. The eminent cultural anthropologist, Paul Bohannan, wrote the introduction to the reprint of this important book in 1965 in which he stated that Morgan had raised key questions of continuing interest to anthropology: "What does domestic architecture show anthropologists - either ethnologists or archaeologists - about social organization and how does social organization combine with a system of productive technology and an ecological adjustment to influence domestic and public architecture?" Clearly, Morgan was suggesting that it might be possible to study changing aspects of social organization through the examination of architectural changes through time. Anthropological archaeology had received its marching orders! No one understood that better than John Wesley Powell (Fig. 6). Powell was a self- taught naturalist, geologist, linguist, ethnologist, and more. He survived the Civil War after part of his right arm was shot off at Shiloh with the rank of Major. For the rest of his life, he was addressed as Major Powell. He had explored and mapped the Colorado

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Fig. 5 A. V. Kidder, Sr about 1 890. Photo courtesy of the Michigan Technological University Archives, Copper Country Historical Collection

River and the Grand Canyon and studied American Indian customs and languages. He collected word lists and artifacts from a number of western tribes. He eventually was named Director of the US Geological Survey and as the first Director of the Bureau of Ethnology, two posts he held until late in his life. The Bureau was created by act of Congress in 1 879 to collect basic information about American Indians, and Powell led it for 20 years. Soon, the name was changed to the Bureau of American Ethnology, emphasizing its focus on American Indians, past and present. At that time, of course, there was no academic training available in anthropology. Powell had to recruit workers where he could find them. Unlike in the Geological Survey, he was not averse to hiring females to staff the new Bureau. Erminnie Smith studied the Iroquois, Alice Fletcher (never on the payroll) focused on the Sioux and Omaha and went on to found the School for American Research in Santa Fe. Mathilda Cox Stevenson became an expert on the Zuni. But most of the staff was male, including such persons as William Henry Holmes, Cyrus Thomas, and J. Owen Dorsey. Others such as Jesse Walter Fewkes, F. W. Hodge, the Mindeleff brothers, Cosmos and Victor, and James Mooney were soon added to the growing staff.

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Fig. 6 J. W. Powell, Director of the B.A.E., Photo courtesy of the National Anthropological Archives, Smithsonian Institution

Major Powell was devoted to the arguments presented by Morgan in his "Ancient Society." It provided a system of classification for all the American Indian groups that Powell had studied and was as sensible to him as the geologic column visible in the walls of the Grand Canyon. Indeed, he provided a copy of Morgan's book to everyone he hired at the Bureau so they would know the guiding principles of the new science of ethnology. Donald Worster recently published a biography of Powell in which he casts the mission of the Bureau, "All worked against the ticking clock of cultural loss, fearing that the Indians might soon forget traditional ways and even forget their native language under the pressure of invading whites" (Worster 2001: 401). Under pressure from Congress and the Secretary of the Smithsonian, the BAE early turned its attention to American Indian prehistory. Identifying the builders of the large earthen mounds in eastern North America was the aim of intensive excavations by the entomologist, Cyrus Thomas. He was able to show that the American Indians had built the mounds and not a lost race of people from across the sea as some believed. The possible link between architecture and social organization so intrigued Major Powell that he decided to hire an architect to map prehistoric American Indian ruins and the villages of living Indian peoples as well. The task was to undertake the studies of houses and villages and the social order as part of the Bureau's research. Powell hired a young architect, Victor Mindeleff, along with his younger brother, Cosmos as his assistant (Longacre 1999) (Figs. 7 and 8). Together, they began a long career of mapping sites and settlements in New Mexico and Arizona. At that time, Victor was 21 and Cosmos was only 19. Their first season of fieldwork began in 1881. Over many years, they mapped numerous settlements and prehistoric ruins

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Fig. 7 Victor Mindeleff, photo courtesy of the National Anthropological Archives, Smithsonian Institution and produced numerous scale models of Pueblo Indian villages for the US National Museum and for world fairs and other major expositions (Fig. 9). But their most important contributions are in their published work. "A Study of Pueblo Architecture in Tusayan and Cibola" by Victor Mindeleff was published in 1891 (Mindeleff 1891), just 10 years after he began working for the Bureau. It has numerous maps, photos, and drawings and remains an invaluable source of architectural and social data on the Hopi and Zuni and on prehistoric pueblos in the Southwest. It was Cosmos Mindeleff who produced an important paper, "Localization of Tusayan Clans" in 1900 (Mindeleff 1900), providing accurate maps of each Hopi village with the clan distributions in each of the houses noted on the maps. These contributions of "House Life" information from the late nineteenth century have provided important baseline data for all the studies of Hopi architecture and society that have followed. Other Bureau researchers were also exploring aspects of house life and social order, both in the past and in the present. Jesse Walter Fewkes (Fig. 10) worked for some years among the Hopi, and Frank Hamilton Cushing (Fig. 11) spent years among the Zuni doing extensive ethnographic and archaeological studies. Fewkes

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Fig. 8 Cosmos Mindeleff, author's collection became interested in Hopi migration tales and wondered if he could evaluate their accuracy through archaeology (1893). He defined archaeology as the extension of ethnology into the past and coined a new word for the archaeological lexicon when he referred to himself as an "ethnoarchaeologist." It should be clear from this overview that the inclusion of archaeology within anthropology was logical and not accidental. It was accidental only in the sense that colonial invaders were usurping the American Indian pasts; Indian peoples were not studying their own pasts, as they knew them already. For the outsiders to do that effectively from their point of view, it seemed they must explore cultural, biological, and linguistic variation among the living American Indian peoples and also study their pasts through archaeology to present a cogent and complete picture. But the stage was set for major change - a new drummer was sounding a different beat and that was beginning to have an impact on the directions of American anthropology. The major players of the era of Classical Evolution were beginning to disappear. Morgan died in 1881, Cushing in 1900, and Major Powell in 1902. Fewkes became involved in the new National Park movement and was instrumental in having

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Fig. 9 The Mindeleff Brothers working on models of Pueblos in the Smithsonian Institution, photo courtesy of the Smithsonian Institution Archives

Mesa Verde proclaimed the first and only National Park devoted tö the American Indian past. He later became director of the Bureau and got mired in administrative matters and left his active involvement in fieldwork and writing early in the new century. The new drum major was, of course, Franz Boas, who emigrated from Germany to this country in 1 887 at the age of 29. He was trained as a physicist in Germany, seeped in the logical positivism of nineteenth century Europe. His doctoral dissertation focused on explaining differences in the color of seawater, and he undertook extensive fieldwork in the waters off Alaska and Western Canada in the northwest of North America. He came into contact with various American Indian and Eskimo groups in the region and became fascinated with their lifeways and languages. He decided that the new field of anthropology was more to his liking and switched from physics to anthropology when he arrived in this country. It took only about 15 years for Boas and his students to transform anthropology into a new form. After he reached the USA, he contacted Major Powell. He held a series of jobs in museums around the country but never held a post for any length of time. In 1895, Powell offered him the job of editor of the Bureau's publications, but Boas refused. He had accepted a permanent job with the American Museum in New York. Later, he helped to found the Department of Anthropology at Columbia University, where he trained many students in his new approach to studying the world's peoples, both past and present. Not long after he reached America, he wrote a scathing review of an exhibit that Otis Mason had created at the US National Museum. Mason wanted to show how people had progressed from Savagery through Barbarism by showing the development of, for example, weaponry from simple stone tools to complex forms such as the composite bow and arrow. Boas suggested it would be better if individual cultures were the subject of museum displays without the artificial organization imposed by Classical Evolutionary Theory (Buettner-Janusch 1957). Boas also introduced the tenets of logical positivism to American anthropology. These included the notions that science is completely unbiased that scientists collect facts and that when enough facts have been collected, they will speak for

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Fig. 10 J. W. Fewkes, photo courtesy of the National Anthropological Archives, Smithsonian Institution themselves. For Boas and his students, what was needed was an objective way to describe cultures in order to provide an unbiased means to collect cultural facts. The culture trait and element became the means toward that end, and the aim was to produce culture history without speculation. The culture trait and element were translated in archaeology to include the pottery type, architectural forms, and types of artifacts from all kinds of materials. There was no room for speculation about nondirectly observable phenomena such as social organization, and earlier attempts were dismissed as useless conjecture. Boasian "historical particularism" as it came to be called, with its emphasis on reconstructing culture history through a focus on culture traits, resulted in defining prehistoric cultures and placing them in time and space. Lacking was concern for the social and behavioral aspects that interested people in the previous era; abandoned as well was ethnoarchaeology. Cultural anthropology was to provide appropriate and relevant data for archaeological interpretation. Boas was trained in physics and had a respect for the natural laws of the universe that governed natural phenomena. But he was convinced there could be no natural laws governing human development or behavior as people, and their cultures were too complex. Major Powell's interest in what he called, "the science of man," was abandoned. Quickly, new departments of anthropology were founded and staffed by

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This content downloaded from 35.8.11.3 on Tue, 12 Apr 2016 00:23:16 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms Archaeology as Anthropology Revisited 93 many of Boas' own students. Kroeber was sent to Berkeley. Other departments were begun at Harvard, Yale, Penn, and Chicago to mention only a few. Quickly, anthropologists trained in this new positivist approach became the dominant force in the field. Archaeology continued to have a place in the new anthropology, but its way of doing research greatly changed. Defining prehistoric cultures on the basis of culture traits and elements objectively and determining their spatial distribution and their temporal duration became the overriding concern of anthropological archaeology. These were exciting times for the field. For the first time, there were academic departments providing training for wannabe anthropologists. New approaches were being tried out such as the direct historical approach, working back from the ethnologically known present to the past. New approaches to dating were imported from Europe, including "sequence dating," an invention of Sir Flinders Pétrie working in Egypt, a technique that today we label seriation. Also, another Brit was a visiting professor at Harvard, Professor Riesman, and he explained how one could work out a stylistic sequence of change using pieces of broken pottery recovered in stratified deposits. He had pioneered the technique in deeply stratified sites in Egypt and showed how the sequences he identified could be used to infer relative ages for sites based on surface collections. Sitting in his classes, paying rapt attention to him was Alfred Vincint Kidder, Jr., whose father we met earlier helping Lewis Henry Morgan study beavers in Northern Michigan. The son had been born in Marquette in 1895 (Fig. 12) and moved with his family to Cambridge around the turn of the century. He enrolled at Harvard, thinking he would become a medical doctor but, like all of you sensible readers, ended up in anthropological archaeology. He, along with Krober's student, Nels Nelson, and Boas' student, Mario Gambio, introduced stratification as a principal in excavating prehistoric sites and the recovery of artifacts in sequence to provide the means for relative dating. It was the era of the time-space revolution and the beginning of a logical positivist archaeology within anthropology. Kidder published the first regional synthesis in 1924 (Kidder 1924), a masterful cultural historical framework of time-space systematics for its time (Fig. 13). Archaeologists grappled with typology - not just of artifacts but of prehistoric cultures. Some typologies were put forward in the Southwestern region that had an evolutionary cast to them. In their schemes, Gladwin and Gladwin (1934) and Colton and Hargrave (1937) had cultures and even pottery types evolving. Gladwin 's roots, stems, and branches reminded us of trees, whereas Colton 's pottery types seemed able to cohabit and produce viable offspring. Other archaeologists felt these approaches were backsliding into the evolutionary abyss and reacted with a scheme that was lacking in such bias, a totally objective approach. They offered us the Midwestern Taxonomic Method or the McKern system with its objective nomenclature (McKern 1939). Thus, colorful terms like stems and branches were to be replaced with objective words like focus and aspect. The 1920s and 1930s were exciting times for archaeology. Gaps in time and space were being filled in. Dendrochronology provided a wondrous new way to date prehistory if you were fortunate enough to work in the right part of the world. By the mid- 1930s, there were enough archaeologists to found a national organization, the Society for American Archaeology. But the distant thumping of new drums began to be

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Fig. 11 F. H. Cushing, photo courtesy of the National Anthropological Archives, Smithsonian Institution noticed, and great discomfort gradually set in. For the first time, archaeologists began to question their place within the comfortable nexus of anthropology. What was going on? By the late 1920s, Boasian anthropology was being challenged by a series of developments in anthropological theory both from within and from overseas. The first of these was the rise of structural functionalism with the publication in 1924 of a seminal piece on the role of mother's brother in South Africa by A. R. Radcliffe- Brown (1924). By the 1930s, graduate students were becoming excited about the explanatory power of this new approach to the study of kinship. Radcliffe-Brown joined the faculty at Chicago and directly challenged the field. At about the same time, a new direction was being proposed that focused on ecological adjustment as an explanatory tool in understanding cultural history. In the mid- 1930s, Julian Steward submitted an article presenting an ecological argument about the nature of prehistoric Western Pueblo social organization to the American Anthropologist. Despite changes in the field, the journal was still firmly in the hands of the Boasian group, and they promptly rejected it as speculative. Unfazed, Steward published the article in a European journal, Anthropos, in 1937 (Steward 1937), and it became a classic addition to the anthropological literature. He attempted to explain the proposed shift from a patrilineal and patrilocal organization

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Fig. 12 A. V. Kidder, Jr. about age 5 in Marquette, MI. Photo courtesy of the Marquette Historical Museum to one typified by matrilineal descent and matrilocality based on the Puebloan shift from hunting and foraging to agriculture. Structural functionalism, ecological approaches, and even neoclassical evolutionary theory put forth by Leslie White at the University of Michigan were being debated. As a result, archaeology became increasingly out-of-step with general anthropology, leading to increased tension within the field. As a solution to the growing lack of communication, some departments of anthropology considered splitting archaeology off into its own academic home. The students, especially the graduate students, got caught in the middle. Archaeology students would go to classes in social anthropology and learn all about the dynamics of the segmentary lineage organization among the Nuer. They could see no utility for their own interests as cultural historians. Social anthropology students would go to their archaeology classes and be forced to memorize the sequence of pottery types in a region. In the years just before World War II, Clyde Kluckhohn began teaching a seminar at Harvard University on the problems with contemporary archaeology and what

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Fig. 13 Α. V. Kidder about age 60, photo courtesy of the Peabody Museum of Archaeology and Ethnology. Image no. 2004.1.123.1.29 might be done about it. He was a "reformed" archaeologist, having started his career in archaeology at the University of New Mexico. He turned his attention to the Navajo and joined the ranks of cultural anthropology. But he kept up with archaeology and remained interested in the field. He published a scathing review of American archaeology in 1940 (Kluckhohn 1940), asserting that it had become atheoretical and totally out-of-step with general anthropology. But this seems to have had little impact on the immediate archaeological arena. These interesting developments were interrupted by the outbreak of World War II. Walter W. Taylor, one of Kluckhohn 's students, had been allowed to incorporate his seminar paper into his doctoral dissertation to facilitate his completing his Ph.D. so he could go off to war with degree in hand. Taylor survived the war and returned and revised his dissertation for publication. In it, he reviewed what he felt was wrong with archaeology at that time and presented his cure: the conjunctive approach. Both the Society for American Archaeology and the American Anthropological Association in 1948 published it as a book entitled, A Study of Archaeology. Finally, American archaeologists began to pay attention to what I call the Kluckhohn-Taylor

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This content downloaded from 35.8.11.3 on Tue, 12 Apr 2016 00:23:16 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms Archaeology as Anthropology Revisited 97 attack. At first, the reaction was angry and dismissive. Taylor had done the unthinkable by naming names in a negative way. He attacked some of the most senior and respected members of the profession. There was a move to drum him out of the Society for American Archaeology, and he was obviously blackballed by the establishment. But very quickly, things began to change. The movements to split archaeology into separate units rapidly died away. Archaeologists got a second wind as they discovered they could join mainstream anthropology and explore the past with new eyes. Following discussions with Julian Steward, Gordon R. Willey designed a whole new approach to understanding past behavior and organization that he carried out in Virú Valley in Peru (Willey 1953). He called this new approach, settlement pattern archaeology, and it soon became a major tool for the archaeologist. Things turned around with great rapidity. In 1956, in a volume that Willey edited on settlement patterns in the Americas (Willey 1956). Haury, the senior cultural historian of the prehistoric Southwest, made an astounding statement. He asserted that, "...inference as to the non-material aspects of archaeological groups must be as much a part of our reports as is the description of architecture and pottery." In 1950, Martin and Rinaldo had published their attempt to reconstruct Mogollon social organization. The fabulous 1950s heralded major change in the direction of archaeology within anthropology. Even ethnoarchaeology came back into fashion after 50 years of near absence. After decades of elders telling the archaeological youth that before we can address questions of past organization and behavior, we must work out the time- space dynamics, the culture history, the moment had arrived for trying the impossible. The rise of the New Archaeology was almost predictable following the developments I have just described. There was structural functionalism, ecological concern, and quantification along with Leslie Whiteian neo-classical evolutionism. It was the era of "Ceramic Sociology" and even a rediscovery of Durkheim for the archaeologist. There was no question about archaeology's place within anthropology. Social anthropologists even began citing some of the studies of the 1960s as the proper way to approach cultural historical questions of social change. A major and important correction to the New Archaeology emerged in the 1970s known as Behavioral Archaeology. These developments refined the accuracy of archaeological inference and turned our attention to a wide variety of new concerns about the formation of the archaeological record, artifact variability, and much more. But archaeology remained in its anthropological nexus. New understandings about the rise and fall of civilization, the beginnings of domestication, and even of pottery making were developed. Ethnoarchaeology became an important source of information that strengthened archaeological inference. So too did experimental archaeology, and these two approaches continue to provide important insights into the relationships between artifact variability and the behaviors and organizations of the people responsible. But the approach of archaeology continued to be scientific, if a bit more mellow in tone than the Boasian logical positivism of the past. But that persistent percussion that we have experienced before returned with a vengeance. This time, the drummer took a long time to reach archaeology. The first flams and paradiddles came out of architectural analysis and quickly spread to

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This content downloaded from 35.8.11.3 on Tue, 12 Apr 2016 00:23:16 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms 98 Longacre various literary studies and especially literary criticism. Postmodernism was born and ultimately reached the social sciences, including anthropology. For the postmodernist, logical positivism was an anathema! They argued that no scientist can possibly be unbiased - that all who undertake research do so with a skein of agenda, hidden or open. They dismissed the social anthropological work in east Africa by Evans-Pritchard and others as colonialist and at best suspect and probably worthless. They introduced the radical feminism of the era into cultural anthropology and taught us new concepts such as agency. Poetics became a way of exploring the insights of native peoples about their plights under the pressures of globalism and all the evils that entails. At first, the impact on anthropological archaeology was not great. By the mid- 1980s, there seemed to be only a few, shrill voices from across the sea that were beginning to march to that new drummer. They called their postmodernist archaeology, Postprocessual, signaling that they were the new wave, the true replacement for the combine of the New and Behavioral Archaeology that some had labeled, processual. They were dismissive of the "myths" of a scientific approach and argued that anyone could read and deconstruct the text of the past. They introduced us to the works of important theorists such as Foucault. As the postmodernist critique became more important for cultural anthropologists, archaeology became more marginalized in many departments. Indeed, the American Anthropologist became devoted to postmodern approaches and ceased most publication of articles about archaeology. Instead, one was more likely to find essays on poetics and even pages of poetry. In an episode of déjà vu all over again, archaeologists began to cancel their membership in the American Anthropological Association as they could not enjoy the new directions in the journal. Membership in the Archaeology Division plummeted, this even though many archaeologists were adopting some parts of the postmodern critique without fanfare. One very positive impact was the engendering the past movement of recent decades. A number of important contribution to the study of gender issues in the past resulted (Conkey and Wylie 2007). There was broad acceptance and acclaim for these additions to the archaeological literature, which are directly related to postmodernism. But there was not broad acceptance of the sometimes rather shrill assertions of "Postprocessualism." Unfortunately, a number of cultural anthropologists became radicalized and refused to even discuss issues with anyone they identified as a logical positivist. In some departments, archaeologists and biological anthropologists and even some linguists became unwelcome and not even tolerated members. This situation has led to the breakup of some of the premier departments in the country. Again, we reached that familiar brink where archaeology might not fit any longer in anthropology. But, as in the past, we seem to have moved back from the brink and face an anthropological future once again. Indeed, during the first decade of the new century, increasing numbers of archaeologists began to make use of new and powerful ideas prevalent in cultural anthropology. Perhaps, among the most important of these is the concept of "agency." It soon became one of the most widely used theoretical notions and moved archaeology closer to the comfortable folds of anthropology. A special two-issue publication of this journal was produced to showcase a number of highly successful examples of the use of

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This content downloaded from 35.8.11.3 on Tue, 12 Apr 2016 00:23:16 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms Archaeology as Anthropology Revisited 99 agency theory in archaeology (Dobres and Robb 2005). An earlier overview of the potential of agency theory was also published in this journal (Dorman 2002). Today, we have a number of competing theories in archaeology that provide a wide range of choice in doing archaeology. Unlike earlier times, as new theory is introduced, it joins an ever-larger suite of conceptual approaches. Now, we have a number of them, rather than the dominant two or three of recent times. They range from practice theory to materiality and have been extensively reviewed by Skibo and Schiffer (2008:1-31). There was a flowering of theory in archaeology during this first decade. Some of it was new and others reflected new, more refined versions of earlier contributions. But all of it, I argue, fits within the domain of anthropological interests. Why then is there a falling away in membership by archaeologists in the Archaeology Division of the American Anthropological Association? We should be seeing just the opposite movement in membership. There is probably no simple answer to this problem. It may be that members are reluctant to submit articles to the main journal in a self-fulfilling prophecy that archaeology will not be accepted for publication. Or it may be that the new pricing structure makes membership too expensive. I expect this to gradually change and a robust membership in the Archaeology Division will return. These are exciting times in the history of archaeology. Never have we had a situation where there are such a number of powerful theories to stimulate our research. I believe it is a future holding great excitement and promise and one that will continue to support my thesis that archaeology is indeed anthropology, agreeing with Willey and Philips that perhaps otherwise it is nothing.

Acknowledgements I thank Carol Gifford for her excellent editorial suggestions. I thank the officers of the Archaeology Division, 1991: D. Nichols; W. Dolle; C. Costin, and current president, J. Levy for encouragement along with J. Skibo and C. Cameron.

References

Binford, L. (1962). Archaeology as anthropology. American Antiquity, 28(2), 217-225. Buettner-Janusch, J. (1957). Boas and mason: particularism versus generalization. American Anthropol- ogist, 59, 3 18-324. Colton, H. S., & Hargrave, L. (1937). Handbook of Northern Arizona pottery wares. Museum of Northern Arizona Bulletin No. 11. Conkey, M., & Wylie, A. (special editors) (2007). Gender in archaeology. Journal of Archaeological Method and Theory, 14,3. Dobres, M., & Robb, J. (Eds.) (2005). Special issue on agency and archaeology of this journal, Vol 12, No. 3. Dorman, J. (2002). Agency and archaeology: past, present and future directions. JAMT, 9(4), 303-329. Fewkes, J. (1893). A-wa-to-bi: an archaeological verification of a Tusakyan legend. American Anthropologist (o.s.), 6, 363-375. Gilespie, S., Nichols, D. (eds) (2003) Archaeology is Anthropology. Archaeological Papers of the American Anthropological Association, No. 1 3 Gladwin, W., & Gladwin, H. (1934). A method for the designation of cultures and their variations. Medallion papers, No. 15. Globe: Gila Pueblo Archaeological Foundation. Kidder, A. (1924). An Introduction to the Study of Southwestern Archaeology with a preliminary account of the excavations at Pecos Pueblo. New Haven: Yale University Press. Kluckhohn, C. (1940). The conceptual structure in middle American studies. In C. Hay, R. Linton, S. Lothrop, H. Shapiro, & C. Valiant (Eds.), The Maya and their neighbors (pp. 41-51). New York: Appleton-Century.

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Longacre, W. (1963). Archaeology as anthropology: A case study. Ph.D. Dissertation, Department of Anthropology, University of Chicago. Longacre, W. (1999). Why did the BAE hire an architect? Journal of the Southwest, 41, 359-369. Lyman, R. (2007). Archaeology's quest for a seat at the high table of anthropology. Journal of Anthropological Archaeology, 26(2), 133-149. McKern, W. (1939). The Midwestern taxonomic method as an aid to archaeological culture study. American Antiquity, 4, 301-313. Mindeleff, V. (1891). A study of pueblo architecture in Tusayan and Cibola. Annual Report of the Bureau of Ethnology, No. 8, pp. 3-228.6 Mindeleff, C. ( 1 900). Localization of Tusayan Clans. Annual Reports of the Bureau of American Ethnology, 19, 638-653. Morgan, L. (1851). League of the Ho-dé-no-sau-nee, or Iroquois. Rochester: Sage. Morgan, L. (1868). The American beaver and his works. Philadelphia: J. B. Lippincott and Co. Morgan, L. (1870). Systems of consanguinity and affinity of the human family. Washington, D.C: Smithsonian Institution. Morgan, L. (1877). Ancient society, or researches in the lines of human progress from savagery through Barbarism to civilization. New York: Holt. Morgan, L. (1881). Houses and house-life of the American aborigines. Washington, D.C: U.S. Government Printing Office. Radcliffe-Brown, A. (1924). The mother's brother in South Africa. South African Journal of Science, 2, 542-555. Skibo, J., & Schiffer, M. (2008). People and things: a behavioral approach to material culture. New York: Springer. Steward, J. (1937). Ecological aspects of southwestern society. Anthropos, 32, 87-104. Taylor, W. (1948). A study of archaeology. Memoirs of the American Anthropological Association, No. 69. Willey, G. R. (1953). Prehistoric settlement patterns in the Viru' Valley, Peru. BAE Bulletin it 155. Washington, D.C: U.S. Government Printing Office. Willey, G. R. (1956) Prehistoric Settlement Patterns in the New World. Viking Fund Publications in Anthropology, No.23. New York: Wenner-Gren Foundation for Anthropological Research. Worster, D. (2001). A river running West: The life of John Wesley Powell. New York: Oxford University Press.

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This content downloaded from 35.8.11.3 on Tue, 12 Apr 2016 00:23:16 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms 4/11/2016 How ISIS Built the Machinery of Terror Under Europe’s Gaze The New York Times

http://nyti.ms/1SsSAQn

EUROPE How ISIS Built the Machinery of Terror Under Europe’s Gaze

“Be brave,” Dad said, embracing him.

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Mr. Hame was sent out by a body inside the Islamic State that was obsessed with striking Europe for at least two years before the deadly assaults in Paris last November and in Brussels this month. In that time, the group dispatched a string of operatives trained in Syria, aiming to carry out small attacks meant to test and stretch Europe’s security apparatus even as the most deadly assaults were in the works, according to court proceedings, interrogation transcripts and records of European wiretaps obtained by The New York Times.

Officials now say the signs of this focused terrorist machine were readable in Europe as far back as early 2014. Yet local authorities repeatedly discounted each successive plot, describing them as isolated or random acts, the connection to the Islamic State either overlooked or played down.

“This didn’t all of a sudden pop up in the last six months,” said Michael T. Flynn, a retired Army lieutenant general who ran the Defense Intelligence Agency from 2012 to 2014. “They have been contemplating external attacks ever since the group moved into Syria in 2012.”

Mr. Hame was arrested in Paris last August, before he could strike, one of at least 21 trained operatives who succeeded in slipping back into Europe. Their interrogation records offer a window into the origins and evolution of an Islamic State branch responsible for killing hundreds of people in Paris, Brussels and beyond.

European officials now know that Dad, Mr. Hame’s handler, was none other than Abdelhamid Abaaoud, the Belgian operative who selected and trained fighters for plots in Europe and who returned himself to oversee the Paris attack, the deadliest terrorist strike on European soil in over a decade.

The people in Mr. Abaaoud’s external operations branch were also behind the Brussels attacks, as well as a foiled attack in a suburb of Paris last week, and others are urgently being sought, Belgian and French officials say.

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“It’s a factory over there,” Mr. Hame warned his interlocutors from France’s intelligence service after his arrest. “They are doing everything possible to strike France, or else Europe.”

Missing the Connections

For much of 2012 and 2013, the jihadist group that eventually became the Islamic State, also known as ISIS or ISIL, was putting down roots in Syria. Even as the group began aggressively recruiting foreigners, especially Europeans, policy makers in the United States and Europe continued to see it as a lowerprofile branch of Al Qaeda that was mostly interested in gaining and governing territory.

One of the first clues that the Islamic State was getting into the business of international terrorism came at 12:10 p.m. on Jan. 3, 2014, when the Greek police pulled over a taxi in the town of Orestiada, less than four miles from the Turkish border. Inside was a 23yearold French citizen named Ibrahim Boudina, who was returning from Syria. In his luggage, the officers found 1,500 euros, or almost $1,700, and a French document titled “How to Make Artisanal Bombs in the Name of Allah.”

But there was no warrant for his arrest in Europe, so the Greeks let him go, according to court records detailing the French investigation.

Mr. Boudina was already on France’s watch list, part of a cell of 22 men radicalized at a mosque in the resort city of Cannes. When French officials were notified about the Greek traffic stop, they were already wiretapping his friends and relatives. Several weeks later, Mr. Boudina’s mother received a call from a number in Syria. Before hanging up, the unknown caller informed her that her son had been “sent on a mission,” according to a partial transcript of the call.

The police set up a perimeter around the family’s apartment near Cannes,

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arresting Mr. Boudina on Feb. 11, 2014.

In a utility closet in the same building, they found three Red Bull soda cans filled with 600 grams of TATP, the temperamental peroxidebased explosive that would later be used to deadly effect in Paris and Brussels.

It was not until nearly two years later, on Page 278 of a 359page sealed court filing, that investigators revealed an important detail: Mr. Boudina’s Facebook chats placed him in Syria in late 2013, at the scene of a major battle fought by a group calling itself the Islamic State in Iraq and Syria.

According to a brief by France’s domestic intelligence agency, he was the first European citizen known to have traveled to Syria, joined the Islamic State and returned with the aim of committing terrorism. Yet his ties to the group were buried in French paperwork and went unconnected to later cases.

Including Mr. Boudina, at least 21 fighters trained by the Islamic State in Syria have been dispatched back to Europe with the intention of causing mass murder, according to a Times count based on records from France’s domestic intelligence agency. The fighters arrived in a steady trickle, returning alone or in pairs at the rate of one every two to three months throughout 2014 and the first part of 2015.

Like the killers in Paris and Brussels, all of these earlier operatives were French speakers — mostly French and Belgian citizens, alongside a handful of immigrants from former French colonies, including Morocco.

They were arrested in Italy, Spain, Belgium, France, Greece, Turkey and Lebanon with plans to attack Jewish businesses, police stations and a carnival parade. They tried to open fire on packed train cars and on church congregations. In their possession were box cutters and automatic weapons, walkietalkies and disposable cellphones, as well as the chemicals to make TATP.

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Most of them failed. And in each instance, officials failed to catch — or at least to flag to colleagues — the men’s ties to the nascent Islamic State.

In one of the highestprofile instances, Mehdi Nemmouche returned from Syria via Frankfurt and made his way by car to Brussels, where on May 24, 2014, he opened fire inside the Jewish Museum of Belgium, killing four people. Even when the police found a video in his possession, in which he claimed responsibility for the attack next to a flag bearing the words “Islamic State of Iraq and Syria,” Belgium’s deputy prosecutor, Ine Van Wymersch, dismissed any connection.

“He probably acted alone,” she told reporters at the time.

Though the degree to which the operatives were being directed by the Islamic State might have been unclear at first, a name began to appear in each successive investigation: Abdelhamid Abaaoud, a Belgian citizen who counterterrorism officials say rose through the ranks to become a lieutenant of the Islamic State’s external operations efforts.

In the months before the Jewish museum attack, Mr. Nemmouche’s phone records reveal that he made a 24minute call to Mr. Abaaoud, according to a 55page report by the French National Police’s antiterror unit in the aftermath of the Paris attacks.

“All of the signals were there,” said Michael S. Smith II, a counterterrorism analyst whose firm, Kronos Advisory, began briefing the United States government in 2013 on ISIS’ aspirations to strike Europe. “For anyone paying attention, these signals became deafening by mid2014.”

It was in the summer of 2014 that the link to the terrorist organization’s hierarchy became explicit.

On June 22 of that year, a 24yearold French citizen named Faiz Bouchrane, who had trained in Syria, was smuggled into neighboring

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Lebanon. He was planning to blow himself up at a Shiite target, and during interrogation, he let slip the name of the man who had ordered him to carry out the operation: Abu Muhammad alAdnani.

Mr. Adnani is the spokesman for ISIS and is considered one of its most senior members. Just a few days after Mr. Bouchrane checked into a budget hotel in Beirut, Mr. Adnani released an audio recording announcing the establishment of the caliphate.

“Adnani reportedly leads the external operations planning of the Islamic State,” said Matthew G. Olsen, the former director of the National Counterterrorism Center.

Intelligence officials in the United States and Europe have confirmed the broad outlines of the external operations unit: It is a distinct body inside ISIS, with its commandandcontrol structure answering to Mr. Adnani, who reports to Abu Bakr alBaghdadi, the selfproclaimed caliph of the Islamic State.

The unit identifies recruits, provides training, hands out cash and arranges for the delivery of weapons once fighters are in position. Although the unit’s main focus has been Europe, external attacks directed by ISIS or those acting in its name have been even more deadly beyond Europe’s shores. At least 650 people have been killed in the group’s attacks on sites popular with Westerners, including in Turkey, Egypt and Tunisia, according to a Times analysis.

Within the hierarchy, Mr. Abaaoud was specifically tasked with mounting attacks in Europe, according to the French police report and intelligence brief.

“Abaaoud, known as Abou Omar, was the principal commander of future attacks in Europe,” Nicolas Moreau, a French jihadist who was arrested last year, told his French interrogators, according to the report by France’s antiterror police. “He was in charge of vetting the applications of future

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candidates.”

Pacing Attacks

In an audio recording released on Sept. 22, 2014, Mr. Adnani, the ISIS spokesman and chief of the external operations wing, addressed the West.

“We will strike you in your homeland,” he promised, calling on Muslims everywhere to kill Europeans, “especially the spiteful and filthy French.” And he urged them to do it in any manner they could: “Smash his head with a rock, or slaughter him with a knife, or run him over with your car,” he said, according to a translation provided by the SITE Intelligence Group, which monitors extremist propaganda.

In the months that followed, a man decapitated his employer near the French city of Lyon, sending a snapshot of the severed head to the Islamic State. Another man stormed a police station in Paris, carrying a butcher’s knife and a photocopy of the Islamic State’s flag.

These are among around two dozen plots linked to the Islamic State that were documented in the year after Mr. Adnani’s speech. In most, there were no direct operational ties back to Syria, but there were clear signs that the attacker had consumed the terrorist group’s propaganda online.

The low potency of these attacks, with singledigit death tolls, combined with the fact that many of the perpetrators had a history of mental illness, prompted analysts and officials to conclude that the Islamic State remained a distant second to Al Qaeda in its ability to carry out attacks on Western soil.

Experts now believe that the Islamic State was actually adopting a strategy first put forward by an earlier operations leader for Al Qaeda, who argued that the group would become obsolete if it worked only on 9/11size plots that took months or years to mount. He instead called for Al Qaeda to also carry out a patter of small and mediumsize plots, and to use propaganda to inspire self

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directed attacks by supporters overseas.

In a recent issue of its online magazine in French, Dar alIslam, the Islamic State explained the approach, citing a study first published on the French security blog, kurultay.fr. “The Islamic State has deployed its resources to generate three types of terrorist attacks,” the study states, specifying that they include largescale plots coordinated by the group’s leaders, down to “isolated actions of selfradicalized people, who have absolutely no direct contact with ISIS, and yet who will consciously act in its name.”

The same study says the group’s method for carrying out jihad in Europe involves an adaptation of Auftragstaktik, a combat doctrine within the German Army in the 19th century. Those tactical guidelines call for commanders to give subordinates a goal and a time frame in which to accomplish it, but otherwise to give them the freedom to execute it.

The Islamic State quotes the blog, explaining that the terror group adopted the system to give recruits “complete tactical autonomy,” with few fingerprints that could be tracked back to the group, and “no micromanaging.”

The Recruit Pipeline

By early 2015, the Islamic State’s external operations branch had personnel dedicated to spending their days in Internet cafes in Syria pumping out propaganda, aimed both at inciting lonewolf attacks and at luring new recruits.

Among the people who took the bait was Reda Hame, the young technology professional from Paris, who later told investigators that he had joined in hope of fighting to bring down President Bashar alAssad of Syria. Instead, upon arriving in Syria in June 2015, he walked directly into the Islamic State’s pipeline for foreign attacks.

During his intake interview in Raqqa, Syria, in June 2015, the Islamic

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State administrator taking notes on a computer across from him expressed satisfaction when he learned that Mr. Hame was from Paris and had a background in technology, according to his lengthy account to France’s domestic intelligence agency, the Direction Générale de la Sécurité Intérieure, or D.G.S.I. The details were recorded in more than 16 hours of questioning, according to a transcript obtained by The Times and first reported on by the French newspaper Le Monde.

Days later, a man wearing a mask called Mr. Hame outside, told him to lie down in the bed of a pickup truck and covered him with a tarp. He was warned to keep his eyes lowered and not to look out.

They drove at high speed, and when the truck stopped, a fighter speaking Arabic directed him to a sport utility vehicle idling nearby, its tinted windows obscuring its occupants. When Mr. Hame opened the door to the back seat, the driver said, “Monte devant,” French for “Get in the front.”

The driver, Mr. Hame said, was Mr. Abaaoud, by then considered the most wanted terrorist in Europe. As they drove through the Syrian countryside, the future architect of the Paris attacks explained to Mr. Hame that if he faced the enemies of Islam alone, he would receive double the reward in heaven.

“He asked me if I was interested in going abroad,” Mr. Hame told investigators. “He said to imagine a rock concert in a European country — if you were given a weapon, would you be ready to open fire on the crowd?”

When Mr. Hame reiterated that he wanted to fight the Assad government instead, Mr. Abaaoud became terse. “He said he would show me those wounded in the war and buildings that had been destroyed, so that I would realize how lucky I was to be sent back to France rather than stay to fight here,” Mr. Hame recounted.

Videos released by the Islamic State after the Paris attacks in November

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included footage of eight of the 10 attackers while they were still in territory the terrorist group controlled in Iraq and Syria. They announced that they were acting on the orders of Mr. Baghdadi, the caliph of the Islamic State, and then proceeded to shoot or behead a captive, most of them in grotesquely choreographed scenes shot against a desert backdrop, according to the footage archived by the SITE Intelligence Group.

Officials have deduced that the footage was filmed between February and September 2015, suggesting the Paris attacks were being planned months before they took place. It is now known that at the same time Mr. Abaaoud was laying the groundwork for the devastating plot, he was recruiting, cajoling and training Mr. Hame and others for smaller, quickhit attacks.

The night they met, Mr. Abaaoud dropped off Mr. Hame at a house in Raqqa with a white gate, according to the transcript. He said he would come for Mr. Hame the next morning, and warned him that if he did not agree to the mission, his passport, which was about to expire, would be given to another recruit who would go to Europe in his place.

When Mr. Abaaoud returned the next day, his face was covered with a brown scarf with slits for his eyes. He wore a holstered handgun. “He told me that he was now going to explain the mission to me,” Mr. Hame said after his arrest, describing how the discussion occurred in the senior operative’s speeding vehicle. “He told me I didn’t have a lot of time; he said he was just waiting for the confirmation of his emir. I told him that I would go.”

Accelerated Training

Mr. Hame said his training began about a 30minute drive from Raqqa, in a villa that acted as Mr. Abaaoud’s classroom. There, the senior operative demonstrated how to load a Kalashnikov rifle. When Mr. Hame tried, he jammed his thumb in the metal, hurting himself. Mr. Abaaoud made him repeat the exercise again and again.

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The next day, Mr. Abaaoud drove Mr. Hame to a park covered in dry grass for target practice. Throughout the lesson, Mr. Abaaoud repeatedly lost his temper, annoyed by his recruit’s lack of skill.

“He yelled at me because when I was shooting in volleys, it went into the air,” Mr. Hame recounted. “He made me practice a lot, to the point that the grass caught fire.”

The instructor appeared even more on edge during the third and final day of Mr. Hame’s military training, when he drew a silhouette on the wall of an abandoned building and demonstrated how to throw a grenade. Inexperienced and struggling in the suffocating heat, Mr. Hame did not throw it far enough and was cut by shrapnel. Only when Mr. Abaaoud saw him bleeding did he relent, driving his student to a nearby clinic to be bandaged.

At night, Mr. Hame was dropped off at an apartment in Raqqa that appeared to be a dormitory for members of the external operations branch. One room served as an arsenal, with stacks of suicide belts, jugs of explosives, body armor and combat boots. The other recruits were also French speakers, including a man who said he had been training for eight months. He and Mr. Hame were told to team up by Mr. Abaaoud, who decided to send them back to Europe the same day.

They were among the many pawns that Mr. Abaaoud was positioning across the Continent.

If Mr. Hame was not handy with weapons, he had other qualities that were attractive to the Islamic State: He had a French passport and had worked as a computer technician for Astrium, a subsidiary of the French aeronautics giant Airbus. It was at least the second time that Mr. Abaaoud had chosen a fighter with information technology credentials: Sid Ahmed Ghlam, who was dispatched last April to attack churches in France, was in the second year of a fiveyear computer science program, according to news reports.

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The final phase of Mr. Hame’s training took place at an Internet cafe in Raqqa, where an Islamic State computer specialist handed him a USB key. It contained CCleaner, a program used to erase a user’s online history on a given computer, as well as TrueCrypt, an encryption program that was widely available at the time and that experts say has not yet been cracked.

The external operations unit was on a drive to improve its operational security after months of embarrassing failures.

Working on Security

More than a year and a half earlier, the wouldbe Cannes bomber, Ibrahim Boudina, had tried to erase the previous three days of his search history, according to details in his court record, but the police were still able to recover it. They found that Mr. Boudina had been researching how to connect to the Internet via a secure tunnel and how to change his I.P. address.

Though he may have been aware of the risk of discovery, perhaps he was not worried enough.

Mr. Boudina had been sloppy enough to keep using his Facebook account, and his voluminous chat history allowed French officials to determine his allegiance to the Islamic State. Wiretaps of his friends and relatives, later detailed in French court records obtained by The Times and confirmed by security officials, further outlined his plot, which officials believe was going to target the annual carnival on the French Riviera.

Mr. Hame, in contrast, was given strict instructions on how to communicate. After he used TrueCrypt, he was to upload the encrypted message folder onto a Turkish commercial data storage site, from where it would be downloaded by his handler in Syria. He was told not to send it by email, most likely to avoid generating the metadata that records details like the point of origin and destination, even if the content of the missive is illegible.

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Mr. Hame described the website as “basically a dead inbox.”

The ISIS technician told Mr. Hame one more thing: As soon as he made it back to Europe, he needed to buy a second USB key, and transfer the encryption program to it. USB keys are encoded with serial numbers, so the process was not unlike a robber switching getaway cars.

“He told me to copy what was on the key and then throw it away,” Mr. Hame explained. “That’s what I did when I reached Prague.”

Mr. Abaaoud was also fixated on cellphone security. He jotted down the number of a Turkish phone that he said would be left in a building in Syria, but close enough to the border to catch the Turkish cell network, according to Mr. Hame’s account. Mr. Abaaoud apparently figured investigators would be more likely to track calls from Europe to Syrian phone numbers, and might overlook calls to a Turkish one.

Next to the number, Mr. Abaaoud scribbled “Dad.”

Mr. Hame was instructed to make his way back to Paris, employing an itinerary that mimicked the journey of a backpacker on a summer holiday: He was to travel to Istanbul and spend a few days wandering the streets of the tourist district around Taksim Square.

Then he was to fly to Prague and buy a Czech SIM card. He would again check into a hotel, pretend to be a tourist and leave quick missed calls on Mr. Abaaoud’s Turkish phone number. The record of the call would be Mr. Abaaoud’s notification of his trainee’s progress. Mr. Hame was expected to repeat the procedure for each leg of his journey, including in Amsterdam and then Brussels, before returning by train to Paris.

Once Islamic State leaders knew that Mr. Hame had made it home, they would use the encryption and the Turkish drop box to coordinate further instructions, he said.

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The mission began on the morning of June 12, when Mr. Abaaoud drove Mr. Hame and a second recruit to the Turkish border. Both had USB keys with TrueCrypt, and each was handed €2,000, in €500 bills, Mr. Hame said. Both had the same general agenda — to hit a soft target in Europe — but they were instructed to take separate paths, with Mr. Hame returning to France while the second recruit was headed to Spain.

But Mr. Hame’s comrade was picked up after he flew to Spain, and under interrogation, he divulged Mr. Hame’s plan as well. After being notified, the French police tracked Mr. Hame to his mother’s apartment in Paris. Behind a couch, they found his USB stick from the Islamic State, and in his bag a piece of paper showing his login credentials for TrueCrypt. They arrested and began interrogating him last August, almost three months to the day before the worst terrorist attack in French history.

In many ways, it was another clear failure for the Islamic State’s operational security. Mr. Hame agreed to cooperate with investigators, and confirmed that the group was bent on attacking in Europe and was already interested in picking out a concert hall to strike.

Yet many aspects of the group’s security protocol were working. In the end, Mr. Hame had few specifics he could share with the authorities. He did not know the names or even the nationalities of the other operatives he had met; they had been introduced to him only by their aliases.

Two of Mr. Abaaoud’s other small plots around the same time did not go any better. Sid Ahmed Ghlam was ordered by Mr. Abaaoud to open fire on a church in Villejuif, south of Paris, according to the report by France’s antiterrorism police. Instead, he shot himself in the leg. Ayoub El Khazzani, the other attacker sent by Mr. Abaaoud, was tackled by passengers after his weapon jammed while he tried to open fire inside a highspeed Thalys train last August, officials said.

Though they failed, the thwarted plots kept counterterrorism officials

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stretched thin in the months before the November attacks in Paris.

“It served to put all of our agencies on edge,” said France’s chief antiterrorism judge, Marc Trévidic, who debriefed Mr. Hame, Mr. Ghlam and Mr. Khazzani before retiring last summer. “Just like a smoke screen, it allowed them to calmly prepare.”

A Signature Explosive

Among the clearest signs of the Islamic State’s growing capacity for terrorist attacks is its progress in making and deploying bombs containing triacetone triperoxide, or TATP.

The white explosive powder was found in the suicide belts of the Paris attackers and in the suitcases of the Brussels bombers, as well as in two other ISISled plots in 2014 and 2015.

Before ISIS, Al Qaeda repeatedly tried, but mostly failed, to deploy TATP bombs, starting in 2001 when Richard Reid tried to destroy an American Airlines flight by sneaking TATP onboard in the sole of his shoe. He was thwarted when the fuse failed to ignite.

TATP has become terrorists’ goto explosive in Europe because the main ingredients, acetone and hydrogen peroxide, can be found in common household goods like nail polish remover and hair bleach, experts say.

But while the building blocks are easy to come by, TATP is difficult to make, because the ingredients are unstable once combined and can easily detonate if they are mishandled. Over at least two years, Islamic State operatives were working to get it right.

The three bombs found in Mr. Boudina’s building near Cannes in 2014 were beverage cans filled with the explosive powder and wrapped in black tape, according to the French court filing in the case.

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Though he had successfully cooked the explosive, Mr. Boudina was still struggling to set it off. He had jammed a filament into a cavity in the body of each can, most likely to use as a crude fuse, investigators concluded. However, the online searches he had conducted on his laptop just before his arrest indicated that he did not know how to make the final component. He searched “how to make a remote detonator,” “detonation by cellphone,” and finally “where to buy firecrackers?”

By comparison, the team sent from Syria to carry out the Paris assaults in November had ironed out the final details.

Two months before those attacks, the man suspected of handling logistics for the assailants, Salah Abdeslam, stopped by a fireworks shop northeast of Paris to buy a mechanism used to detonate fireworks from a distance, according to the French prosecutor. The Firework Magician shop’s inhouse lawyer, Frédéric Zajac, remembered little about the young man with a Belgian accent, except that “unlike other clients, he didn’t ask questions about how it all worked.”

Mr. Abdeslam is believed to be the only direct participant in the assaults to have survived, and he was arrested last week in Belgium after a continentwide manhunt.

The attackers he had been helping successfully detonated their suicide belts in seven locations in Paris, indicating that the group had mastered both how to mix the compound and how to set it off.

“To be able to assemble it safely, and to detonate it repeatedly, suggests a more organized effort,” said Michael Marks, a retired Naval Criminal Investigative Service special agent who was the postblast investigator on the Navy destroyer Cole. “It suggests a network.”

That network stretched like a web across Europe to at least a dozen other accomplices, including a cell holed up in an apartment in the Brussels

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neighborhood of Schaerbeek, where two other teams of Islamic State fighters prepared the bombs detonated last week in Brussels Airport and a metro station.

The overpowering odor that comes with refining and storing TATP was noticed by the building’s owner weeks before the bombings, Belgian officials said, but he did not report it until after the attacks.

While each of the explosive vests used in Paris in November had about a pound of finished TATP, the bombs used at the departure terminal of the airport and inside a subway car in Brussels are estimated to have weighed 30 to 60 pounds each, according to Claude Moniquet, a veteran of France’s intelligence service who now heads the European Strategic Intelligence and Security Center.

That marked another level of achievement in making the explosive: The higher the volume of TATP, the more volatile it becomes.

The attacks last week could have been worse: Inside the attackers’ apartment were more of the precursor ingredients used to make the explosive — nearly 40 gallons of acetone and eight gallons of hydrogen peroxide — as well as a suitcase containing over 30 pounds of readytogo TATP, according to the Belgian police.

The one thing the attackers had not thought of was that the taxi they called to take them to the airport had room for only three suitcases, so they abandoned the fourth upstairs, Mr. Moniquet said.

Their taxi driver told the Belgian newspaper DH that the customers had refused to let him help them load the heavy bags, and that during the drive to the airport, they sat in tense silence.

The driver could not help but notice a strong odor wafting into the taxi from the sealed trunk.

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Correction: April 5, 2016 An article last Tuesday about the ways in which the Islamic State built its terrorist machine to attack Europe referred incorrectly to information about its planning that the group posted on Dar alIslam, its online French magazine. As the Islamic State noted in its post, the information came from a study first published on the French security blog kurultay.fr; it was not the Islamic State’s original explanation about its tactics in planning terrorist attacks. Reporting was contributed by David E. Sanger and Eric Schmitt from Washington, Laure Fourquet and Aurelien Breeden from Paris, Katrin Bennhold from London, Andrew Higgins from Brussels, and Runa Sandvik from New York. Alain Delaquérière and Karen Yourish contributed research.

A version of this article appears in print on March 29, 2016, on page A1 of the New York edition with the headline: Long Before Brussels, ISIS Sent Terror Operatives to Europe.

http://www.nytimes.com/2016/03/29/world/europe/isisattacksparisbrussels.html 18/18 4/11/2016 ISIS Detainee’s Information Led to 2 U.S. Airstrikes, Officials Say The New York Times

http://nyti.ms/24QKmsc

MIDDLE EAST ISIS Detainee’s Information Led to 2 U.S. Airstrikes, Officials Say

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Under interrogation, Mr. Afari told his captors how the group had weaponized sulfur mustard and loaded it into artillery shells, the officials said. Based on information from Mr. Afari, the United Statesled air campaign conducted one strike against a weapons production plant in Mosul, Iraq, and another against a “tactical unit” near Mosul that was believed to be related to the program, the officials said.

Pentagon officials refused to publicly acknowledge the capture and interrogation of Mr. Afari, saying that they did not want to reveal details of what the American Special Operations team is doing in Iraq. But, “We know they have used chemical weapons in both Iraq and Syria,” a Pentagon spokesman, Capt. Jeff Davis, said on Wednesday, referring to the Islamic State. “This is a group that does not observe international norms.”

Captain Davis said “in large doses” the sulfur mustard agent “can certainly kill,” citing a case last year of a Syrian baby who died after a chemical attack unleashed by the Islamic State on her home in northern Syria.

Dozens of people in the northern Iraqi town of Taza suffered from respiratory and skin irritation after a mortar and rocket barrage there by Islamic State militants, in what local officials said on Wednesday was a chemical attack.

“Forty cases have been transferred to Kirkuk General Hospital, with four critical cases among them,” said Muhammad alMussawi, the head of the Popular Mobilization Forces in the Kirkuk area, including Taza.

The Islamic State has kept up heavy bombardment of the area around Taza for at least three months. But a local security official, speaking on the condition of anonymity because he was not authorized to brief the news media, said this was the first time a chemical attack on the village was suspected, given the number of people who were ill immediately after the bombardment. He said he believed the attack used chlorine gas, though there was no one to independently confirm that.

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The United States has long suspected the Islamic State of using sulfur mustard, a chemical warfare agent, and last year officials said that they confirmed the presence of the mustard gas on fragments of ordnance used in Islamic State attacks in Syria and Iraq. Laboratory tests, which were also performed on scraps of clothing from victims, showed the presence of a partly degraded form of distilled sulfur mustard, an internationally banned substance that burns a victim’s skin, breathing passages and eyes.

Chemical warfare agents, broadly condemned and banned by most nations under international convention, are indiscriminate. They are also difficult to defend against without specialized equipment, which many of the Islamic State’s foes in Iraq and Syria lack. The agents are worrisome as potential terrorist weapons, even though chlorine and blister agents are typically less lethal than bullets, shrapnel or explosives.

It was unclear how the Islamic State obtained sulfur mustard, a banned substance with a narrow chemical warfare application. Both the former government in Iraq of Saddam Hussein and the current government in Syria at one point possessed chemical warfare programs.

Mr. Afari was captured last month by a new Special Operations force made up primarily of Delta Force commandos shortly after they arrived in Iraq. They are the first major American combat force on the ground there since the United States pulled out of the country at the end of 2011.

Two weeks after his capture military officials notified the International Committee of the Red Cross, which monitors the treatment of prisoners, that they were holding an Islamic State fighter. The Red Cross acknowledged in a statement on Tuesday that it had visited Mr. Afari but gave no other information.

The military’s assertion that Mr. Afari was part of Saddam Hussein’s Baathist program in the 1980s is not ironclad, based on details released so far. Mr. Afari is believed to be about 50, which would mean he was in his teens or

http://www.nytimes.com/2016/03/10/world/middleeast/isisdetaineemustardgas.html 3/5 4/11/2016 ISIS Detainee’s Information Led to 2 U.S. Airstrikes, Officials Say The New York Times

early 20s at the time.

Pentagon officials insist that the United States has no plans to hold Mr. Afari or any other prisoners for any length of time, and say that they will be handed over to Iraqi and Kurdish authorities after they have been interviewed. The officials say they do not intend to establish a longterm American facility to hold Islamic State prisoners, and Obama administration officials have ruled out sending any to the United States military prison at Guantánamo Bay, Cuba.

Until recently, the United States has largely targeted Islamic State fighters with airstrikes. But the 200member Special Operations team has been assigned to both kill and capture Islamic State operatives, the latter for use in gathering intelligence. Military officials said the team had set up safe houses and worked with Iraqi and Kurdish forces to establish informant networks and conduct raids on Islamic State leaders and other important militants.

Senior Defense Department officials say the model for handling Mr. Afari was a Delta Force raid last May, when two dozen American commandos from Iraq entered eastern Syria aboard Black Hawk helicopters and V22 Ospreys and killed Abu Sayyaf, described by American officials as the Islamic State’s emir for oil and gas. Abu Sayyaf’s wife, Umm Sayyaf, was captured and taken to a screening facility in northern Iraq, where she was questioned and detained. American forces seized laptops, cellphones and other materials from the site.

After being held for three months by the American authorities and providing them information, officials said, Umm Sayyaf was transferred in August to Kurdish custody. Last month, the Justice Department filed an arrest warrant charging her with conspiring to provide material support to the Islamic State in an offense that officials said resulted in the death of Kayla Mueller, the American aid worker who was killed in Syria in February 2014.

Omar AlJawoshy contributed reporting from Baghdad.

http://www.nytimes.com/2016/03/10/world/middleeast/isisdetaineemustardgas.html 4/5 4/11/2016 ISIS Detainee’s Information Led to 2 U.S. Airstrikes, Officials Say The New York Times

Follow The New York Times’s politics and Washington coverage on Facebook and Twitter, and sign up for the First Draft politics newsletter.

A version of this article appears in print on March 10, 2016, on page A9 of the New York edition with the headline: Detainee Helps U.S. Destroy Chemical Arms Held by ISIS .

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Perceptions of Archaeology Amongst Primary School Aged Children, Adelaide, South Australia Author(s): Tim Owen and Jody Steele Source: Australian Archaeology, No. 61, Teaching, Learning and Australian Archaeology (Dec., 2005), pp. 64-70 Published by: Australian Archaeological Association Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/40287814 Accessed: 12-04-2016 00:21 UTC

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This content downloaded from 35.8.11.3 on Tue, 12 Apr 2016 00:21:53 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms Perceptions of archaeology amongst primary school aged children, Adelaide, South Australia

Tim Owen1 and Jody Steele2

64 Australian Archaeology, Number 6 1 , 2005

This content downloaded from 35.8.11.3 on Tue, 12 Apr 2016 00:21:53 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms Tim Owen and Jody Steele

Background to the Fern Avenue public archaeology Methods programme Preparation The Fern Avenue Community Gardens Archaeology The class-based teaching was conducted within school Project (FACGAP) was based in Unley, approximately 3km property, in the dedicated classroom normally used by the southeast of Adelaide, South Australia. The archaeological class. An arrangement was made with each teacher during site was a late nineteenth century factory, The Fullarton Jam the scheduling for the schools programme, where one hour Factory (Owen and Steele 2000). The site was located in was dedicated to the in-class component. This class-based what is now a community garden, leased by the Unley teaching was always conducted prior to the site visit. The Council to a gardening group, Alternate 3 Inc. (A3). A3 had initial classroom-based approach was important as it divided the gardens (total dimensions 40m x 70m) into introduced the children to the archaeologists in an several plots where 'green' produce is grown. environment with which they were already familiar, thus The Jam Factory site was re-discovered by a local reducing the distractions and excitement associated with environmental conservation group (Green Corp) who new surroundings. started building a pond feature for A3 over the The authors had expressed the wish to teach the archaeological site. Their building work uncovered children without prior instruction by the class teachers. foundation walls and a large quantity of associated However, prior to our entering the classroom it was not artefacts. It was known locally that a jam factory was known what, if any, information was given to children by located on the Fern Avenue site, as a number of attempts their respective teachers. Nor was it possible to determine had been unsuccessfully made to locate a circular bucket the students' prior knowledge of archaeology, derived from well associated with the factory for use within the formal school teaching or mainstream media. It should be contemporary gardens. At the request of the Unley noted that any teacher-derived instruction could have Council and the Unley Museum, Flinders University biased the results of this study, however, no indication was Archaeology Department was invited to excavate on the provided during teaching, by either students or teachers, site. that formal archaeological instruction had been given prior Collaboration between the Unley Council and Flinders to our visit. University indicated that a public archaeology programme would permit the local community to become actively Questionnaires involved in the archaeological project. As such, the The primary objectives of the class-based lessons were archaeological programme was devised so that it could to: incorporate 'public activity' (Owen and Steele 2002). The • Gauge the students pre-teaching ideas about overall public archaeology programme saw in excess of archaeology (the results from which were used in this 1,500 members of the public visit the site during public research); open days and school visits. • Instruct the children on the basic premises of archaeology - correcting any inaccurate preconceived Overview and aim of the schools archaeology ideas; and programme • Prepare the students for the forthcoming site visit. The schools project was devised, implemented and taught by the authors and Kate Walker (Unley Museum). It was expected that by the end of the classroom lesson Every local primary school in the Unley area was invited students would have a basic understanding of the main to participate in the programme. The timeframe for the facets of archaeology in Australia, with a focus on schools programme was initially two full weeks during Australian historical archaeology. Basic rules and May 2000. Due to the popularity and demand for the restrictions placed upon the students for their site visit were programme, another week was added during the second also made clear at this point. excavation season (September 2000). Overall, the project At the project's inception it was decided that the best taught 583 children from 22 school classes - way to gauge the students' pre-existing knowledge of encompassing a total of 1 1 in-schools sessions and 22 on- archaeology was through a series of question sheets, which site sessions. were to be filled in by small groups of students at the start The principal aim of the school programme was to of each lesson. It was a requirement that the students were provide the children with a basic understanding of not provided with an archaeological understanding prior to archaeology - where the focus was on the methods filling out the question sheets. Therefore class sessions archaeologists use to gather information (i.e. background followed a prescribed order: an introduction to all of the research and excavation) and how archaeologists interpret tutors followed by a split of the class into groups of 6-8 this information to decipher past human activities. This aim children with one archaeologist per group. Each group was was addressed through two distinct components - class- then provided with two of four worksheets. The worksheets based teaching and site-based excavation and teaching. In were designed to gauge the students' general knowledge of school, archaeology was introduced to the children through archaeology and ask one additional question relating to interactive worksheets (the first of which can be described archaeology. as a questionnaire), a series of small group and whole class The four questions were: discussions and finally artefact analysis. On-site the 1 . What is archaeology? children were permitted to excavate under controlled 2. How do archaeologists look for and find conditions, draw artefacts they had excavated and follow an archaeological sites? interactive site trail (Owen and Steele 2002). The data used 3. What do archaeologists look for and find? in this study derives solely from the class-based teaching 4. Why do archaeologists look at peoples' old rubbish questionnaires. and buildings?

Australian Archaeology, Number 6 1 , 2005 ^5

The first worksheet given to every group was entitled Category % Affirmative Response 'What is archaeology?' while the remaining three worksheets were shuffled and distributed between the Artefacts, material, objects 97 groups. and other 'items' Each worksheet had sufficient space for the group of Digging or excavating 78 children to supply four responses to the header question. Research 78 The students were then asked the question by the attending Association with the word 'old' 63 archaeologist. Once an answer was supplied it was put for Mention of the past 41 discussion to the group and written by a child on the Mention of specific artefacts 25 questionnaire sheet. If any children had not been involved in (i.e. bones, tools) the discussion they were asked to supply the next response. Looking at standing structures 25 It is worthy of note that during the early sessions it was Mention of 'archaeological sites' 22 recognised that the majority of students confused History 19 palaeontology with archaeology and it was decided, Associated with the word 'ancient' 16 therefore, that before starting the activities it would be Antiquity of artefacts and sites 1 3 explained to the children that dinosaurs are studied by A career 13 palaeontologists, and the questions were only interested in Association with treasure (i.e. gold) 9 what archaeology was and what archaeologists studied. This Associated with museums 9 subsequently negated the inclusion of the answer Ethnography 6 'dinosaurs', 'fossils' etc from the results of the study. Although this method of teaching could be assessed at Table 1 Responses to the question: 'What is archaeology?' times as 'guiding' the students, it should be noted that such instruction was kept to an absolute minimum and that the aim of teaching was to provide students with an appropriate understanding of archaeology. When all questions were that nearly every response included an association with completed, an open forum amongst the students was general artefacts. Excavation, research and things in the conducted. This discussion ran through the questionnaire past featured among three-quarters of answers, whilst sheets - where students from each group were asked to read archaeological sites, standing structures (such as the out their favourite answers. The FACGAP archaeological pyramids) and specific artefacts only received a mention project was then introduced using more sheets designed to around 25% of the time. explain the archaeological site and processes involved with It appears that children have an understanding that excavation. archaeologists search for items associated with people who lived before their birth. Children also have a clear Analysis understanding that archaeology involves both field Compilation of the results from these four worksheets excavation and prior library/university etc research. provided the opinions of 583 school children aged between Following the promising initial knowledge of archaeology, 7 and 1 1 . For each question the results were complied and understanding of what exactly is studied and how it is studied allocated into categories using a statistics computer becomes more vague. It is speculated that the children's programme called Statistical Package for Social Sciences initial ideas relating to archaeology have been formed by (SPSS). In order to compile the results it was necessary to popular media images. Many films featuring archaeology only record keywords - so that all words with the same focus upon retrieving a specific artefact, often involving a meaning (i.e. dig or excavate) were recorded under the same basic excavation. The locations of the artefact are often category. The tally for each category was divided by the undefined, where newer films, such as Tomb Raider, move total number of worksheets completed; this provided a away from the old popular archaeological destination of percentage affirmative response relative to the total number Egypt. On a positive note, it appears that the image of the of worksheets. The results from the study are displayed in treasure-hunting archaeologist is not believed, as only 9% of Tables 1 to 4. responses included the word 'treasure' or 'gold'. The breakdown of the keywords (categories) of Understandings of the specific time periods studied by archaeology was hoped to give an understanding as to the archaeologists were very unclear, as indicated by the themes the students were interested in and the ideas and frequency of responses featuring the words 'old', 'the past', concepts of the discipline that were present (true or 'history' and 'ancient'. Younger children had little otherwise) amongst the classes. The results could therefore comprehension of time, especially timeframes that extend be looked upon as a guide for the areas within archaeology beyond 100 years. It was noted that an understanding of that need more exposure or representation within the schools. time was best described by genealogical references or a timeline drawn on the classes' white-board. An association Results with history and mention of archaeological sites resulted Question 1: 'What is archaeology?9 mainly from individual children having visited Australian Table 1 presents the results from the question 'What is sites of national importance - such as the Rocks in Sydney, archaeology?'. Many children initially associated or Uluru in the Northern Territory. The presence of archaeology with dinosaurs, or fossils. However, as archaeology and Aboriginal or Australian importance mentioned above, palaeontology was ruled out before the presented at these sites has made a distinct impression upon sheets were begun. Therefore no responses to Question 1 visiting children. included fossils, dinosaurs or rocks as the general Few children associated the discipline with museums, misconceptions were already addressed. Table 1 indicates universities or any other institutions which may utilise

66 Australian Archaeology, Number 6 1 , 2005

This content downloaded from 35.8.11.3 on Tue, 12 Apr 2016 00:21:53 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms Tim Owen and Jody Steele

Category % Affirmative Response

Excavation 78 Through history books or 67 historical records Looking at structure, foundations etc. 39 Photographs or picture records, maps 33 Geophysical techniques 33 Oral history and ethnography 28 Invitation by others (landowners) 22 Accidental 1 1 Modern technology 1 1 (TV, radio, internet etc.) Educational institutions 6

Table 2 Responses to the question: 'How do archaeologists look for and find archaeological sites?'

Figure 1 Sample of responses to Question 1 : 'What Is archaeology?' archaeology such as national parks and governments. Those who made the connection went as far as acknowledging that the artefacts that archaeologists find end up in museums.

Question 2: 'How do archaeologists look for and find archaeological sites? ' The majority of children (78%) assumed that sites were actually discovered through the process of excavation. This is not surprising given the presence of excavation in the first sheet responses, and possibly a throwback to the many Egyptology films where archaeologists spend many months fruitlessly excavating sand dunes. The second most popular response - history books and records (67%) - is promising and may relate to in-school activities conducted by the students. Looking for structures; photographs, pictures and maps; geophysical techniques (mainly associated with metal detecting); and oral histories each commanded Figure 2 Sample of responses to Question 2: 'How do approximately a 33% response. Each of these techniques is archaeologists look for and find archaeological entirely valid and probably indicates intuition on the sites?' children's part. Some children also assumed that a lot of luck plays a part in site detection, as accidental discovery was listed by 1 1% of groups. (81%) assumed that archaeologists looked for buried structures. This was a more accurate answer considering Question 3: 'What do archaeologists look for and find?9 that treasure and/or gold was only mentioned in 19% of Table 3 provides the results to the question regarding responses. Additional items discovered by archaeologists what exactly archaeologists hope to find. It was assumed by appeared to focus on modern European artefacts (historical all children that the question suggested discovery through artefacts 69%, glass 25%, metal 19%, ceramic and pottery excavation, thus discounting any information available 13% and machinery 6%). The inclusion of a general through scientific analysis of materials, post-excavation category of Indigenous artefacts (25%) demonstrated the work, oral histories, landscape surveys etc. Therefore the children's awareness of Aboriginal archaeology, however question's wording may have biased the answers gathered. their knowledge of individual Indigenous artefacts appeared However, if the answers are related to items discovered limited. Stone tools (6%) and rock art (6%) being the through excavation then it can be seen that most children readily identified artefacts associated with that branch of

Australian Archaeology, Number 6 1 , 2005 67

Category % Affirmative Response Category % Affirmative Response

Structures (houses, buildings) 81 To understand and interpret the past 1 00 Other historical artefacts 69 For information about houses 29 Human skeletal remains 44 and living conditions Bones 3 1 For personal pleasure/gain 29 Animal skeletal remains 25 To work out past diet 24 Glass 25 For education, learning and teaching 1 8 Indigenous artefacts 25 To discover what tools were used 1 8 Metal 19 As a means of chronological dating 18 Treasure (gold etc) 19 As a job 18 Ceramic and pottery 1 3 To discover what clothing was worn 6 Industrial machinery 6 Stone tools 6 Table 4 Responses to the question: 'Why do Rock art 6 archaeologists look at peoples' old rubbish and Maritime associated artefacts 6 buildings?'

Table 3 Responses to the question: 'What do archaeologists look for and find?'

Figure 3 Sample of responses to Question 3: 'What do Figure 4 Sample of responses to Question 4: 'Why do archaeologists look for and find?' archaeologists look at peoples' old buildings and rubbish?'

Australian archaeology (In one exception to this trend Bones provided a significant response rate to the where one mother of a student was an archaeologist, the question (human remains 44%, bones 31% and animal response towards Indigenous finds was much more remains 25%). This is understandable given the prevalence comprehensive, see Fig. 3). It is not surprising that most of human remains in popular media content, the general children could identify historical period artefacts, as they fascination and mystery surrounding human remains and are similar to those used today. A lack of Aboriginal sites also one of the general public's favourite questions of and/or artefacts mentioned in responses potentially derives archaeologists, 'found a body yet?'. from an underexposure to Aboriginal culture during primary school years. The inclusion of stone tools amongst Question 4: 'Why do archaeologists look at peoples' old the responses possibly originates from visits to museums or buildings and rubbish?' images of 'stone-aged' peoples associated with pre- Table 4 presents the results to the final question relating European Australian society. to why we study peoples' old rubbish and buildings. Every

68 Australian Archaeology, Number 6 1 , 2005

This content downloaded from 35.8.11.3 on Tue, 12 Apr 2016 00:21:53 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms Tim Owen and Jody Steele

group provided a response with answers which included 'to accessed by teachers. From this an accurate introduction understand and interpret the past' (100% response). The can be provided to children. Even a basic introduction such remaining answers all favoured roughly equally (between as this can dismiss common erroneous beliefs about 29% and 18% - except to discover what clothing people archaeology. Such books and packages offer a diverse used to wear - 6%). The main secondary answers were 'to insight into the varying facets of archaeology and can offer understand housing and living conditions' and 'for the other resources for children who wish to extend their archaeologists' personal gain'. The first of these answers archaeological knowledge outside of their standard follows logically from an understanding of the past, whilst curriculum. the second implies a comprehension that archaeologists At a secondary school level, archaeology's potential to enjoy their discipline and study. From the answers to educate has been recognised by the New South Wales Question 3, it can be implied that the children did not education board and subsequently archaeology has been believe that we hunted for treasure and thus the personal integrated in courses offered at the high school level. Books gain mentioned in Question 4 could relate to acquisition of and introductory packages are also available for students knowledge or to archaeology as a job. 18% of children also and teachers in lower secondary years (such as Godden saw archaeology as a mode of employment and also for Mackay Logan 2000; Zamarti and Cremin 1998), which can education, teaching and learning. be used in conjunction with history and social science subjects. Discussion In general, it was noticed that previous knowledge of Conclusions archaeology varied between children at all ages. It has been As suggested above, personal experience is often one of further observed over a number of public archaeology the best ways for students to become aware of archaeology programmes conducted by the authors (Owen and Steele and its uses. Therefore it can not be left solely to the school 2001a), that social setting (i.e. city vs country) influenced to educators to create access to archaeology for their students, a degree the existing knowledge of children. Prior it is also up to us as professionals to extend the invitation to knowledge also depends upon personal social experiences, 'experience' the past through archaeology. The Fern Avenue for example, Figure 3 showed the responses of a group that Community Gardens Project gave nearly 600 primary contained the child of an archaeologist. Subsequently, this school students the opportunity to see, touch and experience child was more aware of different types of artefacts than the a small part of their local community history, an experience other students. However, it is also acknowledged that the they will remember and hopefully take into the future, and basic questions asked by this study did not attempt to reach in return use to protect the past. into the past education of children - something which could be addressed by future studies. Acknowledgements Most of the students understood that archaeology The authors would like to thank Kate Walker from the involved 'looking at old things', some more than others Unley Museum, Chris Collier from the Unley City Council (one particularly intuitive 10 year old accurately described and the many schools in the Unley district that became part the difference between palaeontology and archaeology for of this study. We would also like to thank the Unley Council us before one class began). An overall misunderstanding and A3 for extended site access. Special thanks must be exists regarding the timeframe within which extended to Chris Langeluddecke, Kat Stankowski, Peter archaeologists work (the confusion between when Birt, Julie Ford and Simone Dalgairns for teaching with us. palaeontologic investigation ceases and archaeological work begins, as well as the crossover period involving References megafauna). Prior to the differentiating discussion Atkinson, M. and B. Churcher 2003 Digging for Gold!: Goldfield conducted before each class, practically all children Archaeology at Ballarat's Government Camp. Canberra: initially associated archaeology with dinosaurs. This Astarte Resources. image is often not dispelled in schools and often carried Balme, J. and M. Wilson 2004 Perceptions of archaeology in into adult life (Balme and Wilson 2004; Steele and Owen Australia amongst educated young Australians. Australian 2002a). Archaeology 58:19-24. Seeing past the children's initial error, the broad image Briggs, S. 2002 The Port Adelaide Historical Archaeology (PAHA) Project: One year on. In M. Gibbs and D. Roe (eds), Land of archaeologists and their studies is fundamentally and Sea - Common Ground and Contemporary Issues for accurate, although detailed knowledge of the discipline is Australasian Archaeology: Programme and Abstracts of the lacking. However, it has been made clear that presentation First Combined Conference of the Australian Archaeological of a contemporary realistic understanding is not hard to Association, the Australasian Institute of Maritime install. Basic instruction about artefacts, sites and time Archaeology and the Australasian Society for Historical periods can easily rectify such misunderstandings. Archaeology, pp.74-75. Townsville: School of Anthropology, It is suggested that archaeology is a useful teaching tool Archaeology and Sociology, James Cook University. for a myriad of reasons, including heritage protection, but Gibbs, M. and D. Roe (eds) 2002 Land and Sea - Common less obviously for its employment of mathematical, Ground and Contemporary Issues for Australasian scientific, social, communication and problem-solving Archaeology: Programme and Abstracts of the First applications. The authors are suggesting that involving Combined Conference of the Australian Archaeological Association, the Australasian Institute of Maritime archaeology in education is not difficult and the resources Archaeology and the Australasian Society for Historical for doing such are growing in Australia. At a primary aged Archaeology. Townsville: School of Anthropology, level, the use of basic information text and introductory Archaeology and Sociology, James Cook University. 'packages' designed by or with archaeologists (Atkinson Godden Mackay Logan 2000 The Big Dig Kit: Investigating and Churcher 2003; Owen and Steele 2001c) can be Australian Archaeology. Canberra: Astarte Resources.

Australian Archaeology, Number 6 1 , 2005 69

Karskens, G. 1999 Inside the Rocks: The Archaeology of a Smardz, K. 1997 The past through tomorrow. In J. H. Jameson Neighbourhood. Alexandria, NSW: Hale and Iremonger Pty (éd.), Presenting Archaeology to the Public, pp. 10 1-1 13. Ltd. Lanham, MD: Alta Mira Press. McKenzie, L. 2002 The Casselden Place Project: The management Steele, J. N. and T. D. Owen 2002a Tourists, trenches and tours: of a large archaeological project in Victoria. In M. Gibbs and The public archaeology of Port Arthur. In M. Gibbs and D. D. Roe (eds), Land and Sea - Common Ground and Roe (eds), Land and Sea - Common Ground and Contemporary Issues for Australasian Archaeology: Contemporary Issues for Australasian Archaeology: Programme and Abstracts of the First Combined Conference Programme and Abstracts of the First Combined Conference of the Australian Archaeological Association, the of the Australian Archaeological Association, the Australasian Institute of Maritime Archaeology and the Australasian Institute of Maritime Archaeology and the Australasian Society for Historical Archaeology, p. 74. Australasian Society for Historical Archaeology, p. 43. Townsville: School of Anthropology, Archaeology and Townsville: School of Anthropology, Archaeology and Sociology, James Cook University. Sociology, James Cook University. National Centre for History Education 2002 Teaching and Steele, J. N. and T. D. Owen 2002b Summer Archaeology Learning History in Australia's Schools. Available from: Programme 2002: Report of Public Programme Activity. http://hyperhistory.org/index.php?option=displaypage&Item Unpublished report to the Port Arthur Historic Site id=664&op=page. Management Authority, Hobart. Owen, T. D. and J. N. Steele 2000 The Fern Avenue Community Steele, J. N. and T. D. Owen 2003 Summer Archaeology Gardens Archaeology Project. Available from: Programme 2003: Report of Public Programme Activity. http://wwwehlt. flinders. edu.au/archaeology/*smith/fernave/f Unpublished report to the Port Arthur Historic Site ernhome.htm. Management Authority, Hobart. Owen, T. D. and J. N. Steele 2001a Archaeology schools Steele, J., T. Owen, G. Jackman, R. Tuffin and F. Links 2003 Port programme at Burra. ASHA Newsletter June 2001. Arthur Historic Site Archaeology. Available from: Owen, T. D. and J. N. Steele 2001b The Brighton Smugglers http://www.portarthur.org.au/archaeology/. Tunnel schools archaeology project. ASHA Newsletter Zamarti, L. and A. Cremin 1998 Experience Archaeology. December 2001. Melbourne: Cambridge University Press. Owen, T. D. and J. N. Steele 2001c Digging Up The Past: Archaeology for Kids. Adelaide: Southern Archaeology. Owen, T. D. and J. N. Steele 2002 The Fern Avenue Community Gardens Archaeology Project: How to run a public archaeology excavation program. In G. Carver and K. Stankowski (eds), Proceedings of the Third National Archaeology Students Conference, pp.99- 103. Adelaide: Southern Archaeology.

TWILIGHT OF THE MAMMOTHS:

Ice Age Extinctions and the Rewilding of America

by Paul S. Martin

University of California Press 2005

ISBN 0-5202-3141-4 RRP US$29.95 (hardcover)

70 Australian Archaeology, Number 6 1 , 2005

This content downloaded from 35.8.11.3 on Tue, 12 Apr 2016 00:21:53 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms 4/11/2016 To Maintain Supply of Sex Slaves, ISIS Pushes Birth Control The New York Times

http://nyti.ms/1SIk4Ui

To Maintain Supply of Sex Slaves, ISIS Pushes Birth Control Modern methods allow the Islamic State to keep up its systematic rape of captives under medieval codes.

It was the one thing she needn’t have worried about.

Soon after buying her, the fighter brought the teenage girl a round box containing four strips of pills, one of them colored red.

http://www.nytimes.com/2016/03/13/world/middleeast/tomaintainsupplyofsexslavesisispushesbirthcontrol.html 1/8 4/11/2016 To Maintain Supply of Sex Slaves, ISIS Pushes Birth Control The New York Times

It is a particularly modern solution to a medieval injunction: According to an obscure ruling in Islamic law cited by the Islamic State, a man must ensure that the woman he enslaves is free of child before having intercourse with her.

Islamic State leaders have made sexual slavery as they believe it was practiced during the Prophet Muhammad’s time integral to the group’s operations, preying on the women and girls the group captured from the Yazidi religious minority almost two years ago. To keep the sex trade running, the fighters have aggressively pushed birth control on their victims so they can continue the abuse unabated while the women are passed among them.

More than three dozen Yazidi women who recently escaped the Islamic State and who agreed to be interviewed for this article described the numerous methods the fighters used to avoid pregnancy, including oral and injectable contraception, and sometimes both. In at least one case, a woman was forced to have an abortion in order to make her available for sex, and others were pressured to do so.

Some described how they knew they were about to be sold when they were driven to a hospital to give a urine sample to be tested for the hCG hormone, whose presence indicates pregnancy. They awaited their results with apprehension: A positive test would mean they were carrying their abuser’s child; a negative result would allow Islamic State fighters to continue raping them.

The rules have not been universally followed, with many women describing being assaulted by men who were either ignorant of the injunction or defiant of it. But over all, the methodical use of birth control during at least some of the women’s captivity explains what doctors caring for recent escapees observed: Of the more than 700 rape victims from the Yazidi ethnic group who have sought treatment so far at a United Nationsbacked clinic in northern Iraq, just 5 percent became pregnant during their enslavement, according to Dr. Nagham Nawzat, the gynecologist carrying out the examinations.

http://www.nytimes.com/2016/03/13/world/middleeast/tomaintainsupplyofsexslavesisispushesbirthcontrol.html 2/8 4/11/2016 To Maintain Supply of Sex Slaves, ISIS Pushes Birth Control The New York Times

It is a stunningly low figure given that the normal fertility rate for a young woman is between 20 percent and 25 percent in any given month, four to five times the rate that has been recorded so far, said Dr. Nezar Ismet Taib, who heads the Ministry of Health Directorate in Dohuk, which oversees the clinic where the victims are being treated.

“We were expecting something much higher,” he said.

The captured teenage girl, who agreed to be identified by her first initial, M., has the demeanor of a child and wears her hair in a bouncy ponytail. She was sold a total of seven times. When prospective buyers came to inquire about her, she overheard them asking for assurances that she was not pregnant, and her owner provided the box of birth control as proof.

That was not enough for the third man who bought her, she said. He quizzed her on the date of her last menstrual cycle and, unnerved by what he perceived as a delay, gave her a version of the socalled morningafter pill, causing her to start bleeding.

Even then, he seemed unsatisfied.

Finally he came into her room, closed the door and ordered her to lower her pants. The teenager feared she was about to be raped. Instead he pulled out a syringe and gave her a shot on her upper thigh. It was a 150milligram dose of DepoProvera, an injectable contraceptive, a box of which she showed to a reporter.

“To make sure you don’t get pregnant,” she recalled him saying.

When he had finished, he pushed her back onto the bed and raped her for the first time.

Ensuring Availability

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Thousands of women and girls from the Yazidi minority remain captives of the Islamic State, after the jihadists overran their ancestral homeland on Mount Sinjar on Aug. 3, 2014. In the months since then, hundreds have managed to escape, returning to a community now living in tents in the plains of the yellow massif, hours from their former homes.

Many of the women interviewed for this article were initially reached through Yazidi community leaders, and gave their consent. All the underage rape victims who agreed to speak were interviewed alongside members of their family.

In its official publications, the Islamic State has stated that it is legal for a man to rape the women he enslaves under just about any circumstance. Even sex with a child is permissible, according to a pamphlet published by the group. The injunction against raping a pregnant slave is functionally the only protection for the captured women.

The Islamic State cites centuriesold rulings stating that the owner of a female slave can have sex with her only after she has undergone istibra’ — “the process of ensuring that the womb is empty,” according to the Princeton University professor Bernard Haykel, one of several experts on Islamic law consulted on the topic. The purpose of this is to guarantee there is no confusion over a child’s paternity.

Most of the Sunni scholars who ruled on the issue argued that the requirement could be met by respecting a period of sexual abstinence whenever the captive changes hands, proposing a duration of at least one menstrual cycle, according to Brill’s Encyclopedia of Islam.

In its own manual, the Islamic State outlines the abstinence method as one option. But it also quotes the minority opinion of a Tunisian cleric who in the 1100s argued that it was enough to fulfill merely the spirit of the law. That opens the way for other means, including modern medicine, to circumvent the waiting period.

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A total of 37 women abducted by the Islamic State who agreed to be interviewed over three trips to northern Iraq described an uneven system: Some fighters insisted on double and even triple forms of contraception, while others violated the guidelines entirely. Although it remains unclear why some hewed closely to the regulations while others flouted them, one emerging pattern was that women held by senior commanders were more likely to be given contraception, in contrast to those held by junior fighters, who perhaps were less versed on the rules.

J., an 18yearold, said she had been sold to the Islamic State’s governor of Tal Afar, a city in northern Iraq. “Each month, he made me get a shot. It was his assistant who took me to the hospital,” said J., who was interviewed alongside her mother, after escaping this year.

“On top of that he also gave me birth control pills. He told me, ‘We don’t want you to get pregnant,’” she said.

When she was sold to a more junior fighter in the Syrian city of Tal Barak, it was the man’s mother who escorted her to the hospital.

“She told me, ‘If you are pregnant, we are going to send you back,’” J. said. “They took me into the lab. There were machines that looked like centrifuges and other contraptions. They drew three vials of my blood. About 30 or 40 minutes later, they came back to say I wasn’t pregnant.”

The fighter’s mother triumphantly told her son that the 18yearold was not pregnant, validating his right to rape her, which he did repeatedly.

When that fighter tired of her, he gave her as a gift to his brother. Yet the brother did not take her back to have another blood test, forcing her to have sex without ascertaining whether she was carrying another man’s child. Several other women reported a similar set of circumstances, including being given birth control by some of their owners but not by others.

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However, the low pregnancy rate, say medical professionals, is evidence that the rules intended to avoid pregnancy were more likely to have been applied than not.

In his office in Dohuk’s Ministry of Health Directorate, Dr. Taib, the physician tasked with overseeing the treatment of the hundreds of victims, was initially puzzled by the low pregnancy rate.

In other conflicts where rape has been used as a weapon of war, it has led to waves of unwanted pregnancies — either because the attackers did not use birth control or, as was the case in the former Yugoslavia, because they purposefully tried to impregnate their victims. One medical study of 68 Croatian and Bosnian rape victims found that 29 had become pregnant.

With more than 700 cases of rape recorded so far, Dr. Taib’s center has treated only 35 pregnancies. He expected to see at least 140. “Even higher than that, if you consider that these women had multiple partners and were raped every day over many months,” Dr. Taib said.

“I concluded that either they did an abortion before they came back or they used contraception. And if there were abortions, then there would have been physical signs,” which would have been noted by the gynecologist treating the returnees, he said. “There were no signs.”

A Fragile Protection

The prohibition surrounding pregnancy is perhaps the only instance when the codes that the jihadists were applying lined up with the concerns of their victims, who dreaded carrying their rapists’ children.

Ahlam, a middleaged woman who was kidnapped with her six children, said she had been not raped because she had been deemed unattractive. Because she spoke Arabic, the Islamic State used her as an interpreter.

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One day, she was asked to chaperone a group of young Yazidi women to the hospital in Tal Afar, where each woman was given 150 milligrams of Depo Provera.

Over the months that followed, she said, she escorted in all around 30 victims to get the injection both in Tal Afar and later in the Iraqi city of Mosul. Twice she was asked to escort her own teenage daughter, who was raped by multiple fighters.

She explained the conflicted feelings she had at the time. “ISIS took our girls as slaves, only for sex,” Ahlam said, but the insistence on birth control brought some relief. “No one wants to carry the child of their enemy.”

Others described how the fighters so opposed pregnancy that some tried to force young women to abort.

Abdal Ali said his sister, 20, was in her second trimester at the time of her capture in 2014. Still, one commander so urgently wanted her as his slave that he tried to end the pregnancy by giving her pills that would cause her to miscarry.

“She hid them under her tongue, and then when they weren’t looking, she spit them out,” said Mr. Ali, who related the story on behalf of his sister because she is undergoing medical treatment abroad for the injuries she suffered. “They wanted to get rid of the child so that they could use the woman.”

A 20yearold who asked to be identified only as H. began to feel nauseated soon after her abduction. “The smell of rice made me gag,” she said.

Already pregnant at the time of her capture, she considered herself one of the fortunate ones. For almost two months, H. was moved from location to location and held in locked rooms, but she was spared the abuse that was by then befalling most of the young women held alongside her.

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Despite being repeatedly forced to give a urine sample and always testing positive, she, too, was eventually picked.

Her owner took her to a house, shared by another couple. When the couple was present, he did not approach her, suggesting he knew it was illegal. Only when the couple left did he forcibly have sex with her, and when he did he appeared drugged.

“I was telling him: ‘I’m pregnant. In your book it says that you can’t do this.’ He had bloodshot eyes. He acted like he was high,” she said.

Eventually he drove her to a hospital with the aim of making her have an abortion, and flew into a rage when she refused the surgery, repeatedly punching her in the stomach. Even so, his behavior suggested he was ashamed: He never told the doctors that he wanted H. to abort, instead imploring her to ask for the procedure herself.

When he drove her home, she waited until he left and then threw herself over the property’s wall. “My knees were bleeding. I was dizzy. I almost couldn’t walk,” she said.

Weeks later, with the help of smugglers hired by her family, she was spirited out of Islamic State territory. Her belly was sticking so far out that she could no longer see her toes when she finally crossed to safety.

Her first child, a healthy baby boy, was born two months later.

A version of this article appears in print on March 13, 2016, on page A1 of the New York edition with the headline: ISIS’ System of Rape Relies on Birth Control.

http://www.nytimes.com/2016/03/13/world/middleeast/tomaintainsupplyofsexslavesisispushesbirthcontrol.html 8/8 4/11/2016 Afghan woman risks all to bring color to wartorn Kabul with her street art and feminist murals LA Times Afghan woman risks all to bring color to wartorn Kabul with her street art and feminist murals

By Deborah Vankin

MARCH 12, 2016, 4:30 AM

Armed with cans of spray paint, 28yearold Afghan graffiti artist Shamsia Hassani ventures into the streets of Kabul to create feminist murals on the walls of abandoned, bombedout buildings.

She has to work fast — only 15 to 20 minutes before she flees. Some works are left incomplete. But for a woman like Hassani, that's what it takes when art is weapon of mass expression.

"It's to show they have a voice," Hassani says. http://www.latimes.com/entertainment/arts/laetcmshamsiahassaniafghanistanstreetart20160312htmlstory.html 1/8 4/11/2016 Afghan woman risks all to bring color to wartorn Kabul with her street art and feminist murals LA Times

A photo posted by Shamsia Hassani (@shamsiahassani) on Jan 1, 2015 at 9:47am PST

Hassani, who teaches art at Kabul University, is nearing the end of a twomonth residency at the Hammer Museum in Los Angeles. She was invited by curator Ali Subotnick, who traveled to Afghanistan in 2014 for a carpet weaving project and was impressed by Hassani's work.

"The fact that she's a woman going into the streets to paint, where it's dangerous just to walk alone outdoors in Kabul — she's so fierce and independent and strong," Subotnick says. "She's giving women in Afghanistan a voice."

http://www.latimes.com/entertainment/arts/laetcmshamsiahassaniafghanistanstreetart20160312htmlstory.html 2/8 4/11/2016 Afghan woman risks all to bring color to wartorn Kabul with her street art and feminist murals LA Times Hassani says the residency has been a welcome break from the streets of Kabul, where suicide bombings seem routine, like traffic jams in L.A., and every mural mission brings palpable dangers from "closed minded people who don't like art."

"Because I'm a girl, even if I don't do art, if I just walk in the street, I will hear a lot of words," Hassani says from the Westwood apartment that the Hammer has provided. "And if I do art, then they will come to harass me."

From "Just like me" series, 2014

http://www.latimes.com/entertainment/arts/laetcmshamsiahassaniafghanistanstreetart20160312htmlstory.html 3/8 4/11/2016 Afghan woman risks all to bring color to wartorn Kabul with her street art and feminist murals LA Times

A photo posted by Shamsia Hassani (@shamsiahassani) on Jan 1, 2015 at 9:55am PST

Despite the dangers, Hassani says her mission is to beautify the city with color amid the darkness of war and to expose people in Kabul to contemporary art, specifically graffiti as a form of social and political expression. In a place where art galleries are scarce, she does what she can to bring the gallery to the streets.

Hassani's Instagram and Facebook accounts feature pictures of her Kabul murals, including one of a determined young woman swinging a red electric guitar. In the photo, men passing by stare at the art.

Imagebased graffiti is not unheard of in Kabul, but much of it is created by Afghan and U.S. soldiers, says street art historian G. James Daichendt, author of "Stay Up! Los Angeles Street Art." It's extremely rare to find a woman involved, he says.

"It's already a maledominated art form in the Western sphere," Daichendt says. "So in that culture, where it's a much more dangerous culture for a woman to participate, you'd have to be that much more convicted and brave." “ I make my paintings very, very fast because that's what I'm used to in the street. ” Hassani was born into an Afghan family living at the time in Tehran, Iran. As long as she can remember, she carried a sketchbook.

Her father, a carpenter and engineer, and her mother were supportive of her creativity. But society was not. She wanted to study art in Iran, but she wasn't allowed because she was Afghan, she says. When she was 16, Hassani's family returned to Afghanistan, where she studied painting at Kabul University, earned her master's and started teaching.

Trained as a classical painter, Hassani eventually segued to contemporary mural art. Hassani knew nothing about graffiti art, though, until she took a workshop in 2010 in Kabul organized by the arts advocacy group Combat Communications, an anonymous group of international artists based in Afghanistan. In a poor country fraught by war, Combat's intention was to empower young Afghans by teaching them street art as a tool for social expression. The group no longer exists, but it set Hassani on her path.

http://www.latimes.com/entertainment/arts/laetcmshamsiahassaniafghanistanstreetart20160312htmlstory.html 4/8 4/11/2016 Afghan woman risks all to bring color to wartorn Kabul with her street art and feminist murals LA Times She risks being physically attacked on her graffiti runs, "like having stones thrown at her or worse," says Shannon Galpin, a women's rights activist and coorganizer of the Combat Workshop. Given those dangers, Hassani mostly paints canvases in a small balconyturnedstudio off her Kabul living room. She incorporates traditional graffiti elements like stenciled text in her Dari language and spray can designs. She executes more detailed line work with an acrylic brush.

The final details Magic 2014

A photo posted by Shamsia Hassani (@shamsiahassani) on Jan 1, 2015 at 10:02am PST

http://www.latimes.com/entertainment/arts/laetcmshamsiahassaniafghanistanstreetart20160312htmlstory.html 5/8 4/11/2016 Afghan woman risks all to bring color to wartorn Kabul with her street art and feminist murals LA Times Only rarely does she venture outside to paint. "Mostly not very public spaces, like small roads or the roads of the university — some place I feel is more safe," Hassani says. "The university will sometimes give me permission and support me."

Once every six months or so, Hassani will paint in a more public place. She makes those works smaller because she has to work so fast.

"Then usually people take it off the walls or paint over it," she says.

That process has affected how she paints her studio works.

"I make my paintings very, very fast because that's what I'm used to in the street," she says.

Despite those dangers, Hassani remains passionate about graffiti art and teaching it to others. In 2013, Hassani coorganized, with funding from the Netherlandsbased Prince Claus Fund, Afghanistan's first national graffiti art festival in Kabul. Over 10 days, artists from three provinces attended workshops that culminated in an exhibition. “ That's the only thing that I want. To feel safe, to be happy, to make art and to feel free. ” "Mostly, the young generation came," she says. "We did some [murals] outdoors as well, but not a lot because the situation was not very good and I was scared something would happen to the artists."

During her Hammer residency, Hassani finished a West Adams mural — a young woman dancing with an electric keyboard on the side of 4900 Gallery at 4900 W. Adams Blvd. The Hammer introduced Hassani to the artist Kenny Scharf, who helped her to secure permission to paint the wall. His characteristically cartoonlike mural, painted in 2014, appears beside hers.

Hassani also had some paintings on canvases exhibited at Seyhoun Gallery on Melrose Avenue. She sold a few of them for upward of $3,000 apiece.

These new gallery paintings, like the murals, are depictions of women in Afghan clothing, with a guitar or keyboard, surrounded by Dari text. They share a sense of childlike optimism but also a melancholic edge.

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A photo posted by Shamsia Hassani (@shamsiahassani) on Nov 11, 2015 at 4:06am PST

"I call my latest body of work 'Birds of No Nation,'" Hassani says. "People in my country are all the time traveling somewhere to stay safe and find a peaceful life. And we are missing a lot of our friends and family who have left the country. Usually birds are traveling all the time, they have no nation."

Hassani will return to Kabul on March 17. With her West Adams mural completed and the gallery show wrapped up, she plans to spend much of her time left in L.A. viewing, rather than creating, art.

When she travels, people assume she's focused on the beauty of the land, but mostly she's thinking http://www.latimes.com/entertainment/arts/laetcmshamsiahassaniafghanistanstreetart20160312htmlstory.html 7/8 4/11/2016 Afghan woman risks all to bring color to wartorn Kabul with her street art and feminist murals LA Times about the fact that she feels safe.

"That's the only thing that I want," she says. "To feel safe, to be happy, to make art and to feel free."

Sitting in her living room, surrounded by recently finished paintings, she adjusts the dark scarf draped around her head and shoulders.

"In Afghanistan, it's difficult just to walk in the street at night. You will not see women in the street alone at night," she says. "But here, everybody can go outside alone. For me, freedom is to be OK with the thing that you are, who you are. Here, I can paint with a free mind. I can paint any time I want — and I can finish it, if I want."

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http://www.latimes.com/entertainment/arts/laetcmshamsiahassaniafghanistanstreetart20160312htmlstory.html 8/8 4/11/2016 Sex, drugs and second thoughts LA Times World Sex, drugs and second thoughts

By Geraldine Baum Los Angeles Times Staff Writer

JANUARY 4, 2008

http://www.latimes.com/world/lafgdutch4jan04story.html 1/5 4/11/2016 Sex, drugs and second thoughts LA Times These guys didn't need advice they'd cut loose before in this haven of libertine values and elegant canals. After forking over $24, they made their way to the lush Vondelpark and between them gobbled up the entire box.

The next day, as they were leaving a coffeehouse where they'd bought half a gram of marijuana, they had little to say about the afternoon in the park. "Hey, it's holiday in Holland," said Ainsworth, a 22 yearold kayaking instructor. "Anything goes."

But it may be last call for drugs, sex and liveandletlive in the Netherlands, one of the most famously broadminded countries in the world.

Prostitution, abortion, euthanasia, samesex marriage and magic mushrooms have long been legal here, and soft drugs such as marijuana are technically illegal but are sold with official sanction in small amounts in "coffeehouses." In recent years, however, uneasiness over an influx of Muslim and black immigrants as well as a lifestyle that many believe has gone too far have shifted the Dutch mood away from tolerance and infinite permissiveness.

In 2006, parliament stopped coffeehouses from selling alcohol if they sell marijuana; now, legislators are negotiating to have them located at least 250 yards from schools. This year, a ban on the sale of hallucinogenic mushrooms goes into effect.

"I've been in this business 15 years, and we have never felt so much pressure," said Olaf Van Tulder, manager of the Green House, part of a chain of popular coffeehouses owned by a Dutchman whom High Times magazine has dubbed the "King of Cannabis."

It was only 10 on a recent midweek morning, but already the dealers at the marijuana bar in the back of the Green House were busily weighing marijuana on a small scale and most of the tables were taken by customers rolling joints.

Almost nobody was drinking coffee.

Two young Italians, who already looked a bit wasted, raised two fingers each and pointed to the most expensive hash on the menu, the Dutch IceOlator Supreme at $51.80 a gram. Eduardo, the affable dealer, poured out two grams each into a bag, showed the Italians the price on a calculator and waved them off with "Ciao babies!"

Business is good, sure, but the daily struggle with a new drug policing unit has Van Tulder feeling under siege. "Even if there's just a motorbike doubleparked out front, they'll shut us down," he says.

Like most natives, Van Tulder, 35, doesn't use marijuana often, but he is concerned that conservative http://www.latimes.com/world/lafgdutch4jan04story.html 2/5 4/11/2016 Sex, drugs and second thoughts LA Times politics will kill Dutch culture: "Listen, these people want to put their religion in society, and I think Amsterdam is dying because of it. It's nice to escape a little from reality."

Joel Voordewind grew up in this city reveling in the punk music scene, and playing drums in a band called No Longer Music (because it was so loud). But he never felt comfortable with Amsterdam's drug use and prostitution and as a kid avoided its redlight district "because you'd get in trouble there."

Now this tall, boyishlooking son of an evangelical pastor is 42 and a member of parliament. His Christian Union Party, which bases much of its policy on biblical doctrine, is trying to remake a government that in his estimation has been morally adrift. Although his party controls only two of 16 ministries, it aligned with liberals to fight for refugees, poor families and the environment while also condemning homosexuality, euthanasia, abortion and youthful experimentation "with everything."

"The people are fed up with the lazy attitude of government. We call it, 'If it's forbidden, we let it go.' Like soft drugs. It's forbidden, but we look the other way," he said, sipping coffee in a bar at the Amsterdam train station. "We have a lot of that kind of policy, and it has given people the feeling that the government was telling them to go their own way."

Although tolerance and diversity have long been a matter of national pride, a series of shocking events has made the Dutch more open to "a firm government with outspoken norms and values," he said.

The killings of maverick populist politician Pim Fortuyn in 2002 and filmmaker Theo Van Gogh two years later, both of whom fanned fears of Islamic extremism, have traumatized this predominantly white, Christian country.

The outwardlooking Dutch welcomed the newcomers and their mosques and Islamic schools but have grown less tolerant toward those who don't share their brand of tolerance. And they're also asking themselves why they're inviting tourists to get stoned in their parks and allowing graceful neighborhoods to devolve into lurid Disneylands with sex clubs and massage parlors.

Amsterdam has the most famous and historic redlight district in Western Europe. Although after eight centuries it is unlikely to disappear any time soon, it is in the midst of reinvention.

Last month, Amsterdam's mayor and City Council unveiled a plan to squeeze out brothels and escort services by forcing their owners to apply for permits and by raising the minimum age of prostitutes to 21 from 18. The city is also spending $37 million to buy out a landlord who owns a quarter of the city's buildings where nearly naked women pose behind display windows, red light literally flashing over their heads.

If the City Council gets its way, windows featuring women for sale will give way to displays featuring http://www.latimes.com/world/lafgdutch4jan04story.html 3/5 4/11/2016 Sex, drugs and second thoughts LA Times women's clothes for sale, and historic buildings will be restored to attract upmarket hotels and restaurants, with the remaining brothels clustered on a just few streets.

"The romantic picture of the area is outdated if you see the abuses in the sex industry, and that is why the council has to act," Amsterdam Mayor Job Cohen, a member of the Labor Party, said at a news conference announcing the changes. "We don't want to get rid of prostitution, but we do want to cut crime significantly."

Local politicians across the Netherlands have concluded that by legalizing prostitution in 2000, they opened up their cities to international crime organizations trafficking in women, children and hard drugs. The authorities want to wipe out the crime and are also weary of boozy weekend trippers ogling prostitutes and buying illegal drugs on the streets.

In fact, these openly seedy scenes come as a bit of a surprise in this beautiful city full of old churches and bikes about 600,000 of them serving 750,000 people. In the central neighborhood, the streets are lined with 17th and 18th century buildings, many with stores quaintly selling clogs and wheels of cheese or old bookshops attracting students.

But turn a corner and there in a window like a mannequin come to life is a young Polish woman spilling out of her bikini. Above her window is a number and the redneon tube light. As she shifts poses, with her shoulders back and chin out, she tries to remain perched on a high stool.

A few windows down are two olderlooking Dominican women dressed in matching white underwear and sharing a fat joint; they look bored and frozen. Nearby, a girl in a black leather bathing suit she's Dutch with long blond hair is talking on a cellphone while winking and blowing kisses at a clutch of Russian men.

The men circle back a couple of times, but the Dutch girl gets to size them up, and when they don't look promising she slides off her stool and flops on a single bed in her tiny room. She closes her eyes.

Marisha Majoor, who runs the Prostitution Information Center, began walking these streets 20 years ago when almost all the prostitutes were Dutch and the trade was less organized. She eventually quit and started the center, a small storefront next to one of Amsterdam's oldest churches. It operates, more or less, like any other tourist gift shop, except it sells dozens of sexrelated items, such as lipsticks in the shape of penises and refrigerator magnets featuring buxom prostitutes.

Majoor, now 37, is convinced that the new concern about the exploitation of women and crime is simply a ploy to see these areas gentrified and, from her perspective, only means that more prostitutes will be forced to work in unsafe conditions.

http://www.latimes.com/world/lafgdutch4jan04story.html 4/5 4/11/2016 Sex, drugs and second thoughts LA Times She also attributes the new anxiety about redlight districts to a fear of migrants.

"For many women in the world, working in the Netherlands is so much better than working in their own country," Majoor said.

While she is talking, a young British tourist stops by to find out how much the women in the window charge ($52 to $74 for 10 to 15 minutes). When the young man asks about safe sex, Majoor's coworker sells him a "Pleasure Guide" with the pertinent warnings and facts.

Voordewind would like to see his native city's redlight district radically changed. He recently proposed turning it into an artists' colony like Paris' Montmartre. He'd have the city buy the remaining windows and restore the buildings to their original beauty and open them for artists' studios and galleries.

"The district is now a tourist attraction not because of the nice buildings, but because of the windows," he said. "It's very a sad situation. . . . I want it completely changed."

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This article is related to: Social Issues, Prostitution, Crime, Law and Justice, Medicine, Restaurant and Catering Industry, Health, National Government

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Historical Archaeology as Modern-World Archaeology in Argentina Author(s): Charles E. Orser Jr. Source: International Journal of Historical Archaeology, Vol. 12, No. 3, Historical Archaeology in Argentina (September 2008), pp. 181-194 Published by: Springer Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/20853160 Accessed: 12-04-2016 00:17 UTC

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This content downloaded from 35.8.11.3 on Tue, 12 Apr 2016 00:17:49 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms Int J Histor Archaeol (2008) 12:181-194 DOI 10.1007/sl0761-008-0052-z

Historical Archaeology as Modern-World Archaeology in Argentina

Charles E. Orser Jr.

Published online: 4 March 2008 ? Springer Science + Business Media, LLC 2008

Keywords Modem-world archaeology Argentina

Introduction

C. E. Orser Jr. (M) Research and Collections Division, New York State Museum, 3140 Cultural Education Center, Albany, NY 12230, USA e-mail: [email protected]

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archaeologists will become as widely read as those of their colleagues in the Anglo American world, because their insights are centrally important to our expanding knowledge of the history of the world in which we live.

A Brief Explanation

Some explanation is required at the outset because of the confusion that has arisen over die term "historical archaeology." Archaeologists wishing to describe the discipline as they practice it at the beginning of the 21st century can use three distinct terms: "historical archaeology," "global historical archaeology," and "modem-world archaeology." These terms initially appear interchangeable but the meaning of each is actually quite distinct. Beginning in the 1930s in the United States, historical archaeology was mostly practiced on die federal level for die expressed goal of architectural reconstruction of properties important in the American national ideology. These properties would become the centerpiece of the growing heritage tourism market then developing in concert with the increased ownership of automobiles and the improvement of the nation's highway system. In the 1960s, historical archaeology first became legitimized as an academic pursuit largely because of the temporal open-mindedness of processual archaeology, as first argued by Walter Taylor (1948). Developments in social history and attitudes about ethnic awareness also had a strong impact on the thinking and research foci of historical archaeologists in the late 1960s and ever since. As the discipline developed, then, archaeologists have tended to define historical archaeology in two related, but actually distinctive, ways: methodologi cally?as the combination of excavated and textual information?and as archaeol ogy that is exclusively focused on post-Columbian history. The second meaning is more restrictive than the first, but it necessarily includes the methods of the first meaning. All historical archaeologists combine their excavated findings with historical information. The second meaning, however, need not include the first. An archaeologist can practice what they may wish to call historical archaeology in pre-Columbian central Mexico by combining excavated materials with Maya inscribed texts. Under the first definition, this methodology can be considered an example of historical archaeology, even though the findings from classic-period Maya sites have little or no relevance to post-Columbian archaeology (Orser 2004b, pp. 6-14). Under the second definition, an archaeologist investigating the ancient Maya would not be considered a historical archaeologist. The second term, "global historical archaeology," has a more recent origin. When I started using it in the mid-1990s, (for example, as the title of my edited book series "Contributions to Global Historical Archaeology" begun in 1996), I envisioned it as representing a specific perspective for historical archaeology. This perspective would have broad application throughout the world and help to link together archaeologies of the post-Columbian era wherever they were being conducted. Archaeologists adopting this view would be particularly mindful of the many inter- and intra territorial and trans-cultural connections that had extended through time and across space after about 1500 or so. The precise beginning date of the purview of global historical archaeology is open to investigation because of the possible continuation

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This content downloaded from 35.8.11.3 on Tue, 12 Apr 2016 00:17:49 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms Int J Histor Archaeol (2008) 12:181-194 183 of pre-Columbian processes after 1500.1 had intended to use this term in a particular way, but soon saw it as problematic because it also can refer to archaeology that is globally represented. In other words, "global historical archaeology" need not be defined in terms of a subject matter. Rather, archaeologists can legitimately use it to refer to a truly inclusive historical archaeology that encompasses all parts of the globe, not simply those with European connections (i.e., Schmidt and Walz 2007). Full-scale inclusion is centrally important for the maturation of historical archaeology as a meaningful endeavor because the field has too often been associated only with the United States and other English-speaking countries that had a significant historical presence by members of Britain's colonial empire. For this reason, the institution of new journals, like the Revista de Arqueologia Historica Argentina y Latinoamericana perfectly conforms to the needs of a broadly based, truly international historical archaeology. One reason for die need for an overtly internationalist perspective stems from the way in which the profession of historical archaeology has been nationally and continentally represented. Organizers of historical archaeology's professional societies designed them to be open to all, but in reality the Society for Historical Archaeology largely represents North America, the Society for Post-Medieval Archaeology covers the British Isles, and the Australasian Society for Historical Archaeology concentrates on Australia, New Zealand, and the surrounding area. Other professional archaeological societies tend to be national or even regional in concentration. This kind of exclusion was never consciously intended, but simply developed because professional societies tend to draw their membership locally. Extra-nationally conceived global historical archaeology explicitiy encompasses every place archaeologists investigate the most recent centuries of human history. Based on the recent, worldwide development of historical archaeology?under whatever guise?the term "global historical archaeology" has come to be regarded as representing the discipline's all-inclusiveness rather than a discrete subject matter. An all-inclusive historical archaeology serves scholarship and deflates the idea that only American- or British-trained archaeologists know how to interpret the past (Orser 1999, pp. 274-277). I founded the present journal in 1995 to provide a venue for the publication of research from all over the world. After working for over a decade to promote the cause of a globally inclusive historical archaeology, I find it impossible to disagree with the popular meaning of "global historical archaeology" as an archaeology that truly represents the entire world. Global representation, always the explicit intent of this journal, is definitely a positive development for historical archaeology, however one chooses to define it. It must be noted, however, and from a purely theoretical point of view, that the more commonplace use of the term "global historical archaeology" does not provide for a globally focused archaeology. Viewed from the perspective of theory development, the term "global historical archaeology" is merely descriptive. It portrays the spatial scope and topical breadth of the discipline, but it does not present a cogent theoretical outlook. By itself, it does not offer a way to see how the modem (and subsequent post-modem) world developed and operates. Faced with the looseness of this term, it appears that the term "modem-world archaeology" is ultimately more useful. This term is designed to refer to a post-Columbian archaeology that openly searches for global connections (Orser 1999, 2004a,

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2007). The term "modem-world archaeology" better represents what I believe is possible for historical archaeology as a serious and ultimately important archaeology. My position on modern-world archaeology is not without controversy, however, as the charge of eurocentrism has been made against this perspective. Part of the disagreement derives from the meaning of the word "modern." In a recent critique, anthropologist Jack Goody (2006) argues that any focus on modernity that is linked only with Europe is necessarily euroeentric. Goody notes, in line with die thinking of other notable scholars (e.g., Frank 1998; Pomeranz 2000), that "east," and especially China, must be considered in any examination of the modern world. The mention of China will strike a familiar chord with any knowledgeable historical archaeologist because of the trans-national importance of Chinese export porcelain. What is especially interesting about Goody's attack on the fallacy of eurocentrism is that he draws much of his counter-evidence from the Mediterranean and the Near East. Interestingly, I specifically included these places when I originally began to formulate modem-world archaeology. In keeping with earlier ideas presented by Silberman (1995), I argued, as does Goody, that the linkage of the "old" and the "new" worlds would better help us to formulate more complete understandings of colonialism, capitalism, and the genesis of the modern age. Thus, the charge of eurocentrism can be leveled at any archaeologist who chooses to investigate European history, but, whether or not the claim is justified in certain cases, the label most certainly does not apply to my formulation of modern-world archaeology. This discussion necessarily leads directly to modem-world archaeology, the third meaning for "historical archaeology."

Modern-World Archaeology, Microhistory, and Local-Global Connections

One of the central tenets of modem-world archaeology is its global focus, rather than merely its global scope. This distinction means that the practitioners of modem world archaeology are constantly aware of the extra-site connections a site's inhabitants maintained with the "outside world," however one might wish to define or contextualize this "world." Because the "outside world" is understood multi dimensionally, modem-world archaeology rejects the idea that historical archae ologists should restrict themselves to the study of single sites as the end product of research. The research program of modern-world archaeology begins with the examination of single sites but proceeds from there. This last point seems counter-intuitive, and I am not suggesting that archae ologists do not study discrete sites?such a position would be ridiculous; of course, archaeologists study single sites, and they do it quite well. Many of the site-specific studies archaeologists conduct provide important unique information, offer new insights, break new methodological ground, and present ideas that perhaps have never been expressed before. As scholars, archaeologists must also pursue serious scholarship for its own sake to enrich humanity's knowledge of itself and its history. But in modern-world archaeology, the single site does not constitute the end of the analysis. The interconnectedness of the world, enacted through a series of temporal and spatial scales, is an important hallmark of the on-going globalization process. To ignore it in the name of exclusive, site-specific analysis ignores the realities of post

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Columbian history. The transnational connections that are being pressed around the world today have antecedents in die earliest days of multicultural, global expansion, and, as such, are worthy of serious archaeological study in their own right (Frank 1998; Goody 2006). The subject of reaching beyond the single site (or even group of sites) to the wider world necessarily foregrounds the connection between the global and the local. The idea that archaeologists focus on the minuria excavated from one site leads to the easy association of archaeology with microhistory. The affinity between archaeological research and microhistorical analysis deserves comment because of the possibility that some readers may construe modem-world archaeology as not concerned with the local. In other words, that in their eagerness to look toward the global that modem-world archaeologists would ignore the trees for the forest. Such a view, however, is unsustainable because, as noted above, all archaeological research must begin locally?at the site-, intra-site-, or even feature-level. The issue at hand is whether the research must terminate at the spatial limits of the site. Our understanding of this issue can be further presented by a brief foray into microhistory. Carlo Ginzburg, a name familiar to anyone interested in historical analysis, is widely credited as being one of most proficient practitioners of "cultural micro history." In his famous The Cheese and the Worms: The Cosmos of a Sixteenth Century Miller, Ginzburg uses the 16th-century records of the Roman Inquisition to interrogate the world of a single miller named Domenico Scandella (Ginzburg 1992). The careful recording of the inquisitors* interrogations of Scandella has provided an unusually rich textual record, but one that is clearly biased. Ginzburg folly recognizes the subjective nature of the documents, but nonetheless proceeds to demonstrate their analytical value for illuminating the context of Scandella's times. There can be no more microhistory than one focusing on a single individual, and even archaeologists interested in the "big picture" must admit that the bulk of their research activities will occur on a small, and sometimes extremely small, scale. Historical archaeologists typically excavate on the household level, and only occasionally do they have the oprx>rtunity to link together several households in the same village or town (Gelichi 2006). Rarer still are studies of several villages in one contextualized study. In this sense, historical archaeology and microhistory are closely related. The philosophical connection between microhistory and archaeology was not lost on Ginzburg, who, when describing his method for attempting to illuminate the historical reality of 16th-century life among the faceless majority, states "Since historians are unable to converse with the peasants of the 16th century (and, in any case, there is no guarantee that they would understand them), they must depend almost entirely on written sources (and possibly archaeological evidence)" (Ginzburg 1992, p. xv; emphasis added; also see p. 58). Other microhistorians also have compared themselves to archaeologists by arguing that their comradeship derives from their common interest in the "trifles" of daily life, those things that initially appear insignificant but which upon reflection may be uniquely important to the telling of history (Egmond and Mason 1997, p. 2; Niccoli 1991, p. 93). Microhistorians unabashedly work to link historical and anthropological ways of knowing to address questions of family structure, network relationships, popular

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religious beliefs, and other features of the past that may help to produce what has been called a "prosopography from below" (Ginzburg and Poni 1991, p. 7; Levi 2001), or more prosaically, personal descriptions from the bottom up. To its advocates, microhistory, like much archaeology, seeks "to open history to peoples who would be left out by other methods" (Muir 1991, p. xxi). Microhistorians start with the proposition that history must not be written only by recounting grand events or by addressing the actions of powerful elites. The role of a society's "haves" and the monuments they built to themselves (including politico legal structures of dominance) will continue to attract the attention of many historians, in the same way that archaeologists traditionally have been drawn to the monuments of die rich and powerful). Microhistorians?like social archaeologists? express their research agenda as a historical sociology of the everyday, an examination of a mundane world in which thousands of individuals interacted in various-sized networks and thus made history through their daily practices (De Certeau 1984; Orser 2004c, pp. 119-140). In this sense, microhistory snares much in common with the "history from below" approach developed by historians in the 1960s and 1970s, an approach that is variously referred to as "grassroots history," "the history of the common people," or Alltagsgeschichte (Eckert and Jones 2002; Hobsbawn 1985; Ludtke 1995). As one historian has observed, this approach "provides a means for restoring their history to social groups who may have thought that they had lost it, or who were unaware that their history existed" (Sharpe 2001, p. 37). We may well argue that all peoples recognize that they have a history (though they may not always be in control of it), but the point is nonetheless well-taken. One of the lasting strengths of historical archaeology is its practitioners' ability to investigate the lives of people ignored by official history. Similarities thus exist between microhistorians and historical archaeologists. Both examine the lives and actions of past individuals and social groups, both investigate small entities (individual people and small groups, individual sites and neighbor hoods), both openly reject the artificial boundaries of the academic disciplines, and both frequently focus their attention on sources that may be incredibly particularistic. Even though the work of microhistorians by definition is focused on the small, they nonetheless face the charge of trivialization. As one critic has asked, "When we examine something in great detail and at close range, do we understand it better?" (Gregory 1999, p. 100). Because microhistorians examine the past in small social units?and frequently in short periods of time and in tiny geographical places? some critics have argued that their research has few if any implications for the larger sweep of history. The charge of trivialization is potentially damning, but on reflection it is apparent that it can only be sustained by completely decontextualizing the subject of the microhistoric analysis. Ginzburg's examination of Scandella shows this quite well. To understand the world in which this one miller lived, we must understand the social, intellectual, and spiritual world in which all 16th-century millers lived. Ginzburg's microhistory simply does not make sense without such this context. If the historical account stood in isolation, it would have the status of historical fiction, where the action takes place in a de-spatialized world that is wholly of the author's creation. Just how much creating historians and archaeologists do is a subject of intense philosophical debate, but none of us can argue that the past did not exist, that

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all present-day constructions are entirely fabricated. If we are willing to believe that the historian's goals are honest, we also must be willing to accept that die microhistory he or she presents has some degree of validity. Accepting that the historian cannot consider all facets of past reality, we must be willing to conclude that the picture they have created is at least plausible. In any case, it is clear that microhistory, though focused on the small, must be contextualized enough to provide a framework for understanding the sociohistorical milieu in which the subject of the microhistory lived. The contextualization can be presented in a series of different-sized scales in a manner that is wholly consistent with the goals of modem-world archaeology, including that currently being practiced in South America.

South American Historical Archaeology and Modern-World Archaeology

Excellent overviews of historical archaeology in South America have already appeared (see, for example, Funari 1996, 1998, 2007; Funari and Brittez 2006; Gomez Romero 2005a, and their bibliographies; also see Politis 2003, pp. 257-258), and so a similar treatment here is unnecessary. Rather, my intention is simply to explore a few research issues that put the practice of South American historical archaeology in the framework of modem-world archaeology. My comments should not be construed as attempting to provide a complete assessment or analysis of South American historical archaeology, but rather only to explore a few topics that I personally find important to die further development of modern-world archaeology. For the sake of brevity, I will restrict my examples to projects undertaken in Argentina, with the caveat that the projects I use are entirely selective, being based solely on my limited, personal knowledge. As is true elsewhere, urban archaeology has been of major concern to historical archaeologists in South America for many years, with many projects adding significantly to our understanding of urbanization in that continent Projects in Buenos Aires and elsewhere stand out as important examples (Schavelzon 1991, 2000; Zarankin 1994, 1995, 1996). The late 18th-century map of Buenos Aires attributed to Charlevoix (Schavelzon 2000, p. 22) presents a picture of urban development that is today familiar. The map depicts the classic bastioned fort characteristic of European colonialist expansion surrounded by the neat, linear arrangement of the city's most densely settled blocks. This map, when juxtaposed with the picture of present-day Buenos Aires (Schavelzon 2000, p. 26), amply demonstrates the power of colonialism, even at places we may consider being located at the "end of the world." At die same time, a second map, also produced in the late 18th century (in fact, only 6 years earlier than the Charlevoix plan), demonstrates the power of maps to convey and mask (Schavelzon 2000, p. 49). That Spanish settlers in the New World would attempt to construct cities that mimicked what they knew in Europe is not surprising. Their constructions simply represent another element of superpower conquest that characterized the post Columbian era: the replication of landscapes that were familiar and comforting. The archaeology in Buenos Aires documents both the unique aspects of the founding and

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development of this major city, but at die same time provides comparative mformation for all urban centers around the globe. As a result, any large-scale archaeological overview of post-Columbian urbanization necessarily would be incomplete without considering Buenos Aires. What is particularly noteworthy about Schivelzon's (2000) book, at least in terms of modem-world archaeology, is his use of the intriguing phrase "A City at the End of the World.** This evocative phrase indicates that the archaeology of Buenos Aires, and by extension other urban centers throughout South America, constitutes fertile ground for the explicit investigation of modern-world connections. The fine earthenware ceramics excavated by Schavelzon mirror those found at similarly dated archaeolog ical sites around the world, and their presence in the Buenos Aires collections is not surprising. Importantly, however, it is its very commonness that makes these ceramics stand out as significant within a modern-world archaeology paradigm. The presence of molded creamware and blue shell-edged plates, engine-turned bowls, and banded pitchers?even considered outside their historical context?tangibly demonstrate that Buenos Aires, though perhaps at the "end of the world," was still an important node in a vast intercontinental, multi-national trade network. Seemingly identical artifacts excavated in diverse locales around the world provide testimony to the growing interconnectedness of the modem world and provide wonderful opportunities for investigations consistent with the goals of modem-world archaeology. But the interconnectedness demonstrated by the presence of mass-produced and widely marketed consumer goods only begins the task of the modern-world archaeologist. The many meanings embodied in the connection between diverse peoples must be explored with a clear emphasis on the sociohistorical contexts within which all actors were embedded. For modem-world archaeologists, a key concept is "globalization," the idea that expresses the inexorable linkage between the local and the global (Murray 2006, pp. 54-55). In the past, I have modified a well worn phrase for archaeological purposes as "think globally, dig locally" (Orser 1996, p. 183). Modern-world archaeologists are always aware of the multiscalar links that were created, maintained, and re-created in the post-Columbian era by diverse inter connected actors all over the world. To mention multiscalar links foregrounds the concept that modem-world archaeology proceeds through the understanding of various social interactions enacted at different scales. The conceptualization of diverse scales of analysis, intended to model different scales of social interaction in the past, raises the need for a conscious understanding of network theory. The concept of the network is inherent in Schavelzon's analysis of Buenos Aires, but the conscious use of network theory, as a conceptual tool, requires further explanation. Elsewhere, I have explored network theory at length (Orser 2005), so here I wish only note its most salient points. Network theory constitutes a body of thought that has developed through a confluence of many disciplines, including many in the social sciences. A central tenet of social network theory is that people and social groups are connected to other people and groups in various ways. "Social distance" is thus an expression of the space between nodes in a network. Formal network analysts working in sociology model the different relational connections, in ascending order, as: actor-dyad-triad subgroup-group-social network (Wasserman and Faust 1994, pp. 17-20). For

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This content downloaded from 35.8.11.3 on Tue, 12 Apr 2016 00:17:49 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms Int J Histor Archaeol (2008) 12:181-194 189 archaeological purposes, and thinking strictly spatially, we might conceptualize this sequence on the ground as: site-dyad (two sites)-triad (three sites)-area (neighbor hood)- region-nation. Modem-world archaeologists, as demonstrated by SchAvelzon's research in Buenos Aires (and that of other urban archaeologists), also must add at least one more link to the conceptual chain: the transcontinental and trans-oceanic connections that constitute the post-Columbian world-system (e.g., Chase-Dunn 1989; Chase-Dunn and Anderson 2005; Wallerstein 1974, 1979, 1980). Modem-world archaeologists also must recognize that social connections extend through time as well as across space. Many social interactions have historical meanings that transfer from generation to generation. The significance of social connections enacted at various levels is well expressed in archaeological studies of urban environments, but frontiers also are well suited to multiscalar analyses. Such sites were usually places of diverse inter-cultural contacts. The fortlet offers an excellent cultural environment to investigate the social contacts and connections forged and maintained in the modem era. The archaeology of fortlets on Argentina's southern frontier thus is pertinent to the further development of modem-world archaeology (Gomez Romero 1996, 1999, 2005b; Gomez Romero and Ramos 1994). As military installations, the strategic locations and defensive designs of fortlets have significance for purely historical reasons. For one thing, their very presence provides tangible evidence for the spread of state power to be used against indigenous peoples. As archaeological sites, fortlets have the potential to provide unique, site-specific information about the process of colonization as it was enacted and pressed in certain locales throughout the world at various times in history. The unfolding process of colonialism?its historical elements and its contempo rary implications?is a constant companion of modem-world archaeology, whether or not any particular archaeologist chooses to acknowledge its presence (Orser 1996, pp. 58-66). How each of us chooses to confront the colonial process will help to determine how historical archaeology is perceived outside the narrow confines of the academic world. Colonialism is not something that just "happened"; it has clear historical roots and present-day ramifications. The subject of colonization suggests that fortlets, like all frontier settlements, were places wherein members of different cultures interacted. This conclusion seems commonsensical because of their placement on the inter-cultural frontier. Much of the resultant interaction was designed around peaceful trade, but much also was intended to be hostile. Both war and peace represent discrete elements of national development and each foregrounds the colonizers' desire to acquire territory for settlement and resource exploitation. But this simple reading of the colonial process is only partial. As Gomez Romero (2005b) demonstrates, the power exerted at fortlets was not simply meant to be used against indigenous people. Fortlet also were places of internal punishment. Gaucho-soldiers living in fortlets were exposed to a number of serious punishments, including execution, for infractions of the installation's regulations. The punishments meted out were often arbitrary, and so the fear of the soldiers inside the fortlets may have equaled that experienced by the indigenous peoples who lived outside these tiny outposts of the nation-state. The archaeology of fortlets also has significant potential to advance modem world archaeology because many were occupied for short periods. For example,

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Miriana Fortlet studied by Gomez Romero (1996, 1999; Gomez Romero and Ramos 1994) was occupied for less man a decade. Such short-term habitation is especially intriguing for modern-world archaeology because the multiscalar approach encom passes both time and space. One of the great strengths of archaeology is its admitted ability to examine large segments of time, so excitement over sites briefly inhabited seems to run counter to a basic archaeological principle. In modem-world archaeology, however, sites of short term occupation can increase our knowledge about how rapidly networks, bom social and economic, can be established. Recent research (Landa et al., mis volume) carefully documents the ways in which military outposts were supplied. The presence of consumer goods at frontier military sites (such as pieces of the globally omnipresent transfer-printed pearlware) provides a tangible link to urban life far beyond the frontier. The nature of die connections created and maintained between places we might refer to as "urban" and "frontier," or conversely "European" and "native," provides tremendous research opportunity for modem-world archaeologists. Another guiding principle of modern-world archaeology involves adopting a special perspective on time. For many years, archaeologists have sought to demonstrate, with varying degrees of success, the connection between past and present Many archaeologists have argued that their discipline is socially relevant because it offers this opportunity for linkage. The connection seems to rest solely on common sense because the present clearly did not simply appear, today's world is the result of centuries of development. The construction of fortlets along Argentina's southern frontier in the 19th century, for example, helps us to conceptualize some of the historical elements of state formation as they appear today. Their presence equally helps to explain the present-day conditions faced by indigenous cultures who have been subject to external pressures, many of which have been devastating in their lasting effects. Attempts to connect the past with the present are admirable and important, but modern-world archaeologists must think a bit differently. Rather than attempting to link the past with the present, modern-world archaeologists must overtly engage in a bidirectional temporization. Returning to Miriana Fortlet as an example, we must learn to look before 1861?when native peoples surrounded Buenos Aires and controlled the countryside using time-tested patterns of traditional interaction?and after 1870?when the fort was abandoned. The conscious recognition of the need to look forward and backward from a site's initial and terminal occupation dates, rather than simply forward from it to the present, gives modem-world archaeology a special perspective on the development of the modem world. When history is viewed in this bidirectional manner, it becomes clear that the purview of modem-world archaeology does not necessarily terminate at 1492, 1600, or even 1950. World history is far too complex to permit easy periodization, even though such conventions have great heuristic value. One aim of modem-world archaeology is not to take a subject like the urbanization of Buenos Aires and to show how its development bridges history (though this subject is entirely legitimate and worthy of investigation as traditional historical archaeology), but rather to argue from the vantage point of an archaeological site to the present and into the past. Historical archaeologists too often only provide a brief overview of the prehistory of a site area or, if conducting urban archaeology, present the early history of the city

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This content downloaded from 35.8.11.3 on Tue, 12 Apr 2016 00:17:49 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms Int J Histor Archaeol (2008) 12:181-194 191 under study and then explain die excavated archaeological findings as if they are detached from history. This approach is unpalatable to modern-world archaeology because it should proceed in both temporal directions from the occupation dates of the site or sites under study. How far the archaeologist must go in either temporal direction will be determined by the subject matter at hand and should be based on relevance. For example, when excavating a site in Buenos Aires dating from 1790 to 1830, the modem-world archaeologists would seek to move into the past from 1790 and into the present from 1830. This analytical method, however, is not open-ended because the archaeologist should not feel compelled to investigate the entire human history of urbanization. Ballent and Podgorny (1994) have provided an example of the promise of the bi directionality of perspective. Their examination of urban housing as presented in Argentina's school books, though focused on a certain period of history, could be used to bridge history in both directions. Their study is not an example of modem world archaeology because they do not actually construct the bridges in both directions?and because they do not actually use archaeological information?but their research intent is entirely consistent with the concept of temporal bi directionality. Unlike many definitions of historical archaeology, modem-world archaeology does not establish a terminal date of interest. In a theoretical sense, the purview of modern-world archaeology does not end at the year 1750 or 1850. hi fact, die temporal interest of modem-world archaeology terminates with the present, meant in the literal sense of term, meaning "this day." (The word "today" is not applicable because archaeologists often use it to mean "the present") As a result, modern-world archaeologists can examine topics that have profound significance to our contemporary lives. This element of modem-world archaeology is not meant to imply, however, that this kind of archaeology is synonymous with "modern material culture" studies. The study of modem material culture certainly can be conducted within modem-world archaeology, but it need not be. Many archaeological examinations of roughly contemporary events and processes are controversial simply because they are too close in time to the present day. As a result, archaeological research conducted in relation to subjects and places that are roughly contemporaneous with our own time is often courageous. An extreme example of this type of effort is Zarankin and Niro's (2006) investigation of the archaeology of detention during Argentina's military dictatorship. This study? focused on a subject that is profoundly painful to victims and horrifying to all caring individuals?indicates a practical and important use for historical archaeology, and illustrates why the discipline has an importance that extends beyond archaeology itself. Archaeologists have the ability to investigate subjects (literally "uncover the truth") that some people would rather see unexamined. Zarankin and Niro's study is not an example of modern-world archaeology, though it definitely represents the best tradition of historical archaeology. To transform the study into modem-world archaeology they would have to begin with "El Club Atletico" and from there explore the nature of torture both before 1976 and after 1983. In Argentina specifically, this investigation would be an interesting way to link torture during the recent dictatorship with the physical abuse enacted against gaucho-soldiers on the nation's 19th-century frontier. To move from 1983 forward,

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they could consider linkages with atrocities elsewhere in Latin America and perhaps even explore more recent cases of torture.

Conclusion

Modern-world archaeology has tremendous potential in South America to enlighten and to educate. Numerous skilled and insightful historical archaeologists are working at many types of sites throughout the continent, and their research is dramatically increasing our knowledge about the past South American historical archaeologists are exploring issues of colonization, settlement, interaction, develop ment, and consumerism. Modem-world archaeology requires a different perspective than traditional historical archaeology while remaining true to its many methodo logical and interpretive strengths. The future of historical archaeology in South America, however practiced, offers tremendous potential and promise to a truly global historical archaeology. The papers that follow in this special issue provide windows into this promise.

Acknowledgments I wish to acknowledge my debt of gratitude to Pedro Paulo A. Funari and Facundo Gomez Romero for the many discussions I have had with both of them. They have helped me understand the nature and promise of historical archaeology in South America. Though I have learned a great deal from both of them, the comments expressed here are entirely my own.

References

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Gomez Romero F (1996) Un piso de ocupacion del Fortin Minana. Historical Archaeology in Latin America 14:137-142 Gomez Romero F (1999) "Sobre lo Arado: El Pasado," Arqueologia Historica en los alrededores del Fortin Minana (1860-1869). Editorial Biblos, Azul G6mez Romero F (2005a) A brief overview of the evolution of historical archaeology in Argentina. Int J Hist Archaeol 9:135-141 Gomez Romero F (2005b) The archaeology of the gaucho: "vago y mal entretenido". Int J Hist Archaeol 9:143-164 Gomez Romero F, Ramos M (1994) "Minana" Fortlet: historical archaeology research. Historical Archaeology in Latin America 2:15-30 Goody J (2006) The theft of history. Cambridge University Press, Cambridge Gregory BS (1999) Is small beautiful? Microhistory and the history of everyday life. Hist Theory 38:100 110 Hobsbawn EJ (1985) History from below: some reflections. In: Krantz F (ed) History from below: studies in popular protest and popular ideology in honour of george rude. Concordia University, Montreal, pp 63-73 Levi G (2001) On microhistory. In: Burke P (ed) New perspectives on historical writing, 2nd ed. Pennsylvania State University Press, University Park, pp 91-119 Ludtke A (ed) (1995) The history of everyday life: reconstructing historical experiences and ways of life. Templer W (trans.). Princeton University Press, Princeton Muir E (1991) Introduction: observing trifles. In: Muir E, Ruggiero G (eds) Microhistory and the lost peoples of Europe. Johns Hopkins University Press, Baltimore, pp vii-xxviii Murray WE (2006) Geographies of globalization. Routledge, London Niccoli O (1991) The kings of the dead on the battlefields of Agnadello. In: Muir E, Ruggiero G (eds) Microhistory and the lost peoples of Europe. Johns Hopkins University Press, Baltimore, pp 71-100 Orser CE Jr (1996) A historical archaeology of the modern world. Plenum, New York Orser CE Jr (1999) Negotiating our "familiar" pasts. In: Tarlow S, West S (eds) The familiar past?: archaeologies of later historical Britain. Routledge, London, pp 273-285 Orser CE Jr (2004a) The archaeologies of recent history: historical, post-medieval, and modem-world. In: Binthff J (ed) A companion to archaeology. Blackwell, Oxford, pp 272-290 Orser CE Jr (2004b) Historical archaeology, 2nd edn. Prentice-Hall, Upper Saddle River, New Jersey Orser CE Jr (2004c) Race and practice in archaeological interpretation. University of Pennsylvania Press, Philadelphia Orser CE Jr (2005) Network theory and the archaeology of the modern world. In: Funari PP, Zarankin A, Stovel E (eds) Global archaeological theory: contextual voices and contemporary thoughts. Kluwer Academic/Plenum, New York, pp 77-95 Orser CE Jr (2007) The global and the local in modern-world archaeology. In: Gelichi S, Librenti M (eds) Constructing post medieval archaeology in Italy: a new agenda. Universita Ca* Foscari Venezia, Venice (in press) Politis GG (2003) The theoretical landscape and the methodological development of archaeology in Latin America. Am Antiq 68:245-272 Pomeranz K (2000) The great divergence: China, Europe, and the making of the modern world economy. Princeton University Press, Princeton Schavelzon D (1991) Arquelogia Historica de Buenos Aires, I: La Cultura Material Portefia de Los Siglos XVIII y XIX. Corregidor, Buenos Aires Schavelzon D (2000) The historical archaeology of Buenos Aires: a city at the end of the world. Kluwer Academic/Plenum, New York Schmidt PR, Walz JR (2007) Re-representing African pasts through historical archaeology. Am Antiq 72:53-70 Sharpe J (2001) History from below. In: Burke P (ed) New perspectives on historical writing. 2nd edn. Pennsylvania State University Press, University Park, pp 25-42 Silberman NA (1995) Sultans, merchants, and minorities: the challenge of historical archaeology in the modem Middle East Paper presented at the annual meeting of the Society for Historical Archaeology, Washington, D.C. Taylor WW (1948) A study of archaeology. American anthropological association memoir 69. Washington, D.C. Wallerstein I (1974) The modem world-system: capitalist agriculture and the origins of the European world-economy in the sixteenth century. Academic, New York Wallerstein I (1979) The capitalist world-economy. Cambridge University Press, Cambridge

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Inessential Archaeologies: Problems of Exclusion in Americanist Archaeological Thought Author(s): Laurie A. Wilkie Source: World Archaeology, Vol. 37, No. 3, Historical Archaeology (Sep., 2005), pp. 337-351 Published by: Taylor & Francis, Ltd. Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/40024240 Accessed: 12-04-2016 00:17 UTC

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This content downloaded from 35.8.11.3 on Tue, 12 Apr 2016 00:17:37 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms Inessential archaeologies: problems of exclusion in Americanist archaeological thought

Laurie A. Wilkie

Abstract

Keywords

Historical archaeology; archaeological history; interpretation; theory.

A disciplinary parable (with tongue planted firmly in cheek)

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to confront the contradictions she presented to him. She was devastated. She clung to him. She desperately vied for his affections with blatant attempts to woo and flatter him. She tried to use language he would understand, she denied her true nature to try to win his love. She tried to remake herself in his image. At his best, he ignored her, at his worst, he belittled her, isolated her, and sent her to read her conference papers in faraway buildings at poorly scheduled times. To him, she was an inessential woman. Finally, in the 1980s, Historical Archaeology decided she had enough. She left American Prehistory. She left him alone to his American Antiquities and his Society for American Archaeology. She left him to sort out his subsistence strategies. She left him to struggle with his systems theory and optimal foraging models. Historical Archaeology left to find her own space. She created her own networks and reading material. She worked to isolate herself from anything associated with him. It was not easy. She found herself using his jargon long after they split. She could not help talking about him at parties, and her bitterness was sometimes very apparent to all. She found herself drifting in and out of sub- disciplinary counselling. 'What am I trying to achieve with my life work?' she would wonder. 'Why can't I focus? Why is it so hard to define myself?' As part of her self- reflections, she began to explore new ways of thinking and interacting with the world. She hung out with an international crowd, especially enjoying the company of Brits, Australians, Latin Americans and Africans. While her self-confidence remained badly damaged, by the end of the 1990s, she realized that she had a strong voice of her own, and, only in her late 20s, she was an increasingly attractive and exciting woman. She did not need him after all. Although he did not realize it himself, American Prehistory did need her. He became stale, stuck in his ways. He engaged in a series of dehumanizing methodological binges. He alienated potential friends and collaborators; his descent into scientism rendered him a pathetic shadow of his younger years. Historical archaeology, with her new-found self- awareness, could save him. Could she bring herself to forgive him? Could she reach out to him? Would he recognize his opportunity for redemption?

Parables offer the opportunity to smooth away nuance in favour of stark contrasts. The parable format is also an appropriate form for discussing a discipline's history. The construction of disciplinary histories is basically a process of agenda-ridden mythologiz- ing, so I might as well be up-front about the route this particular creation story will take. This just-so story is clearly written by someone who self-defines as a 'historical', 'text- aided', 'documentary' archaeologist 'of the recent past', to list just some of the monikers we have applied to ourselves. 'Prehistorians' may be surprised to learn that there is a clear sense on the part of American historical archaeologists that we are a subaltern group within the discipline, and have been systematically excluded from certain publication, funding and employment opportunities in the field. The reader may wonder why I have depicted my discipline as a co-dependent abused woman who gains her independence. In both the title of this work, and the parable, I am playing on Elizabeth Spelman's (1988) notion of the 'inessential woman'. In Spelman's work, she is critiquing feminist approaches that assumed there was a universal 'woman's experience' and an accompanying core of universal feminist ideals. Spelman argued that, by ignoring the experiences of minority (or inessential) women,

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feminism had missed the intellectual boat. Historical archaeology has been pushed to the periphery of disciplinary practice and, as such, has been bracketed as 'too particularistic' or 'unscientific' by those who do not define their works as historical archaeologies. In a field that often still worships at the altar of scientism, this is a feminization (or at least emasculation) of historical archaeology. I do see historical archaeology as contributing a great deal to the practice and interpretations of archaeologies of the more remote past, and believe that by pushing historical archaeology to the edges of disciplinary consciousness the broader discipline has hurt itself. Historical archaeology is feminized in another way, as well. Historical archaeology is a disciplinary space where women have congregated with great success. It is important to note that as a sub-discipline, as in the parable, whatever inadequacies historical archaeology may have internalized in the past, it is a thriving and independent sub- discipline of archaeology. The point of this essay is not to bemoan historical archaeology's role in the discipline, but more to offer some thoughts on how our new-found strength could be used to enhance the broader fields of anthropology and archaeology, while continuing to develop dynamically as a sub-discipline. There is another blatant fiction in this narrative that is also part of disciplinary mythology - the myth that we are a younger part of American archaeology. Deetz and Deetz (2000: 49) identify the first archaeological work done in North America as the excavation of an earlier European colonist's grave by sixteen members of the Plymouth Colony in 1620. Thus, the first archaeological research on this continent was at a historical site. At the heart of the above story is an issue that is relevant to the practice of social and anthropological archaeologies today: what is the nature of the relationship between archaeologies of the documented and the so-called undocumented pasts? Are divisions between 'history' and 'prehistory' in American archaeology inevitable? If not, how do we avoid replicating these divisions in other parts of the globe that are developing their own archaeological explorations of the recent past? In this article I want to accomplish three things: first, I will illustrate the intellectual disjunctures that led to the current division in Americanist archaeologies; second, I want to discuss the arenas where prehistorians could learn from historical archaeology; and, third, I want to discuss how historical archaeologists contribute to their 'othering' in the discipline, and suggest ways we can break out of isolating habits. I want to make it clear that my explicit focus is American historical archaeology. Globally, interest in the archaeology of the recent past is growing and taking many forms. Perhaps the most notable divide is between countries (like those of Europe) that are developing archaeologies of the recent past as part of long-established archaeological traditions exploring their own indigenous heritage and archaeologies of colonized spaces, like the United States, Canada, Australia, Latin America, the Caribbean and Africa. While my focus is slanted towards North American historical archaeology, my comments are relevant to many parts of the globe, where European expansion has disrupted indigenous histories. While Europeans may have a unique set of historical circumstances to contend with, in this regard, noticeably absent from European archaeology has been any focus on the experience of the cultural other in Europe as a result of colonial expansion.

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History of a discipline

Americanist historical archaeology organized itself as a discipline and a professional society, the Society for Historical Archaeology (SHA), in 1967. The growth of the cultural resources management (CRM) industry following the passage of Section 106 of the National Historic Preservation Act (NHPA) in 1966, and the National Environmental Protection Act (NEPA) in 1969, increased research at younger archaeological sites. In addition, the rapid approach of the celebrations surrounding the Bicentennial of the signing of the Declaration of Independence in 1976 spurred archaeological research at sites related to specific historic figures. Contemporary literature in historical anthropology that explored the processes of colonization led scholars to recognize archaeology's potential to study peoples of the recent past who had been bypassed in the archival record (e.g. Fairbanks 1972; Deetz 1977; Deagan 1983; Singleton 1985; Schuyler 1980). The earliest intellectual debates within historical archaeology revolved around the field's disciplinary placement - was it a historical or an anthropological enterprise? The SHA left the question of defining the discipline to its members (Cleland and Fitting 1968). Anthropological archaeologists entering the field had trained on prehistoric sites and brought to historical archaeology a strong sense that historical archaeology needed to be committed to understanding cultural process and should work towards the construction of generalizing laws. Despite these scholars arguing that historical archaeology should share the methods, theories and goals of the broader American archaeological discipline (e.g. Cleland and Fitting 1968; Ferguson 1977; South 1977), there was still a desire to define the field as distinct from other archaeologies. Most definitions have focused on time period, topic of study or distinct methods. Chronology, on the surface, seems a logical means of dividing up the past. In England, 'post-medieval archaeology' describes the archaeology of the most recent past. In North America, for many archaeologists, the line between history and prehistory is chronological. In other regions with histories of European colonization of indigenous peoples, such as South Africa, the Caribbean, Latin America, Australia and Polynesia, chronology is often also used as a dividing point between disciplinary spaces, though there are scholars who resist such divisions (e.g. Schmidt 1978; Stahl 2001). While 1492 might be a convenient date separating prehistory and history, Fontana's (1965) American Antiquity article illustrates that the divide is not cleanly made. His definitions and explanations of the differences between 'prehistory', 'history', 'protohistoric', 'contact', 'post-contact' and 'non-aboriginal' are quite extraordinary in retrospect. Distinctions were made between European-occupied and Native American-occupied sites, and as to what degree Native Americans, if represented, had been sullied by direct or indirect contact with Europeans at a given site. In a 1982 article, Kathleen Deagan suggested that prehistorians' uneasiness regarding historical archaeology could be tied to anthropology's traditional focus on non- Western cultures. Because historical archaeology dealt with Europeans, it could be seen as suspect. Gavin Lucas (2004) elaborated on this phenomenon. Prehistory, he reminds us, is a recently coined term, originating in the mid-nineteenth century as an ontological, not chronological category. Prehistory was to be an independent source of information (material culture) on the past that was not bound by tradition-derived histories. To understand this 'new' past -

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the material patterns - requires analogies to the present. There is a fundamental contradiction in archaeology: to create a story of the past requires dependence on the present. Lucas argues that archaeology deals with this ambiguity through the creation of a shared universal time that all past cultures are ordered within. The question is whether this concept of time-consciousness does not claim some special and universal status, for its totalizing vision would seem to erase or denigrate other claims to the past' (Lucas 2004: 113). Lucas reasonably suggests that archaeology (both historic and prehistoric) is part of a scientific colonialism. A problem that has plagued American prehistory has been a history of poor relations with indigenous peoples, as evidenced by passions ignited on both sides over the Native American Graves Protection and Repatriation Act (NAGPRA). Indigenous scholars Vine Deloria (1992) and Robert Echo-Hawk (2000) have both critiqued archaeology's failure to consider indigenous histories. The question arises, then, do North American prehistorians want to maintain intellectual claims to the study of Native Americans because they have devalued indigenous knowledge systems as legitimate sources of history, to the point where they cannot be used to contest archaeological authority? Or, to turn this around, has historical archaeology been pushed to the periphery of the discipline because it deals with alternative histories that are perceived as being legitimate threats to archaeological authority? The notion that historical archaeology is intrinsically distinct from prehistory continues to pervade the discipline, particularly relative to the study of Native American pasts. Following the Fontana-type classification, many archaeologists who study indigenous- European colonial interfaces often prefer to self-identify as doing 'contact archaeology' (e.g. Murray 2004). This tendency of prehistorians to attempt to keep Native American sites in their jurisdiction is nicely illustrated in a recent article (Arnold et al. 2004). In this article, entitled The archaeology of California', the authors write: 'Our domain is California's /prehistory [emphasis in original], including occasional reference to the early historic archaeology of Native Calif ornians. The early Euro- American period of the Pacific Coast (including the Gold Rush, the Missions, early pueblos) deserves its own article' (Arnold et al. 2004: 2). Note that the authors have appropriated what they see to be minimally tainted indigenous sites while carefully absolving themselves of responsibility for the rest of the historic period. A similar omission occurred in a recent article on theory in Americanist archaeology by Michelle Hegman (2004). She writes: 'Focus here is on theory in North American archaeology, specifically the archaeology of Pre-Columbian North America (including northern Mexico but excluding Mesoamerica, primarily as done by North American archaeologists (very few non-North Americans do archaeology in North America, although North Americans do archaeology in many parts of the world)' (Hegman 2004: 213). In this case, the exclusion of historical archaeology is clear but unacknowledged. The aside about few non-North Americans doing archaeology in North America did lead me to realize that historical archaeology also seems to be a haven for foreign-born archaeologists within the Americas. Both articles clearly illustrate how prehistorians present themselves as the disciplinary flag-bearers. This is not dissimilar to the way that social-cultural anthropology is often generically referred to as 'anthropology'. Scholars have also attempted to define historical archaeologies topically. The spread of European culture and political-economic systems have been themes used to define

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historical archaeology. Deetz (1977: 5) defined historical archaeology as studying 'the spread of European cultures throughout the world since the fifteenth century, and its impact on the indigenous people'. Europeans are central to this definition. More recently, Mark Leone (1995; Leone and Potter 1999) has suggested that historical archaeology is the study of the global spread of capitalism, an idea supported by others (e.g. Johnson 1996; Orser 1996). Europeans and their role as bearers of capitalism are central to this definition as well. This particular conceptualization has served neatly to unite archaeologies of the recent past that are taking place in former colonies, be they Canada, the United States, Ireland, Jamaica, Brazil or Australia, to name a few. However, these definitions clearly see indigenous peoples as a focus of historical research. Historical archaeologists do not abdicate the study of indigenous peoples to prehistorians. In England, topical approaches have also been taken to the definition of historical archaeology. In the Archaeology of the Familiar Past (Tarlow and West 1999) contributors explored how a mistaken sense of familiarity threatens our ability to interpret any past, recent or otherwise, in its own terms. In the Archaeology of the Contemporary Past (Buchli and Lucas 2000), authors demonstrate how archaeological techniques illuminate the most recent of history. In both instances, the editors of these volumes found the chronological label, post-medieval archaeology, to be insufficient for their research projects. As archaeologies of the recent past continue to develop, it is unlikely that any topical definition will be sufficient. In contrast to those who have tried to define historical archaeology through chronology or topical focus are those who have defined the field based upon the use of documents and historiographic methods (e.g. Andren 1998; Beaudry 1988; Little 1992; Moreland 2001). Beaudry (1988) proposed 'documentary archaeology', since a distinguishing feature of historical archaeology was the opportunity to re-excavate the archive from the perspective of materiality. Barbara Little (1992) has proposed that historical archaeology be called 'text-aided', also underscoring that the use of textual sources is intrinsic to historical archaeology. Working from a European tradition, Andren deals with documents and historiography within established archaeological traditions across broad chronological periods, making his work somewhat unique. These definitions accommodate archaeologists who incorporate textual sources into their research but work in other time periods. Many archaeologists recognize oral traditions as part of the archive (McDonald et al. 1991; Schmidt 1978; Stahl 2001). This has been a more controversial topic in North American prehistory, where archaeologists are still unsure how to evaluate oral traditions (e.g. Mason 2000; Whiteley 2002). Moreland (2001: 110-11) has taken a somewhat different approach to his consideration of texts and archaeology. He critiques historical archaeologies as either too willing to embrace the authority of documents or too quick to dismiss their reliability, missing, in both cases, the role of writing as a tool of oppression and power. Instead, he proposes that archaeologists need to see 'the Object, the Voice and the Word' (2001: 119) as the means that past societies used to construct identities and social practice. Even with his disagreements over the current uses of text in the field, Moreland, too, sees texts as an intrinsic component of historical archaeology. While definitions of the field proliferate, with regard to the anthropology/history debate, the compromise that seemed to be reached by most practitioners was acceptance that historical archaeology was an anthropological endeavour that was deeply entwined

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with historical process and method. This compromise made for an uneasy relationship with prehistory during the processual period.

Relations with 'prehistory'

From an intellectual perspective, historical archaeology developed at an inopportune time. The majority of Americanist archaeology was strongly embracing processualism (e.g. Binford 1968; Flannery 1973; Watson et al. 1971), despite a growing critique (e.g. Hodder 1985). Anthropological archaeology was rejecting its ties to 'history', and embracing scientific approaches and the search for universal laws of cultural process. In this intellectual climate, any archaeology that utilized texts, and could be associated with 'culture history', was suspect. Some historical archaeologists walked in lockstep with prehistorians. Stanley South (1977) offered a series of methods to be used in a scientifically rigorous historical archaeology. It was South's opinion that perhaps, with a rigorous enough methodology, historical archaeology could wean itself from its dependence on historical documents (South 1977). South has had an incredible influence on the discipline, and his methods, although rendered mainly obsolete by an increased attention to contextual histories, continue to influence large parts of historical archaeology to the present. Beaudry et al. (1991: 152) probably best summarized the feelings of many practitioners when they stated, 'far too many historical archaeologists seem to be operating within a paradigm that others have forsaken. Only the most extreme and reductionist of pattern-seekers could find any merit in the bizarre lengths to which South's pattern analysis and Miller's economic scaling have been taken.' While scientism may not have rooted itself as deeply in historical archaeology as in the rest of this discipline, its impacts were extreme, and, while the peak of Southian historical archaeology has passed, it continues methodologically to raise its head in the discipline. Historical archaeologists found themselves in opposition to prehistorians in other ways as well. While prehistorians overwhelmingly looked at humans as components of coherent systems, acting culturally in cooperation, historical archaeologists looked at expressions of difference, particularly ethnicity and power (e.g. McGuire 1982; Schuyler 1980). While prehistorians sought to understand macro-scalar social process over the long expanses of time, historical archaeologists looked at social relations within smaller groups of people during shorter spans of time, depending upon the work of historians and historical anthropologists to situate their analyses on a macro-scalar level. In other words, our archaeologies were quicker to embrace contextual and social analyses. Within historical archaeology, alternative interpretative models, such as Leone's critical archaeology (Leone 1987, 1995) and Deetz's use of structuralism and cognitive models (1977), took deeper root much earlier than in the broader discipline. While the newly named 'historical archaeologists' debated among themselves about how their practice was and was not related to the disciplines of history and anthropology, these debates had no impact on the discipline of American archaeology as a whole. Historical archaeological research was cited by non-practitioners only in instances where text-aided archaeologies were seen as useful for testing broader archaeological principles or methods

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used in prehistoric contexts. Deetz and Dethlefson's (1967) work seriating gravestone styles or Binford's (1961) foray into pipe-stem dating are probably the most commonly cited examples of historical sites providing a laboratory for prehistory. 'Archaeology' as a field has become naturalized in the United States to denote 'prehistory', while 'historical archaeology' represents a subaltern discipline. The knowledge produced in historical archaeology is concentrated in a handful of smaller journals and academic presses, with only a few practitioners publishing in the flagship journals of anthropology and archaeology. Although much of the historical archaeology conducted globally takes place in the Americas, during the last ten years (1995-2004), only six of the 395 articles, reports, forums and commentaries published in American Antiquity, the journal of the Society for American Archaeology, are related to historical sites. Yet, historical archaeology has made important contributions to the theory and practice of archaeology in an international setting.

Contributions of historical archaeology to archaeology

The emergence of archaeologies that emphasize the importance of contextual histories and micro-scalar approaches has provided archaeologies of the recent past greater visibility in British archaeology, and, to a lesser degree, in Americanist archaeology. Americanist historical archaeologists have made important contributions to international discourses on the role of activist engagements in archaeological practice and have developed innovative approaches to integrating diverse evidentiary lines in interpretation. Historical archaeology has become a theoretically and topically diverse discipline with an increasingly diverse body of practitioners. American historical archaeologists have been central to disciplinary discourses on public archaeology, debates on the role of community partnering and the role of descendant communities, and multi-vocality in archaeological presentations. While NAGPRA served as a crash-course in community partnering for most American archaeologists, people working in historical archaeology had already been grappling with issues of ethics, responsibility and the role of archaeologists in creating narratives that serve nationalistic agendas (e.g. Leone 1995). The 1990 discovery of the African Burial Ground in New York prompted deeper contemplation and self-reflexivity by practitioners in the field (e.g. McDavid and Babson 1997). Historical archaeologists often work in colonial period sites with the descendants of those who have been colonized; these engagements have been central to showing the politicized nature of archaeological interpretation and the role of archaeology in naturalizing contemporary social inequalities (e.g. LaRoche and Blakey 1997; Epperson 2004; Franklin 1997). In particular, issues of collaboration have been widespread in historical archaeology, de- centering archaeological authority in interpretation and presenting public archaeologies as related to the African-American past (e.g. Farnsworth 2000; Franklin 2001). These discussions parallel, complement and expand upon dialogues related to NAGPRA in prehistory. The ways that historical archaeologists are coping with these issues in settings where there are a wide range of stake-holders should be of use to prehistoric archaeologists.

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Through their work, historical archaeologists have demonstrated sophisticated ways to explore gender, sexuality and personhood. Documentary accounts of the competing and multiple subject positions held by past actors make it all too clear that simplistic interpretations of materials as reflective of particular identities are meaningless. Struggling to understand how social identities are constructed and reconstructed at the household level has been a central theme of study within historical archaeology in the past ten years and longer (e.g. Barile and Brandon 2004; Purser 1991; Yentsch 1994). Gender as a socially constructed identity has become more widely entrenched in historical archaeological practice than in prehistory, with a wider number of scholars who would not consider themselves foremost as studying gender, sexuality or feminism incorporating considerations of gender into their research. For those who are explicitly studying gender, historical archaeology has been the site of production of archaeologies exploring a range of sexualities, be they third-gender, queer, or heterosexual, or other engendered subject positions (e.g. Seifert 1991; Voss 2000; Casella 2000; Wall 1994; Whelan 1991). It may be that this greater visibility of issues related to gender and sexuality is a reflection of historical archaeology's practitioners. As noted by Charles Cleland, 'Not only have the number of women who are practicing historical archaeology increased, but women have taken a very strong leadership role in the governance of the Society for Historical Archaeology and in the intellectual life of the discipline' (2000: 2). Douglas Armstrong (2000: 9) has also commented that 'gender equity' was one factor that drew him to historical archaeology. This deserves some attention, for the perceived feminization of historical archaeology could be part of the reason the discipline is brushed aside by prehistorians, yet is truly a strength of historical archaeology that the broader discipline should recognize. In 1991, the Society for Historical Archaeology circulated a readers' survey that sought to explore the nature of women's experiences in the discipline (Chester et al. 1994). At that time, women were found to represent about 38 per cent of the membership, with a demographic consideration of women demonstrating that they slightly outnumbered men as graduate students at that time. The authors stated: 'we see a large number of educated young women entering the profession; so many, in fact, that if this trend persists, we would expect the discipline to become feminized with time' (Chester et al. 1994: 217). Mary Beaudry (1994), in a complementary study of publication practices in SHA, concluded that, while there were certainly women's issues to be confronted in the discipline, 'it does appear that historical archaeology has been a somewhat less chilly a climate for women over the years' (Beaudry 1994: 22). Women have been very important in the leadership of SHA. During the last twenty years, nine, or 45 per cent, of the society presidents have been women; in contrast, during the same period, three of the last ten presidents (each serving two years) for SAA have been women. Two of the three SAA women presidents served in the 1985-1994 period, while only one woman has filled that office in the 1995-2004 period. In contrast, between 1985 and 1994, four of the SHA presidents were women, while from 1995 to 2004 five women were president, representing an increase. Historical archaeologists have also been at the forefront of challenging traditional modes of data presentation, engaging in debates on the role of narrative in their work (e.g. Praetzellis and Praetzellis 1998; Deetz 1977; Wilkie 2003), in some cases predating the use of this form by feminists such as Tringham (1991) and Spector (1991). The use of

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narrative, as discussed by Joyce (2002), is an important means of rendering visible dialogues that shape the process of interpretation as well as clearly illustrating the writer's active role in the interpretative venture. Narrative, done self-reflexively, is an important means of incorporating multi-vocality into archaeological interpretation, as well as clearly defining the biases of the writer (as was the case with the narrative here) in a way that can be obscured in traditional writing styles. Finally, historical archaeologists have problematized constructions of the past that rely solely on documentary evidence, and have expanded our notion of the 'archive' to include architecture, material culture, oral traditions and texts. Historical archaeologists have devoted considerable effort to conceptualizing how to integrate evidentiary lines drawn from a range of material expressions (e.g. Beaudry 1988; Little 1992). Archaeological, oral and documentary accounts of the past can often be in conflict with one another; as a result, historical archaeological interpretations typically entail the construction of new, alternative histories that attempt to mediate between different knowledge claims. Prehistorians do not work without texts. Ethnographies are historical documents, which need to be read as critically as any other text. Oral traditions present their own particular challenges and rewards (Vansina 1985; Whiteley 2002). Ignoring the nature of these lines of evidence weakens archaeological interpretations, no matter what the theoretical or chronological orientation of the scholar making them.

Future directions

While I have detailed above reasons why historical archaeology has come to be marginalized, the blame does not lie solely at the feet of prehistory. The parable at the beginning of this work demonstrates how the disciplinary mythologies we construct can also serve to isolate us. While prehistory imposed a label of outsider upon us, we have chosen to embrace it and use it to forge a strong disciplinary identity. Historical archaeologists have been enablers. We have largely focused our publication efforts on a few specialist journals rather than publishing in venues widely read by prehistorians, and, by doing so, we have largely removed our voices from scholarly debate. We continue to define our field in ways that exclude individuals working on deeper pasts. Just as historical archaeologists have refused to surrender the study of indigenous people to prehistorians, I do not think we should abandon 'archaeology' writ large to them. Further, I do not think that we should abandon the growing number of archaeology students who are interested in understanding the deeper past in ways that are more socially engaged. In North America, our failure actively to challenge our prehistoric colleagues to think in different ways, to innovate in their practice and thinking, denies future generations of archaeologists our insights. Like the heroine of the parable that opened this piece, we do not intellectually need American prehistorians to continue to have a dynamic and productive disciplinary culture. Quite to the contrary, I do believe that prehistory, in rendering us, in their view, as inessential, have hurt themselves and, in doing so, threaten the scholarly health of our wider discipline. Historical archaeology represents the creative edge in the discipline that can challenge prehistorians' complacency.

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I would like to suggest that we reinsert ourselves into North American archaeology. There are subtle and blunt ways of doing this. Definitions of historical archaeology that focus upon European peoples and their movements should be avoided, as should definitions that exclusively tie us to particular topics of study that have a chronological dimension. I would suggest that we limit our definition to something like: 'Historical archaeologies employ the ideas, theories, and/or methods of historiography in the construction of interpretative narratives.' It may not be a glamorous definition, but it is inclusive, and would allow a broader range of archaeologists comfortably to self-identify as historical archaeologists - those who employ the hermeneutic approach of Collingwood to understand the Neolithic would be as legitimately historical archaeologists as those who conduct documentary archaeology in the British Caribbean. I am basically suggesting that we put out a disciplinary welcome mat. Historical archaeologists must expand our publication habits. We should publish in journals read by prehistorians. We must be aware of their work and present our findings in ways that demonstrate how we are dealing with issues of interest to them. We should make it harder for them to remain ignorant. Historical archaeologists have done an impressive job of convincing the public of our value, now it is time for us to reintroduce ourselves to our colleagues. Theoretically, there has never been a more appropriate time for Americanist historical archaeologists to re-engage in scholarly debate over the nature of their work and practice. Instead of serving as a laboratory for testing the reliability of techniques developed in prehistoric contexts, archaeologists working in documented time periods can demonstrate the powerful potential of social archaeologies that draw upon multiple lines of evidence. The range of scholars engaged in historical archaeologies is increasing worldwide. Although the field is developing in areas that do not share the intellectual baggage and history of Americanist archaeology, there is the danger that we will replicate our structures of division and isolation in new settings. I would argue that the larger discipline is better served when more voices are in dialogue. I am not suggesting that we disband our sub-discipline. Instead, I want to challenge historical archaeologists of all intellectual flavours to reintroduce ourselves and our research to a wider anthropological and archaeological audience. There is a certain segment of scholars who will never see the value of our work; yet, there are others still, grappling with similar interests and problems, who do not find their way to our scholarship due to shortcomings in their sub-discipline's practices. In a similar vein, I want to encourage continued collaboration between the unique historical archaeologies of Europe and elsewhere. European perceptions of history can enlighten Americanist practice. Similarly, perhaps we can encourage our European counterparts to consider the impacts of the colonial venture in their homelands. For instance, African slavery existed in Europe and waves of immigrants from the Caribbean and Africa have come to settle on the continent, yet, I am unaware of any focus on diasporic archaeology in Europe. Imagine the great potential for understanding the complex enactments of competing ethnic and national identities in the minority populations of Europe (Gerzina 1995; Gilroy 1993). There is a certain security and comfort level that comes from cloistering oneself in a small academic enclave, but this security can also dull our work. It is time for historical archaeologists to assert that their intellectual project is central - not peripheral - to all of

This content downloaded from 35.8.11.3 on Tue, 12 Apr 2016 00:17:37 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms 348 Laurie Wilkie archaeological practice. It is time to question arbitrary designations of what constitute a 'historical' site versus a 'prehistoric' one, and to illustrate why the concerns about how to mediate different forms of the archive are relevant to all archaeological interpretative ventures.

Department of Anthropology , University of California Berkeley, CA 94720 E-mail: [email protected]

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South, S. 1977. Method and Theory in Historical Archaeology. Orlando, FL: Academic Press. Spector, J. D. 1991. What this awl means: toward a feminist archaeology. In Engendering Archaeology: Women and Prehistory (eds J. Gero and M. Conkey). Oxford: Blackwell, pp. 388-406. Spelman, E. 1988. Inessential Woman: Problems of Exclusion in Feminist Thought. Boston, MA: Beacon Press.

Stahl, A. 2001. Making History in Banda: Anthropological Visions of Africa's Past. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Tarlow, S. and West, S. (eds) 1999. The Familiar Past? Archaeologies of Later Historical Britain. London: Routledge. Tringham, R. 1991. Households with faces: the challenge of gender in prehistoric architectural remains. In Engendering Archaeology: Women and Prehistory (eds J. Gero and M. Conkey). Oxford: Blackwell, pp. 93-131. Vansina, J. 1985. Oral Tradition as History. Madison, WI: University of Wisconsin Press. Voss, B. 2000. Feminisms, queer theories, and the archaeological study of past sexualities. World Archaeology, 32: 180-92. Wall, D. 1994. The Archaeology of Gender: Separating the Spheres in Urban America. New York: Plenum.

Watson, P., LeBlanc, S. and Redman, C. 1971. Explanation in Archaeology: An Explicitly Scientific Approach. New York: Columbia University Press, pp. 3-57.

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Whelan, M. K. 1991. Gender and historical archaeology: eastern Dakota patterns in the 19th century. Historical Archaeology, 25: 17-32. Whitely, P. 2002. Archaeology and oral tradition: the scientific importance of dialogue. American Antiquity, 67: 405-15. Wilkie, L. A. 2003. The Archaeology of Mothering: An African- American Midwife's Tale. New York: Routledge. Yentsch, A. E. 1994. A Chesapeake Family and their Slaves: A Study in Historical Archaeology. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.

Laurie A. Wilkie is an Associate Professor of Anthropology at the University of California, Berkeley. Her research focuses upon the intersections of materiality and identity in the recent past, with a particular attention to the African Diaspora.

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Historical and Anthropological Archaeology: Forging Alliances Author(s): Robert Paynter Source: Journal of Archaeological Research, Vol. 8, No. 1 (March 2000), pp. 1-37 Published by: Springer Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/41053122 Accessed: 12-04-2016 00:16 UTC

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This content downloaded from 35.8.11.3 on Tue, 12 Apr 2016 00:16:49 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms Journal of Archaeological Research, Vol. 8, No. 7, 2000

Historical and Anthropological Archaeology: Forging Alliances

Robert Paynter1

KEY WORDS: landscape; epistemology; history.

INTRODUCTION

This content downloaded from 35.8.11.3 on Tue, 12 Apr 2016 00:16:49 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms 2 Paynter local population and savagely exploiting their labor in mines and fields, driving the native population of Hispaniola virtually extinct by 1550. However, and somewhat unwittingly, Columbus did bring the source of Caribbean profits on this second voyage - sugar plants. By 15 16 the first capital-intensive sugar mill was established on Hispaniola and by the mid- 1500s sugar exports from the island were a major source of Spanish wealth. The decimated indigenous population was not a large enough labor force for this commodity, and thus came to the Western Hemisphere, in chains, the people of Africa who tilled the fields, cut the cane, and worked the mills. The transport of enslaved Africans to Hispaniola was first sanctioned in 1501, and by 1517 a contract was let by the crown of Spain for 4000 Africans (Jane, 1988, pp. 20-188; Koning, 1976, pp. 70-94; Las Casas, 1992, pp. 14-25; Morison, 1991, pp. 389-399, 481-495; Williams, 1970, pp. 23-45). Columbus's second voyage is a capsule of the practices and processes by which European culture moved from its position on the periphery of the medieval world (Abu-Lughod, 1989) to become part of the core of our post-Columbian world system. More generally, the late 15th century was the beginning of a historically unique conjunction of forces that resulted in dreams and practices of European global conquest. It began with European advances into Africa, followed shortly thereafter by the invasion of the Americas. Later the peoples of South, East, and Central Asia, and then Oceania, were caught up in what eventually became our world, a world of global scale struggles to extract surpluses, to exert political dominance, to build communities, and to foster senses of political and personal identities. It is these multiple and diverse processes and the variety of responses to them that constitute the subject matter of historical archaeology. That historical archaeology is about the archaeology of European expansion is a thesis with a solid history in the discipline. Initially (and it was only some 30 years ago that the journal Historical Archaeology was founded) there were those who based the discipline's definition on methodology - historical archaeology being the study of a people's material culture with the aid of their documents. Schuyler (1978) com- piles many of these early arguments; Historical Archaeology 27(1), introduced by Cleland (1993), also has a number of articles on the history of the society (see also Deagan, 1982; Little, 1994; Orser, 1996, pp. 1-28; South, 1994). However, many practitioners always saw historical archaeology as staking a claim to a slice of world history largely unexamined by anthropologists. For example, Deetz (1968) early on conceived of the task as the study of Late Man in North America and more recently advocates the study of "the spread of European societies worldwide, beginning in the 15th century, and their subsequent development and impact on native peoples in all parts of the world" (Deetz, 1991, p. 1). South (ed., 1977) stresses the importance of studying the British colonial system and not just particular sites, and more recently in studying the energetics of world cultural systems riven by class distinctions (South, 1988). Schuyler (1970, p. 83) succinctly describes historical archaeology as "the study of the material manifestation of the expansion

This content downloaded from 35.8.11.3 on Tue, 12 Apr 2016 00:16:49 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms Historical and Anthropological Archaeology 3 of European culture into the non-European world starting in the 15th century and ending with industrialization or the present" (see also Schuyler, 1991). Leone (1977, p. xvii), working with insights from Marx, argues that historical archaeology deals "with modern society or with its direct historical foundations . . . people, places, and processes tied up with the Industrial Revolution, the founding of the modern English-speaking world, or directly with modern Americans." For Leone, this problematic provides a place for historical archaeology within anthropology: "it has a special way of analyzing our society" (1977, p. xxi). Today, many practitioners trained in North America adhere to the position that historical archaeology is about the ways of life of post-Columbian peoples (e.g., Deagan, 1982, 1988; Falk, 1991; Leone, 1995; Orser, 1996). Less cer- tainty surrounds the key features and dynamics of this way of life. Deetz's (1977) structuralist-idealist paradigm is a major research perspective. Approaches emphasizing traditional and revised ecological models also have been advocated (e.g., Hardesty, 1985; Mrozowski, 1993, 1996). Although mainstream social science perspectives dominate the conception of politics and economy, others have argued for the relevancy of any of a number of marxian and other critical approaches (e.g., Leone, 1995; McGuire and Paynter, 1991; Orser, 1988). Theoretical approaches rarely dominate the discussion in historical archaeology as most of what historical archaeologists have done is the very familiar work of "archaeography" (Deetz, 1988b, p. 18), the detailing of aspects of the post-Columbian way of life. Thus, much of what is done in historical archaeology is what is done in any archaeology, teasing out the methodological issues about interpreting material remains with the added issue of the interplay of documentary and material sources of information [see Little (1994) and Orser (1996) for very useful overviews of the intellectual currents in historical archaeology]. What is the place of the post-Columbian world in the discipline of anthropological archaeology? It should represent an important subject matter for a discipline interested in a comparative perspective on such matters as faction process, state formation, world systems, and identity construction (e.g., Blanton et al., 1996; Brumfiel, 1992; Brumfiel and Fox, 1994; Chase-Dunn, 1992; Friedman, 1992; Patterson and Gailey, 1987; Rowlands et al, 1987; Yoffee, 1995). Nonetheless, the post-Columbian world constitutes an understudied subject in anthropological archaeology (cf. Patterson, 1993). It is understudied, perhaps, in much the same way the ethnography of Europe and of the United States are understudied due to anthropology's aversion to the ways of life of the West (Cole, 1977; Wolf, 1982). It is also, perhaps, understudied by anthropological archaeologists because its use of documents seems somehow to circumvent the difficult task of material interpretation that is at the heart of "pre-historic" archaeology (Hodder, 1989, p. 141; Watson and Fotiadis, 1990, p. 615). All the same, historical archaeologists have been seeking a disciplinary understanding that bridges between the concerns of anthropology and history, that uses objects to study the mediation of actions and

This content downloaded from 35.8.11.3 on Tue, 12 Apr 2016 00:16:49 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms 4 Paynter meanings. This can be accomplished only if its analysis of the past 500 years approaches the creation of a vast array of ways of life through the understanding that comes from the anthropological archaeological perspectives of comparison and material analysis. With its emphasis on studying the West, using documents and objects, historical archaeology inhabits a liminal space in the anthropological imagination (Orser, 1996, p. 10). And, this liminal position of historical archaeology, caught between history and anthropology, between culture and action, between ethnohistory and ethnography, between the past and the present, has bedeviled my writing of this review. How do I simultaneously address the concerns of anthropological archaeologists, historians, historical archaeological colleagues, and colleagues in other disciplines interested in the particular versions of theory to which I subscribe? Moreover, since historical archaeology is so clearly a discipline in the making, how do I write a review knowing that it is from an admittedly constrained position (Harding, 1986; Morgen, 1997)? Part of the answer is to note what is not being reviewed here and in a subsequent article. Specifically, I have tried to cover topics as they are addressed by historical archaeologists. I do not take on a comprehensive study of how historians and social theorists have taken on the post-Columbian world. However, for areas that have only recently begun to receive historical archaeology's attention, especially with regards to framing the discussion, I draw on historians and social theorists who open up particularly useful lines of research. Another part of the answer is to recognize some of my constraints. I principally study the post-Columbian world as it has played out in the North American northeast. Although I try to bring a global perspective to this task, my thinking is enmeshed within the practices of historical archaeology in this area, where I also live and work in an anthropology department. As a result, the political movements and the intellectual milieu all contribute to how I understand the past of this region and its place in the world. Additionally, I am interested in developing a critical archaeology, one that confronts the ideological structures and practices that promote inequality in this region and in the globe at large. Thus, I am interested in developing understandings of the recent past that work against the fairly common cultural givens in the United States of global dominance based on inevitable technological progress, grounded fuzzily in biological determinisms concerning racial and gender superiority (e.g., Escobar, 1995; Patterson, 1995). Since deconstructing these ethnocentric common senses can be at the heart of the anthropological enterprise, I want to contribute to the project of bringing this sort of anthropological perspective to historical archaeology's study of the post-Columbian world. From this perspective, the nexus of the development of mercantile and then industrial capitalist class relations, the use of race in relations of class exploitation and national conquest, the development of a conquest state tied to capitalist wealth accumulation, and the formation of heterosexual, patriarchal gender relations creates

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the social dynamics that give distinctive shape to the past 500 years. Although I believe that in general, regardless of one's global location over the last 500 years, one would have to come to grips with the class, race, state formation, and gender relations spun out of northwestern Europe and North America, I also acknowledge that the particulars at any one place will be interestingly different from how things worked themselves out in these areas. Learning these additional histories is an important task for historical archaeology. Moreover, in the vein of anthropological inquiry, learning about histories elsewhere on the globe will affect understandings of the general theoretical constructs of capitalism, racism, and patriarchy, and reflect back on our particular understandings of the histories of the core areas themselves (Schmidt and Patterson, 1995). Building this larger set of understandings is the unfinished task of historical archaeology; and as a result, this paper is far from a complete synthesis. It is a review given these concerns, for the sake of colleagues in anthropological archaeology interested in social stratification, regardless of whether their data include written documents. The review is developed in two articles. The first considers the practice of historical archaeology, the issues of contemporary interest, the debates of contemporary concern, and the articulation of historical archaeology and anthropological archaeology. The second, which will appear in a subsequent issue of the journal, considers the history of the last 500 years, as seen from the vantage point of historical archaeology. A recent literature section for both these articles accompanies the second article, "People and Processes of the Post-Columbian World."

GLOBAL RESEARCH

Historical archaeology has been mostly practiced in eastern North America and the Caribbean, pursuing the goals of documenting the cultures of people of European descent (principally from the British Isles and the Iberian Peninsula) and to lesser, but increasing extents, for people of African and Native American descent. Although the eastern United States and the Caribbean are the areas of greatest volume of research, one of the most important trends in historical archaeology is the study of the European colonial practices and the resultant resistances around the world. In North America in addition to the English, the Dutch and the French also were significant colonial powers, and their material remains have come under greater scrutiny (e.g., Huey, 1991; Janowitz, 1993; Moussette, 1996). Stud- ies of the North American West are of increasing frequency (e.g., Farnsworth, 1989; Hardesty, 1988; Praetzellis and Praetzellis, 1992; Praetzellis et a/., 1987, 1988; Purser, 1989; Wegars, 1993), with provocative suggestions for thematic research issues to frame site-specific work found in Hardesty 's (1991b) collection of plenary papers on "Historical Archaeology in the American West" (Ayres, 1991;

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Greenwood, 1991; Hardesty, 1991b; Schuyler, 1991) and Lightfoot's (1995) archaeology of pluralism at Fort Ross in northern California (see also Marshall and Maas, 1997). For the areas of North and South America influenced by the Spanish Empire the articles in Thomas's (1989, 1990, 1 99 l)quincentennial volumes on the Spanish Borderlands are indispensable contributions and reviews (see also Farnsworth and Williams, 1992). Kathleen Deagan, as reported in a number of publications (e.g., 1983, 1985; Deagan and Cruxent, 1993), has been directing research on and writing detailed case studies and regional syntheses about the Spanish Caribbean and Florida. Kowalewski (1997) is bringing the notable studies of prehistoric Oaxaca into the historic period with considerations of regional change in the post-Columbian world. Sued-Badillo (1992, 1995) and Rouse (1986, 1992) offer contrasting versions of the indigenous peoples of the Caribbean first caught up in European colonial schemes (see also Patterson, 1991). Jones (1989) has begun the study of the long history of Spanish-Mayan domination and resistance, and Kepecs (1997) and Alexander (1997) have conducted regional-scale archaeological and ethnohistorical research on the conquest period in Yucatán. Armstrong (1985, 1990) and Delle (1996, 1998) present detailed studies of Jamaican plantations. Handler (e.g., 1997; Lange and Handler, 1985) has reported extensively on plantation life and its impacts on the African population in Barbados. Galways Plantation on Montserrat has been studied by Pulsipher (e.g., 1991). Orser (1994) and Agorsah (1993, 1995) have studied maroon populations in Brazil and the Caribbean, respectively (see also Funari, 1996). Schaedel (1992), summarizing the sparse archaeological studies from historical South America, sets out a sweeping agenda for a historical archaeology of the past 500 years. Rice has been investigating wineries in colonial Peru with an eye to studying issues of technological transfer (e.g., Rice and Van Beck, 1993; Rice and Smith, 1988). Jamieson (1996) offers analyses of social life in Ecuador, with attention to gender relations. In lowland South America Vargas Arenas and Sanoja (e.g., Vargas Arenas, 1995) are bringing their distinctive and sophisticated theoretical approach of "social archaeology" to understand the colonial period, especially in its urban manifestations. An extensive literature exists on the British Isles that self-identifies as being about post-Medieval archaeology (e.g., Crossley, 1989). Among this important body of information, M. Johnson's (1993, 1996) studies of the class and gender processes operating in England is essential reading [see also Driscoll (1992), Samson (1992), and Webster (1997) for similar concerns for earlier periods in the British Isles]. Mangan's study of the landscapes of Catalonia during the transition from feudalism to capitalism (1994) is one of the few historical archaeological works in English from continental Europe [see Crumley (1994), McGovern (1990), and Woolf (1997) for overviews of precursor situations]. Baram (1996) and Silberman (1989; Handsman and Silberman, 1991) have begun to take apart how European capitalism came to Palestine and how this archaeology figures in the contemporary state-building efforts in the region.

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Southern Africa has developed an extensive literature on what Hall calls the archaeology of impact (1993). Some of the works are singular contributions to archaeological theory deserving broad readership. Hall's (1992) study of the ideology of race coded in the material record of South Africa, for instance, is an important theoretical intervention into the interpretation of meaning using material culture. Carmel Schrire's (1995) extraordinary book informs us about the construction of race and apartheid with first-rate interpretations of the past and provocatively reflexive understandings of the conduct of archaeology (see also Schrire, 1991, 1992) Warren Perry's (1996) archaeologically based reconsideration of Shaka and the Zulu state demonstrates the inextricable role of European slavers in this process, an interpretation that should affect the ethnology of state origins. West and Central Africa have a growing body of research. De Corse (1999) has surveyed West African archaeology with an eye to interpreting the material remains of North American and Caribbean African- American peoples. The Kingdom of Benin has been the subject of archaeological research by Kelly (1997a,b). Rowlands (1989) and Thomas-Emeagwali (1989) lay out the contours for a historical archaeology of Cameroon and Nigeria, respectively, that take into account the long-term processes of political economy indigenous to the area, and the distinctive nature of their inter- digitation with European accumulation. Studies of modern material culture, such as Rowlands and Warnier's (1996) analysis of magic and iron smelting or Steiner's (1994) study of the African art trade have obvious relevance for understanding the historical period. Peter Schmidt (1978, 1995; Schmidt and Childs, 1995), in his significant body of work on East Africa, has sought to uncover the dynamics of these societies hidden in colonial "histories." As in West Africa, understanding these hidden histories is a necessary precursor for conducting a historical archaeology of the area, one that will necessarily involve understanding the dynamics of the Islamic world system (see also LaViolette et a/., 1989; Pearson, 1997). Of course Africa north of the Sahara has a long history of contact with Europeans. Nonetheless, the most recent stage of European expansion began in the 1400s with the Portuguese invasion of Morocco, an episode given exemplary consideration in Redman's (1986) study of the strategic town of Qsar es-Seghir (see also Boone et al, 1990). Oceania has seen significant work in Australia (e.g., Connati, 1994) as another of the growing centers of historical archaeology. A remarkable collaboration by Patrick Kirch and Marshall Sahlins (1992) brings the perspectives of Sahlins's structural history into the study of the archaeology and ethnography of Hawaii. Nicholas Thomas's (1991) studies of contemporary material "entanglements" in Polynesia are important reading for anyone interested in material culture theory and the cultural workings of objects in the borderlands of colonial situations. All of these world areas, and others, are developing distinctive understandings of how European culture arrived and entangled itself in indigenous social, political, cultural, and economic affairs. In some areas, such as southern Africa, enough studies have been conducted for practitioners to develop critiques of conventional

This content downloaded from 35.8.11.3 on Tue, 12 Apr 2016 00:16:49 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms 8 Paynter understandings of European conquest; most are consumed with foundational descriptive work of excavation, chronology, and archival research. All the same, Schmidt and Patterson (1995) have brought together an important collection of articles that point to what alternative archaeologies of the colonial and postcolonial periods might look like. Historical archaeology has not settled on a world-scale narrative to tie together the events and trajectories noted from around the globe. One influential model is offered by Deetz (1977, 1988a). For North American New England Deetz suggests a cultural progression from yeoman to folk to Georgian as a temporal succession of culture types. The yeoman-period culture is an initial close approximation to the colonizing fragment of European culture. Cultural mutations resulting from isolation from Europe characterize the folk period. And, a reintegration of New England into the emerging consumer capitalist culture of the 19th century is the force behind the Georgian period. Critics note limitations of this model in applications elsewhere on the globe. Kelso (1992) evaluates Deetz's tripartite model using Virginian houses and gravestones and finds continuity where Deetz finds breaks and breaks where Deetz finds continuity, evidence for the different immigration and class histories of New England and Virginia. Hall (1992) notes the obvious material differences encountered in South Africa and uses the discrepancy in a very clear argument for thinking about the discourses on class and slavery characteristic of European colonial ventures. It would seem that a Deetzian characterization of culture change might be quite accurate for some factions in some colonies at some periods, but has limited utility as a general narrative framework. Nonetheless, it is the most productive, regional-national-scale model developed and worked with by practitioners of historical archaeology to date (see also Harrington, 1989b; Sweeney, 1994). A very different narrative has been offered by Patterson (1993, pp. 349-367). His textbook, Archaeology: The Historical Development of Civilizations, after reviewing the familiar terrain of state formation in the Near East, Egypt, China, South America, and Mesoamerica, concludes with a chapter entitled "Civilization and Its Discontents: The Archaeology of Capitalism." He surveys the global development of capitalism as "an economic system . . . concerned with the production and sale of commodities in markets" (Patterson, 1993, p. 350). In this narrative, the plunder of mineral wealth from the Americas and the theft of African labor provide the basis for mercantile accumulation in northwestern Europe from the 15 th through the 18th centuries. Industrial production in northwestern Europe spread throughout the globe in the 19th and 20th centuries, knitting the world together through the strands of the market and the politics of imperialism and neocolonialism. Two key points underwrite Patterson's narrative: the post-Columbian world is the story of the rise of capitalism, and this story must be told on a world stage. The former is a point assertively argued by Leone and Potter (1988, p. 19): "Whether or not historical archaeology is to be an archaeology of the emergence

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and development of capitalism has been settled in the affirmative." A number of authors have taken up the charge to understand capitalism from the perspective of material culture (Beaudry etal.9 1991; Handsman, 1983; Leone, 1995; McGuire, 1988; Orser, 1988; Paynter, 1988). Indeed, Leone (1988b) makes use of the systematic tendency of capitalist political economies to go through crises to provide a causal argument for Deetz's culture periods. Patterson's second point about the world scale of the phenomenon, and hence of the discipline, reverberates with a large body of theoretical work (e.g., Brewer, 1980), such as Wallerstein's (1974, 1980, 1989) school of world-systems analysis, Wolf's (1982) historical anthropology (Schneider and Rapp, 1995), Samir Amin's (1989) analyses of world-scale accumulation and accompanying culture of Eurocentrism, and work on precapital- ist world systems (e.g., Abu-Lughod, 1989; Blanton et al., 1993; Champion, 1989; Chase-Dunn, 1992; Rowlands et al., 1987). Historical archaeology has sought to articulate world-scale and local processes in such studies as Lewis's (1977, 1984) studies of settlement systems, Delle's (1996, 1998) studies of Caribbean plantations, Schuyler's (1991) thoughts on the American West, and my own work on New England regional settlement patterns (Paynter, 1982, 1985). A point widely recognized, though too often honored in the breach, is that world-scale processes must be understood as the articulation of European and indigenous processes, and not simply the response to the imperatives of European political economics (e.g., Blaut, 1993; Mintz, 1977; Wolf, 1982). Part of the problem of giving dynamic force to both sociocultural trajectories is how to imagine the process of cultural interaction. Most commonly, this is addressed with notions of assimilation and acculturatipn. However, Wolf (1982, pp. 6-7) warns about the dangerous metaphors that underlie such constructs. He cautions that understanding world cultural history as the collision of so many differently colored billiard balls, heretofore isolated cultures, blinds us to the processes at the core of historical change - the continual interpénétration of ways of life with resulting cultural, political, and economic reconfigurations. Unfortunately, words like "Contact period" commonly used by archaeologists to talk about the interactions between would-be colonizing Europeans and their targets sound too much like the comforting click of billiard balls on the cosmic billiard table of world history. Schuyler (1991) captures the scale of the process with his idea of "ethnohistoric interaction spheres," though such a conceptualization runs the risk of becoming a very much bigger billiard ball. Perry (1996) reconceptualizes the colonial period of intense interaction and reconfiguration, drawing on the work of Hall (1993, pp. 183-186) and N. Thomas ( 1 99 1 ), as a period of impact and entanglement. These metaphors have the merit of suggesting the violence of the interactions and the agency of both the indigenous and European cultures. That historical archaeology has yet to find a replacement for the bland "Contact period" does not hide the discipline's recognition that the post-Columbian world is about the sudden and persistent intertwining of formerly unrelated historical processes. This intertwining affected historical trajectories in

This content downloaded from 35.8.11.3 on Tue, 12 Apr 2016 00:16:49 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms 10 Paynter the Americas, in Africa and Asia, and reverberated and affected the trajectories of Europe. The study of this post-Columbian world can be undertaken only by simultaneously conducting local studies informed by theoretical frameworks that allow for the influence of global-scale processes, a task that clearly needs much more empirical and theoretical work. Charles Orser (1996) has recently articulated an important sustained vision of a global archaeology. He makes use of a mutualist social theory to cast a net of relations - social, material, and ideological - across the globe. Arguing for historical archaeology as the study of the modern world, he identifies key themes - colonialism, capitalism, Eurocentrism, and modernity - for understanding this world. Along with reviewing work by other historical archaeologists reflecting these themes, he presents his very interesting and recent work on the maroon community of Palmares in Brazil and famine-period villages in Ireland by way of illustrating global networks. Along the way, the reader is introduced to the history of historical archaeology and post-Medieval archaeology, the intricacies of the present debates in historical archaeology on interpreting meaning, and the development of landscapes as important objects of study. Though I do not use his notion of "haunts" to set my theory in motion or frame my discussion in the terms of his four themes, there is much in his work that reverberates with my understandings of the post-Columbian world. Orser has produced a very provocative introduction to historical archaeology as well as a significant conceptualization of how to study global cultures; it is a good starting place for further study of this subdiscipline.

THE MATERIALITY OF AND METHODOLOGIES FOR THE STUDY OF THE POST-COLUMBIAN WORLD

An Ontology of Objects and Landscapes

Historical archaeology is both blessed and cursed with studying a way of life awash in material culture (Deetz, 1973). Not surprisingly, much of the work of historical archaeology involves detailing these objects, work that discloses who made what, when, where, and how it was used. Noel Hume's (1969) classic com- pendium still stands as a much needed reference and paradigm for this important work (e.g., Beaudry et al, 1988; Carskadden and Gartley, 1990; Gates and Ormerod, 1982; Jones and Sullivan, 1985; Kenmotsu, 1990; Lister and Lister, 1987). Such studies also seek to link the objects, their makers, and their users to the larger economic and social forces (e.g., D. Miller, 1987, 1997; G. Miller, 1991; Turnbaugh, 1985). The impact of anthropological archaeology can be seen in the analysis of faunal and floral remains to disclose dimensions of subsistence (e.g., Reitz and Scarry, 1985), especially within a commodified food system (e.g., Bowen, 1992; Geismar and Janowitz, 1993;Landon, 1996; Reitz, 1987; Rothschild and Balkwill, 1993), to analyze landscaping and gardening practices (e.g., Kelso,

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1994, 1996; Kelso and Beaudry, 1990; Kelso eta/., 1987; Miller, 1989;Mrozowski, 1991; Mrozowski and Kelso, 1987), to investígate disease (e.g., Mrozowski, 1991; Reinhard et al, 1986), and as the raw material in manufacturing (e.g., Claassen, 1994). How then does the researcher move from this myriad of detail to understanding action and thought in the past? Recent work in historical archaeology has developed new ontologies as well as analyses of new classes of information beyond the mainstays of portable artifact analyses. There is considerable overlap with similar discussions in anthropological archaeology that have called for new methods for studying the material world and new approaches to materiality that have expanded definitions of data. In historical archaeology, these critiques have addressed the traditional "fall-out" models of material culture and added cultural landscapes to the domain of archaeological analysis. The traditional ontological precept relating culture and objects is the notion that culture, the subject of inquiry, leaves material correlates. This fall-out model of material culture relations is exemplified in idealist theories, such as Deetz's (1967, pp. 45-49, 1977) notion of mental templates and worldviews that guide the production of the material world, and in more materialist theories, such as South's (1977) notion of patterns of material culture. The task for the investigator operating from either of these theoretical positions is to discover the culture by studying the material patterns (e.g., Schiffer, 1976). Increasingly, historical archaeologists are writing with a different ontology, one that embeds material culture within systems of meaning and action, one that gives objects an active voice in cultural practices (Hodder, 1986, 1989; Shanks and Tilley, 1987a,b; Tilley, 1990; Wobst, 1977). From this angle, studying material culture is not about studying the residue of culture, but is about studying an important aspect of culture itself. The problem for the investigator is less to imagine material transforms or implications and more to imagine intricate and repetitive sequences of human-object interaction that result in the construction of meaning embedded in social relations. In historical archaeology, authors have investigated the role of objects with concepts of discourse, habitus, cultural biography, resistance, and ritual (for a review see Shackel and Little, 1992). For instance, Hall (1992) recasts material evidence of racisms and their concomitant resistances from a Deetzian structural analysis to one based in the analysis of discourses. Nassaney and Abel (1993) investigate sabotage at a cutlery factory as a significant human-object interaction in capitalist societies. De Cunzo (1995) studies the rituals that weave together people, objects and ideologies as they were used by the middle class reformers to address the "problem" of prostitution in Philadelphia. Delle (1996, 1998) expands on the work of Harvey (1989), Soja (1989), and Lefebvre (1991) to understand the active use of space in structuring Jamaican coffee plantations (see also McKee, 1992; Orser, 1988). Orser (1992) advocates the use of the notion of cultural biography to capture the shifting meanings objects take during their path from production to forgotten trash.

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Of all the objects studied by historical archaeologists, space has been going through a significant rethinking, from a neutral and objective dimension of measurement to a culturally mediated object. The reconceptualization is to such an extent that one might say that a whole new class of artifact has been "discovered," namely, the landscape (e.g., Beaudry, 1986; Delle, 1996, 1998; Handsman and Harrington, 1994; Harrington, 1989a; Hood, 1996; Kelso and Most, 1990; Mrozowski, 1991; Rubertone, 1989b; Yamin and Metheny, 1996). Hood (1996, p. 121) refers to these nuanced notions of space as "cultural landscapes . . . [places that] . . . physically embody the history, structure and contexts" of a given way of life. For Rubertone (1989b, p. 50) these cultural landscapes have been "shaped and modified by human actions and conscious design to provide housing, accommodate the system of production, facilitate communication and transportation, mark social inequalities, and express aesthetics." Not restricted to sites alone, Hood (1996, p. 122) notes that "landscapes exist in a continuum of human perception and usage" ranging from formally planned spaces, such as gardens, to seemingly natural places, such as abandoned fields and pastures (1996, p. 122). In between these extremes are "a very large category of spaces that have been increasingly referred to by such terms as houselots, yardscapes, streetscapes, vernacular landscapes, and so on" (Hood, 1996, p. 122). All of these have come increasingly under the attention of archaeological investigation. A focus on landscapes has proven a productive research plan in historical archaeology for a number of reasons. Landscapes have proven to be a productive way to merge information from resource management projects with that of pure research studies (e.g., Bradley, 1984). Information on landscapes is always recovered during excavation, even if artifact assemblages or decipherable architectural fragments are absent. Moreover, landscapes have proven more realistic artifacts for understanding the contours of life in the constantly churning world of mature capitalism; at least landscapes are by definition primary deposits. Archaeologists have studied various places on the North American historical landscape, including regions (e.g., Lewis, 1984; Paynter, 1982; Purser, 1989), commercial and industrial cities (e.g., Beaudry, 1989; Beaudry and Mrozowski, 1989; Cressy et al, 1982; Dickens, 1982; Harrington, 1989b; McGuire, 1991; Mrozowski, 1991; Rothschild, 1990; Shackel, 1996; Staski, 1987; Upton, 1992), towns and villages (e.g., Adams, 1977; Wurst, 1991), seaports (e.g., Harrington, 1992), maroon communities (e.g., Agorsah, 1993, 1995; Feder, 1994;Orser, 1996), logging camps (Franzen, 1992), forts (e.g., Clements, 1993; Faulkner, 1986; Monks, 1992; South, 1977; Staski, 1990), gardens (e.g., Kelso and Most, 1990; Leone, 1988b), and the walls, roads, canals, and railroads used to demarcate and flow between these places (e.g., Gordon and Malone, 1994, pp. 55-223; Leone, 1978; Samson, 1992). Farmsteads, plantations, and homelots are the most frequent form of report, and thus there are too many good examples to cite [Adams (1990) and Worrell et al. (1996) are good overviews].

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The investigation of landscapes has led to the development and modification of various techniques and methods. For instance, remote sensing and geophysical survey have been put to good use in site survey (Clark, 1990; Garrison, 1996; Parrington, 1983). The complex stratigraphy of historical-period sites has benefited from analysis using Harris matrices (Harris, 1979; Harris et al., 1993). As noted above, palynological analysis has provided evidence of the flora on previous landscapes. The primary documents of maps and papers have given insight into the minds of cartographers, developers, architects, and preservationists (e.g., Delle, 1995a,b; Harley, 1989, 1992; Paynter, 1995; Potter, 1994; Seasholes, 1988). Though these studies provide a better understanding of how space was represented, we have only begun to explore their connections to what Harvey (1989, pp. 220- 221) refers to as "spaces of representation (imagination)." Savulis (1992) considers such landscapes of the imagination in her study of Shaker poetry and spirit drawing. Investigating these ideologies of space might take clues from Williams's study of the ideology of the city and the countryside (1973), Fryer's investigations of gender and space in the work of Edith Wharton and Willa Cather (1986), and Dorst's study of the positioning of Chadds Ford in the high culture of the Wyeths and the popular culture of "historical" America ( 1 989). These concerns bridge well to work done on the shifting meaning of historical landscapes in Great Britain, especially by Barbara Bender in her original study of Stonehenge (1993, 1998; see also Tilley, 1994). What we do know is that these rich spatial ideologies gave meaning to the physical objects people built and encountered. Although yet to be synthesized, these encounters happened in a spatial terrain that was simultaneously part of a system, such as that so masterfully described and analyzed in Meinig's geographical history of North America (1986, 1993) and fractured into parts, as presented in Leone and Silberman's (1995) remarkable atlas/travel guide/catalog of the U.S. historical terrain. The challenge of studying this landscape is to keep clear that state formation, race, gender, and class were enmeshed in these spatialities so that the cultural landscape was constructed and experienced differently depending upon whether one was white, black or red, whether one was rich or poor, and whether one was male or female (e.g., De Cunzo, 1995; Epperson, 1990; Paynter, 1992; Upton, 1985, 1992).

Documents and Meanings

Historical archaeology also is blessed and cursed with a form of data distinct from that studied by most anthropological archaeologists - written documents (Deagan, 1988; Schuyler, 1988). Hodder (1986, p. 141) damns with faint praise the volume of data and the presence of texts as providing the potential for more richly networked data. As a result, historical archaeology has an "easier approach"

This content downloaded from 35.8.11.3 on Tue, 12 Apr 2016 00:16:49 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms 14 Paynter to contextual archaeology (1986, p. 141), something that seems to separate it from the real task of analyzing the "harder," document-free data of anthropological archaeology [see also Beaudry (1996 pp. 479-480) or Orser (1996 p. 11) for a tracing of this prejudice]. On the other hand, historical archaeologists are all too familiar with historians who, as discussants at meetings, question the need for doing archaeology by pointing out that some observation based on hours of te- dious excavation and analysis was readily available in a document (Little, 1992, p. 5). So, do documents provide historical archaeology with an embarrassment of riches or simply make archaeology embarrassing? How to handle documents and material objects has concerned the discipline since its inception. Ultimately, its answer infringes on questions of both epistemology and the study of meaning. Mary Beaudry (1988, p. 1) has productively criticized common misuses of documents: "Many view archival material as a control lacking in prehistory . . . they may use historical sites as test cases for models developed in prehistory; or they set out to discover whether archaeological evidence properly reflects the documentary record or vice versa." She argues that documents are complex artifacts reflecting a partial reality and need to be paid their intellectual due. Little (1992, p. 4) similarly criticizes simplistic uses of documents by archaeologists: "Documentary and archaeological data may be thought of as interdependent and complementary, or as independent and contradictory. Oddly enough, both of these views are viable a problematic source of information in and of themselves requiring careful study and interpretation (e.g., De Cunzo, 1995, pp. 94-100; Deagan, 1988; Galloway, 1991; Schuyler, 1978, 1988). Both Beaudry (ed., 1988) and Little (ed., 1992) have edited important volumes that explore methods to meld documents and objects. Less attention has been devoted to the integration of oral histories into the research of historical archaeologists. Among others, Schmidt (1995), Perry (1998), Purser (Í992), Kus (1997), Bender (1998), and Holland (1990) have all made use of and thought critically about oral traditions. Oral histories bring their own sets of problems, much more familiar to ethnographers who have to be concerned about their own place in the society they are studying and why some people choose to become their key informants. Though oral histories represent untapped potentials and uninvestigated problems, their use would be a reminder of who the documents have forgotten and what the objects may record. One of the most sophisticated considerations of how to consider documents and objects can be found in Leone's notion of "middle-range theory" (e.g., Leone, 1988a,b; Leone and Crosby, 1987; Leone and Potter, 1988). This is obviously an appreciative nod to Binford; nonetheless, what Leone suggests is a transformation of Binford. Specifically, the idea is to compare the results of a documentary study and a study of the material record. The most familiar strategy in historical archaeology looks for points of similarity, of confirmation: deed chains that can be matched with assemblage dates, social status indices that can be matched with

This content downloaded from 35.8.11.3 on Tue, 12 Apr 2016 00:16:49 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms Historical and Anthropological Archaeology 15 probate and/or tax and/or census class assessments (Miller, 1980; Spencer- Wood, 1987). Points of disjunctive typically suggest problems of sample bias on the part of the material record, a methodological stance that contributes to the position by many historians (and historical anthropologists) that anything they can learn from objects is already known in the documents. Leone makes a key argument. First, he acknowledges that documents and objects are not really independent lines of evidence; they are, after all, the results of people participating in the same cultural practices. Nonetheless, they track very different moments of that process subject to very different biases and social processes. If, as Leone argues, they are thought of "as if they are independent, one can guard against unwarranted functionalism. Guarding against undue functionalism is important. When documents and objects tell different stories, especially stories in which one record is met with silence in the other, this may be due to sample problems, or it may be due to the operations ofthat past way of life, operations that seek to hide, silence, and thereby dominate. In short, points of mismatch between objects and documents can be used to track the work of social power. Leone's middle-range theory is quite compatible with the insights of Alison Wylie on method in historical archaeology. Wylie (1993), in her typically clear and lucid manner, considers the limits of a Binfordian epistemology of logical positivism for historical archaeology, given its enmeshment of a documentary and objectified data base, and the archaeologist's simultaneous position as participant and observer [see also Saitta (1989) for an important critique of positivist epistemologies]. She concludes that an appropriate epistemology is one that uses the notion of "cables of inference." Such an exposition is one in which "no individual line of evidence may enjoy foundational security, [but] taken together, multiple (independent) lines of evidence can impose decisive empirical constraints on what we can reasonably accept (or entertain) as a plausible account of the past." Indeed, this seems the more favored, if rarely explicitly articulated, epistemology of most historical archaeologists (see also Deagan, 1988; Deetz, 1993, pp. 158-163). Historical archaeology also finds itself enmeshed in more familiar debates about epistemology. The common anthropological archaeology epistemology of testing and verification has been argued for in historical archaeology; as in anthropological archaeology, there has been the recent advocacy of an interpretive epistemology that seeks an insider's view of these past cultures (e.g., Beaudry, 1996; Cleland, 1988; South, 1977; Yentsch, 1994). The promise of an interpretive approach, as Hodder notes above, is all the stronger because of the presence of documents that give access to an emic perspective, the meaning systems of past peoples (Schuyler, 1977). This possibility for the study of meaning is the source of some of the most intense debates and fruitful methodological developments in the subdiscipline. Little and Shackel (1992) cogently parse the debates in historical archaeology, cataloging the various perspectives as processual approaches that consider meaning to be "secondary and invisible," structural approaches that see

This content downloaded from 35.8.11.3 on Tue, 12 Apr 2016 00:16:49 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms 16 Paynter creating meaning as the goal of culture, and postprocessual approaches that eschew the distinction between action and meaning (e.g., Little and Shackel, 1992, p. 1). Despite the heat generated by these arguments, there are points of general agreement among the holders of these different positions. For one there is considerable agreement that the meanings of things need to be and can be considered in historical archaeology. The reason historical archaeologists can use objects to approach meaning is because of a general agreement that objects are recursive, that "objects recycle culture, returning it to the concrete and empirical world where it may be experienced, learned, and changed" (see also Leone, 1986, pp. 416-417; Little and Shackel, 1992, p. 1). Moreover, there is agreement that the meanings of objects can emerge from studying objects in their contextual relations. Dis- agreement exists about exactly what the relevant contexts are, whose meanings are interpretable, whether the perceptions of some factions dominate those of all members of society, and whether the interpretation of meaning is an end in itself or part of a larger enterprise (Beaudry, 1996). A wide range of methods (e.g., Leone and Potter, 1988; Shackel and Little, 1992) has been suggested to get at meaning, including structural analysis (e.g., Deetz, 1977; Yentsch, 1991), contextual analysis (e.g., Beaudry, 1993; Beaudry et al., 1991; Little and Shackel, 1992; Mrozowski, 1993, 1996), dialogical analysis (Hall, 1992), Foucauldian approaches (e.g., Shackel, 1993), analyses of ideology (e.g., Leone, 1984; McGuire, 1991; Shackel, 1995; Wurst, 1991), studies of ritual (De Cunzo, 1995; Wall, 1991), analyses of "double-consciousness" (Mullins, 1996, 1999; Paynter, 1992), analyses drawn from a humanistic anthropology (e.g., Yentsch, 1994), and hermeneutic readings (Garman, 1994). The history of the debates is well-tilled ground, worth the attention of any archaeologist interested in linking meaning and material remains (e.g., Beaudry, 1996; Beaudry et al, 1991; Deetz, 1977; Leone, 1984, 1986; Little, 1994; Orser, 1996, pp. 159-182). The approach to how meaning worked in the past has had implications for how archaeologists construct meanings today, resulting in experimentations in writing archaeology. Some of the strongest writing that makes implicit use of the idea of "cables of inference" can be found in the work of Anne Yentsch (1988a,b, 1994). Be the subject old houses in New England, fishing communities of Cape Cod, or the relations between masters and slaves, Europeans and Africans, whites and blacks, Yentsch builds strong cables that disclose in intricate interweavings the texture of past lives, structures, and histories. Russell Handsman's (1987) experimental narratives in New England history provide both a critique of how New England's past has been represented and a prospectus for the writing of the region's hidden histories. Other experiments have included forays into fiction. In an important study, Spector (1993) explores the limits of traditional scientific methods and epistemologies for bridging the present to the past. Her study offers a powerful mix of fiction and biography to the end of decolonizing our understandings of Dakota lives in the 19th century and those of

This content downloaded from 35.8.11.3 on Tue, 12 Apr 2016 00:16:49 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms Historical and Anthropological Archaeology 17 archaeologists in the 20th. Another important move in this direction is Ferguson's (1992) assessment of colonoware. He, too, mixes genres, using fiction to force on himself and his reader a confrontation with the texture and the humanity of the African and African- American people who constructed these distinctive ceramic vessels. Ferguson (1992) also offers another important departure from standard social scientific prose in historical archaeology, a strong authorial voice. In a striking conclusion, Ferguson relates some of his personal experiences in the desegragating South, experiences that unite personal, political, and structural history to give an urgency to his inquiry into African American folkways. A similar strong voice can be found in the work of Schrire (1995), who recounts the enmeshment of her historical archaeology of South Africa with» her life experiences within South Africa's various faces of prejudice. Far more than the professional reminiscences (e.g., Binford, 1972) or fictional parables (e.g., Flannery, 1976), these strong voices and experimental writing techniques seek to convince us about the past, and our own practices, in new ways. This marks quite an epistemological distance for a discipline to travel given that its leading journal advised authors to avoid the use of the first person pronoun in submitted articles (Anonymous, 1991, p. 124). From landscapes to self-reflection, historical archaeology has been discover- ing new ways to open up its subject matter, to give a more textured understanding of its subject, and to be responsive to intellectual currents in the broader disciplines of anthropology, history, and contemporary academic ideology. In all these issues there are many parallels between work in historical archaeology and in anthropological archaeology. There is one additional way in which, at least as practiced in North America, these two subdisciplines differ - the treatment of the cultural relationship between the archaeologist and the people of the past.

PARTICIPANTS AND OBSERVERS

Let us for the moment construe this problem [of writing history] in a more empirical or commonsense fashion as being simply that of our relationship to the past, and of our possibility of understanding the latter' s monuments, artifacts, and traces. The dilemma of any "historicism" can then be dramatized by the peculiar, unavoidable, yet seemingly unresolvable alternation between Identity and Difference. (Jameson, 1988, p. 150)

Archaeology often assumes a difference between the people of the present and the people of the past. An alternative position recognizes the significance of identity in the construction of the past: "Archaeological interpretations are as much a function of the social setting in which they are formulated and presented as they are of the social matrix from which they are excavated" (Leone and Preucel, 1992, p. 1 19). Obviously, thinking about history involves the simultaneous recognition of identity and difference, a complex problem in and of itself (e.g., Gero, 1989; Gero et ai, 1983; Leone, 1981, 1986; Lowenthal, 1985; Patterson, 1995; Shanks and Tilley, 1987a; Tilley, 1989; Wobst, 1989). The problem takes on a

This content downloaded from 35.8.11.3 on Tue, 12 Apr 2016 00:16:49 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms 18 Paynter peculiarly empirical, rather than simply philosophical, twist in historical archaeology, since indeed historical archaeology is the study of the origins of modern cultures (e.g., Deetz, 1977, pp. 156-161). In a very straightforward sense, and unlike the epistemological problems facing anthropological archaeologists, historical archaeologists are simultaneously observers of and participants in the subject of their inquiry. Within historical archaeology, studies that take on this dilemma are referred to as "critical archaeology." Themes in a critical historical archaeology include bringing class relations into view in a society that insists on the omnipresence of the middle class, bringing people of color into view in a culture that is Eurocentric, arguing against the master themes of triumphalist history (Hu-DeHart, 1995), such as "the vanishing Indian" or the inevitability of progress, and identifying the historical contexts that gave rise to key and seemingly universal metaphors that undergird such narratives, such as the naturalness of individuals and the reality of objective time. Handsman and Leone (1989) present a particularly clear brief for and exem- plification of the method of critical historical archaeology. They begin by noting that "there is a remarkable separation in capitalist societies between life as it is, life as it is thought to be, and life as it might have been" (p. 118). Life as it is thought to be, ideology, is taken to be an understanding that serves the interests of society's elites. Critical social science has as its goal the unmasking of these ideologies, and critical archaeology's task "is to analyze how modern ideology is projected into the past and how that projection reproduced present society's relations of domination" (p. 1 19). The object of analysis should be the "interpretive models, museum interpretations, or more generally, the stories that are told about the prehistoric and historic past" (p. 1 19). In these stories and interpretations, archaeologists should look for how life is constructed as timeless or matter of fact, masking separations and oppositions that might have led to different presents. These timeless qualities specifically hide the historical contingency of today's power structures; disclosing their contingency is the goal of the analysis. This analysis should not simply remain in the domain of the scholar, but, they argue, should be presented in equally public and accessible forms to empower the general public. The end goal of such public presentations should be not only negatively critical, but also positively critical, by suggesting that there have been many possible ways of life and that the future also is rich with possibility (p. 1 19). Handsman and Leone go on to make particularly deft analyses of how exhibits about such diverse figures as George Washington and working-class Connecticut clock makers are used by and mystified in service to the ideological precepts of individualism. Their analyses include counter-exhibits, whose aim would be to alter the impression that the social world is made up of "historically-constituted, self- determining, sentient . . . individuals [who] are assumed to have existed in all times and places" (p. 133) and replace this with an understanding that our conception of

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individualism is "bound up with the histories of merchant capital and industrial capitalism" (p. 133). A number of studies take the analysis of public exhibits and monuments as points of departure for a critical archaeology. For instance, Michael Blakey (1990) analyzes the presentation of whites and people of color at the Smithsonian Museums in Washington, D.C. He condemns the consistent association of Euro- Americans with the powerful technological and intellectual strands of American national identity and Afro- Americans and Native Americans with the ethnically and emotionally distinct and passive ways of life that somehow cohabited America but were separate from and insignificant to the formation of an American identity. I (Paynter, 1 990) took the public historical landscape of Massachusetts, its museums, living history exhibits, and National Register sites, as a text that wrote Afro- American life out of the history of the north, thereby recreating a distinctly northern form of white racism. Paul Shackel (1995) uses the changing treatment of the engine house at Harper's Ferry where John Brown made his famous stand to penetrate the shifting contours of armed resistance in the national story of the Civil War. Parker Potter (1994), in his monograph on critical historical archaeology, begins with ethnography rather than exhibits (see also Leone et al., 1987). He studied the cultural history of Annapolis as part of the Archaeology at Annapolis Project. The "past" has long been used by elite Annapolitans to establish their social position. One particularly significant contemporary use, in an economy dominated by tourists and nonlocal state legislators, separates those knowledgeable about colonial artifacts and architecture (the locals) from other more transient elites (the legislators). Another use of the past is to present George Washington as a model of appropriate tourist behavior. In an attempt to unmask these ideological uses of the past, Archaeology at Annapolis developed archaeological tours that acknowledged the social position of the interpreter and the visitor in the present, with the goal of teaching about how knowledge of the past is created. The model narratives explicitly seek to historicize modern patterns of behavior, such as dining etiquette and equipment, and architectural codes and conventions, by identifying their origins during the Georgian revolution, and to disclose the historically inaccurate construction of George Washington as a "tourist." Potter also presents the instruments used to evaluate the significant impacts these tours had on the general public. The study, framed with informative discussions about the philosophies of critical research, the history of historical archaeology, and the history of Annapolis, is an engaging and important book, of significance for any archaeologist interested in how the past and present interweave. Critical historical archaeology springs from anthropology's distinctive general lack of interest in the white core of the contemporary world system. Thus, there is little in the way of ethnography produced by nonarchaeologists that is readily amenable to material study in the past. As a result, historical archaeologists are

This content downloaded from 35.8.11.3 on Tue, 12 Apr 2016 00:16:49 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms 20 Paynter filling some of this void, an enterprise of interest to cultural anthropologists as well as anthropological archaeologists, with cultural analyses and ethnographies of how American culture makes "history." Part of that history making is the practice of anthropological archaeology, but only part. Thus, the questions deemed significant in anthropological archaeology are but one source of what constitutes significance in historical archaeology; significance also comes in the construction of hegemonic and alternative understandings by historical archaeologists who are participants as well as observers of the American way of life.

HISTORIES AND ARCHAEOLOGIES

Given the range of issues confronted by historical archaeology, why is there the persistent sense that it is somehow lacking? I referred at the start to the pervasive sense that historical archaeology is, in Barbara Little's phrase, the junior varsity of anthropological archaeologies (1994, p. 30). This sense also is found within the field. In 1987, the Society for Historical Archaeology ran a plenary session about the "Questions that Count in Historical Archaeology" (Honerkamp, 1988). A general concern for the lack of theoretically significant contributions by historical archaeologists was expressed by the distinguished presenters, captured explicitly in Deagan's (1988, p. 7) observation that "historical archaeology has not produced the original and unparalleled insights into human cultural behavior or evolution that we might expect to result from the unique perspective and data base of the field." Various sources of difficulty were identified, including being trapped with methodologies generated by prehistorians and limited for historical archaeology's documentary, oral, and material data base (Deagan, 1988), too great a concern with description, especially in the name of particularism and the idiosyncratic, at the expense of concern with enduring issues of culture process (Cleland, 1988; South, 1988), and an unwarranted sense of deference to anthropological archaeology and history, characterized by Schuyler (1988, pp. 36-37) as the Pseudo-Processual Progress Proffered by Prehistorians complex and the need to "stop trying to make uncalled for offerings at the altar of Clio." Remedies offered by all the authors include making use of the unique data bases of historical archaeology and directing attention to issues of broad anthropological concern (Leone, 1988a; Mrozowski, 1988). And yet these remedies are all directed toward celebrating some future, rather than some past, contribution by historical archaeology. Trigger (1984), Patterson (1995), and Kohl (1998) embed archaeological theory within the context of Western culture, and their perspectives put the status of historical archaeology in a different light. Trigger (1984, p. 616) distinguishes different archaeologies, appropriate to the "roles that particular nation states play, economically, politically, and culturally, as interdependent parts of the modern world-system." One is the nationalist archaeology, whose primary function "is to bolster the pride and morale of nations or ethnic groups" (p. 620). Colonialist

This content downloaded from 35.8.11.3 on Tue, 12 Apr 2016 00:16:49 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms Historical and Anthropological Archaeology 21 archaeologies "by emphasizing the primitiveness and lack of accomplishments of [colonized] peoples [seek] to justify their own poor treatment of them" (p. 620). Imperialist archaeologies seek to understand and underpin why imperial power has its worldwide sway. American archaeology began as a colonialist endeavor but, with the advent of the New Archaeology, took on the characteristics of an imperialist archaeology. "Its emphasis on nomothetic generalizations implies not simply that the study of native American prehistory as an end in itself is trivial but also that this is true of the investigation of any national tradition" (p. 620). Kohl's (1998) recent consideration of Trigger's argument notes the variety of ways that nation-states have used archaeology to underwrite their legitimacy, noting the wider range of nationalist archaeologies than apparent in Trigger's analysis. Seeking to escape an involvement in politics by developing an archaeology that trivializes any particular history seems, on the basis of the studies by Trigger, Patterson, and Kohl, unlikely to succeed. Rather, the move to trivializing national traditions seems to be the ideological device of elevating the interest of a segment of world society to the status of a universal as a means to hide the particularity ofthat segment's point of view (Miller and Tilley, 1984). There is no explicit consideration of historical archaeology by Trigger; however, it does seem caught between an underdeveloped form of a nationalist American archaeology and the dominant American imperialist anthropological archaeology. Born in the strife of the 1960s, some of historical archaeology's fascination with the dramatic or beautiful "significant" places on the American historical landscape represents a tendency towards being a handmaiden to a consensus and nationalist history of the United States. But another outcome of the 1960s is the critical tradition (Patterson, 1995, pp. 133-139) in historical archaeology, which seeks to contest aspects of the consensus vision, out of populist impulses that recognize the importance of common people, and out of more radical impulses that seek to unmask ideologies of race, class, and gender consensus, or that are dissatisfied with stories of national technological progress that ignore global impoverishment. As if being caught between consensus and critical traditions of history were not enough, historical archaeology also was born in the 1960s' enthu- siasm for the New Archaeology, Trigger's imperialist American archaeology that trivializes concern with either version of a "local" history. No wonder it is difficult for historical archaeologists to match aspirations with achievements. The imperialist impulses in anthropological archaeology are facing a severe test from an anti-colonialist, nationalist direction. NAGPRA has forced a conversation with native peoples of the United States about access to the materials of the North American past and the significance of an imperialist perspective for their interpretation. Minimally, as Leone and Preucel (1992, p. 123) point out, "Archaeologists have been markedly less effective in making their professional interests known to the public and to Native Americans." Appeals to universal scientific truths and universal benefits of education have failed to register with the nationalist goals of Native Americans or with United States national institutions

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(McGuire, 1992a, p. 827; Spector, 1993). These conversations have led an increasing number of archaeologists to seek to deimperialize and decolonize the discipline (e.g., Handsman and Richmond, 1995; Leone and Preucel, 1992; McGuire, 1992a; Rubertone, 1989; Schmidt and Patterson, 1995; Zimmerman, 1989), a move that leads to the revaluation of the "local" history of the North American past. In other words, American anthropological archaeology increasingly finds itself caught in what has been historical archaeology's dilemma, that of trying to understand local history with perspectives that tend to trivialize such an endeavor (Patterson, 1990, 1995; Ramenof sky, 1991; Trigger, 1989, 1991). Anthropological archaeologists have increasingly turned attention to the issue of history (such as at the 1997 Chacmool Conference on "The Entangled Past . . . Integrating History and Archaeology"). The problem, in part, is making structuralist models of human society take on a nonteleological diachronic dimension. Some approaches seek the parallels between biological and cultural evolution (e.g., Dunnell, 1980, 1982, 1989; Schiffer, 1996). Others have advocated the perspectives of Braudel and the Annales school (e.g., Hodder, 1987; Knapp, 1992; Smith, 1992). And others approach history within the broad parameters set by Marx's (1984, p. 97) notion that "men make their own history, but they do not make it just as they please; they do not make it under circumstances chosen by themselves, but under circumstances directly encountered, given and transmitted from the past" (see also Kohl, 1987; Marquardt, 1992; McGuire, 1992b; McGuire and Saitta, 1996; Patterson, 1995; Saitta, 1989; Spriggs, 1984; Trigger, 1991). Feinman has been working on aspects of an archaeological history that bridges between the idiosyncretism of the post-Processual archaeology and the universal- ism of Processual archaeology (1994, 1997a,b). These differences often are constructed as the difference between science and history. However, he argues that science and history are not necessarily diametrically opposite endeavors. Con- ceived as an historical science, archaeology can take its place alongside other historical sciences, such as evolutionary biology (Feinman, 1994, pp. 18-25). In this, the goal is to "wind our way through particulars and specific sequences, while not losing sight of general, comparative, and theoretical questions concerning cultural differences, similarities, and change" (Feinman, 1994, p. 19). Doing this involves, among other tasks, writing particular histories for specific places, times, and people while maintaining an interest in systemic processes, making use of any relevant data without privileging texts over objects (or vice versa), eschew- ing normative narratives by recognizing the ordered diversity of social life, and structuring arguments so that ideas and data confront and constrain one another (Feinman, 1997b). These are sensible responses to the polemical debates of Processual and post- Processual archaeologists (see also Trigger, 1991). In addition, critical archaeology suggests extending these ideas to address the role of archaeology within our culture. For anthropological archaeology this point has been most acutely made in

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the contests between archaeologists and Native Americans over writing the Native past. As noted above, the reemergence of the Native history of North America is due in part to the contest between archaeologists and some Native nations over the content and stewardship of this history (e.g., Deloria, 1992a,b; Wylie, 1992). McGuire (1992b) has ably chronicled this contest and detailed the role that archaeology has played in conservative and liberal theories concerning Native North Americans (see also Patterson, 1995; Trigger, 1980, 1989). McGuire's analysis makes clear that regardless of intention, the results of anthropological archaeology will be used within mainstream society as it continually comes to grip with the legacy of conquest. It also makes clear that with few exceptions, archaeology has gravitated to the liberal, noble savage position, a position with honor but, nonetheless, a position caught in the dialectic of noble and ignoble savages characteristic of colonialist ideologies. A way out is to imagine a world of different social relations, of Native autonomy, of Native anticolonial nationalism. Regardless of what one thinks of McGuire's challenge (and I find it worth our attention), any attempt to write, in theory or in particular, the history of Native North America will need to recognize explicitly that it is inextricably caught in discourses about colonialism and anticolonialism in the culture that is producing archaeology. Trying to understand where archaeology fits within nationalist ideologies is familiar terrain for historical archaeology. Historical archaeologists have taken on the task of writing antitriumphalist histories that emphasize the role of social relations as well as individuals, the common people as well as the prominent, the struggles along class, color, and gender lines, and the emergent social and cultural diversity of a supposedly uniform nation-state. To say that it is familiar terrain is not to say that it has been solved. For instance, adding the anticolonialist histories to be written by anthropological archaeologists about resistant and persistent, as well as vanquished, indigenous peoples would be a powerful synthesis. His- torical and anthropological archaeologists have much in common in developing epistemologies, theories, and methods to engage this important area of research. A dynamic blending of the scientific abstraction of the New Archaeology with the historical concerns of archaeologists who recognize their engagement in their own culture would provide a salutary amalgamation in the Untied States and in other archaeology-producing cultures around the globe. In sum, historical archaeology and anthropological archaeology face many of the same issues. Theorizing diverse forms of materiality (especially regarding the methods and theories of landscapes), working on the epistemological problems of using written documents as well as material objects, and studying the place of archaeology in archaeology-making cultures are three areas of congruence. Most important is the problem of devising disciplinary agreement on what constitutes culture history. What standards of proof are relevant? What processes should be given research priority? What questions are of pressing import? And, how do answers fit into the various ways the past is used in the contemporary world?

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Insights from anthropological and historical archaeologies are needed to negotiate these issues. A forthcoming review will investigate how historical archaeologists have sought to develop an understanding of the post-Columbian world based in the analysis of the formation of race, class, state, and gender relations.

ACKNOWLEDGMENTS

Thanks go to Marge Abel, Uzi Baram, Mark Bograd, Claire Carlson, Marta Carlson, Liz Chilton, Jim Delle, Jim Garman, Rick Gumaer, Susan Hautaniemi, Steve Himmer, Ed Hood, Ross Jamieson, David Lacy, Kerry Lynch, Patricia Mangan, Ruth Mathis, Paul Mullins, Nancy Müller, Juliana Nairouz, Mike Nassaney, Sacha Page, Richard Panchyk, Marlys Pearson, Rita Reinke, Mary Robison, Ellen Savulis, Marta Yolanda Quezada, and Dean Saitta. Thanks go, too, to Martin Wobst, Dena Dincauze, Art Keene, Alan Swedlund, Helan Enoch Page, Jackie Urla, Arturo Escobar, Warren Perry, Steve Mrozowski, Randy McGuire, and Tom Patterson. I especially benefited from Gary Feinman and Doug Price's patience and sage advice.

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This content downloaded from 35.8.11.3 on Tue, 12 Apr 2016 00:15:57 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms 4/11/2016 Worried about your teenage daughter? Move to the Netherlands LA Times Opinion / OpEd Op-Ed Worried about your teenage daughter? Move to the Netherlands

Fotolia / TNS

By Peggy Orenstein

APRIL 8, 2016, 5:00 AM

There are some significant demographic differences that affect those numbers: We are a more diverse nation than Holland, with higher rates of childhood poverty, fewer social welfare guarantees and more social conservatives. http://www.latimes.com/opinion/oped/laoe0410orensteingirlssexdutch20160410story.html 1/4 4/11/2016 Worried about your teenage daughter? Move to the Netherlands LA Times Yet, even when controlling for all that, the difference holds. Consider a study comparing the early sexual experiences of 400 randomly chosen American and Dutch women at two similar colleges — nearly all white, all middle class, with similar religious backgrounds. So, apples to apples.

The American girls had become sexually active at a younger age than the Dutch, had had more encounters with more partners and were less likely to use birth control. They were more likely to say they'd had first intercourse because of “opportunity” or pressure from friends or partners.

In subsequent interviews with some of the participants, the Americans described interactions that were “driven by hormones,” in which boys determined relationships, male pleasure was prioritized and reciprocity was rare.

As for the Dutch girls, their early sexual activity took place in loving, respectful relationships in which they communicated openly with their partners (whom they said they knew “very well”) about what felt good and what didn't, about how “far” they wanted to go, and about what kind of protection they would need along the way. They reported more comfort with their bodies and their desires than the Americans and were more in touch with their own pleasure.

Here's their secret: The Dutch girls said that teachers and doctors had talked candidly to them about sex, pleasure and the importance of a loving relationship. More than that, though, there was a stark difference in how their parents approached those topics. The American girls' moms had focused on the potential risks and dangers of sex, while their dads, if they said anything at all, stuck to lame jokes. Dutch parents, by contrast, had talked to their daughters from an early age about both the joys and responsibilities of intimacy. As a result, one Dutch girl said she told her mother immediately after her first intercourse, “because we talk very open[ly] about this. My friend's mother also asked me how it was, if I had an orgasm and if he had one.”

The attitudes of the two nations weren't always so far apart. According to Amy Schalet, an associate professor of sociology at the University of Massachusetts, in the late 1960s the Dutch — like Americans — roundly disapproved of premarital sex. The sexual revolution transformed attitudes in both countries, but, whereas American parents and policymakers responded by treating teen sex as a health crisis, the Dutch went another way: They consciously embraced it as natural, though requiring proper guidance. Their government made pelvic exams, birth control and abortion free to anyone under 22, with no requirements for parental consent.

By the 1990s, when Americans were shoveling millions into the maw of useless abstinenceonly education, Dutch teachers (and parents) were busy discussing the positive aspects of sex and relationships, as well as anatomy, reproduction, disease prevention, contraception and abortion. They emphasized respect for self and others in intimate encounters, and openly addressed masturbation, oral http://www.latimes.com/opinion/oped/laoe0410orensteingirlssexdutch20160410story.html 2/4 4/11/2016 Worried about your teenage daughter? Move to the Netherlands LA Times sex, homosexuality and orgasm. When a Dutch national poll found that most teenagers still believed that boys should be the more active partner during sex, the government added “interaction” skills to its sex ed curricula, such as how to let “the other person know exactly what feels good” and how to set boundaries.

By 2005, four out of five Dutch youth said that their first sexual experiences were well timed, within their control and fun. Eightysix percent of girls and 93% of boys agreed that “We both were equally eager to have it.” Compare that to the United States, where twothirds of sexually experienced teenagers say they wish they had waited longer to have intercourse for the first time.

It's not just about sex, though. According to Schalet, there's a fundamental difference in the countries' conceptions of how teenagers become adults. American parents consider adolescents to be innately rebellious, in thrall to their “raging hormones.” We respond by cracking down on them, setting stringent limits, forbidding or restricting any behavior that might lead to sex or substance use. We end up with a selffulfilling prophecy: Teens assert independence by breaking rules, rupturing their relationships with parents, separating from the family. Sex, which typically involves sneaking around or straightup lying, becomes a vehicle through which to do that.

An American sex educator named Charis Denison, for instance, told me that roughly half the questions she fields from students about parents involve how to get contraception or testing for sexually transmitted diseases without Mom and Dad finding out; the other half are on how to bring up sensitive issues so they will actually listen. Both speak to a rift between teenagers and those who love them most — one that parents more or less create. Schalet said that girls particularly suffer, wrestling with the incompatibility of remaining a “good daughter” while becoming sexually active. They end up either lying to their parents or copping to their behavior but keeping it invisible, outside the home.

Dutch teens, on the other hand, remain closely connected to parents, growing up in an atmosphere of gezelligheid, which Schalet translates loosely as “cozy togetherness.” Parents and teens are expected to discuss the children's psychological and emotional development, including their burgeoning sexual drives. As part of that, Dutch parents permit coed sleepovers, which are rare in the U.S. except in the most progressive circles. A full twothirds of Dutch teens 15 to 17 with a steady boyfriend or girlfriend report that the person was welcome to spend the night in their bedrooms.

That's not to say that it's a freeforall over there. Quite the opposite: The Dutch actively discourage promiscuity in their children, teaching that sex should emerge from a loving relationship. Negotiating the ground rules for sleepovers, while not always easy (parents admit to a period of “adjustment” and some embarrassment), provides yet another opportunity to exert influence, reinforce ethics and emphasize the need for protection.

http://www.latimes.com/opinion/oped/laoe0410orensteingirlssexdutch20160410story.html 3/4 4/11/2016 Worried about your teenage daughter? Move to the Netherlands LA Times And you can't really argue with the results.

Peggy Orenstein is the author of “Girls & Sex” (Harper/HarperCollins Publishers, March 2016), from which this essay is excerpted.

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A version of this article appeared in print on April 10, 2016, in the Opinion section of the Los Angeles Times with the headline "Dutch masters of sex ed" — Today's paper | Subscribe

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http://www.latimes.com/opinion/oped/laoe0410orensteingirlssexdutch20160410story.html 4/4 4/11/2016 Black and Latino parents want better teachers and harder classes for their kids LA Times Black and Latino parents want better teachers and harder classes for their kids

By Sonali Kohli

APRIL 10, 2016, 8:36 AM

http://www.latimes.com/local/education/lameedublacklatinoparentsurvey20160408snaphtmlstory.html 1/4 4/11/2016 Black and Latino parents want better teachers and harder classes for their kids LA Times curriculum for their students.

The poll was conducted by Anzalone Liszt Grove Research and commissioned by the Leadership Conference on Civil and Human Rights' Education Fund, the nonprofit arm of a group of civil rights organizations including the National Council of La Raza, the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People and national teachers unions. It surveyed 400 black parents and 400 Latino parents, with a margin of error of 4.9 percentage points for each.

Half of the black and Latino parents surveyed believe that good teachers are the most important asset needed to make a school great. Only 2% percent in each group cited less reliance on standardized testing as the most important component of great schools.

And most of the black parents and 45% of Latino parents surveyed believe children in their communities receive a worse education than white students.

The survey did not poll white or Asian parents because of a lack of the organization's resources and the researchers' desire to amplify the voices of black and Latino parents, said Scott Simpson, director of media and campaigns for the Leadership Conference. Black and Latino children account for about 40% of the public school population in the U.S.

“We feel like these voices should stand alone," Simpson said. These voices are particularly important as a new federal education law requires states, California included, to decide how to define and measure a good school. http://www.latimes.com/local/education/lameedublacklatinoparentsurvey20160408snaphtmlstory.html 2/4 4/11/2016 Black and Latino parents want better teachers and harder classes for their kids LA Times The parents who responded that white students get a better education than their kids blamed the disparity on a lack of funding, resources, inadequate teachers and racism, the survey found.

Black and Latino parents believe that when lowincome students in their communities do reach college, they are able to do so not because of the quality of their education, but thanks to the support of families and their own hard work.

"There’s a sense that the education system is not delivering as it should for students of color," said Matt Hogan, a partner at Anzalone.

The parents are right. Students of color are more likely to get lessexperienced, lowerpaid teachers, a government report concluded.

Another issue? Coursework that isn't challenging enough. http://www.latimes.com/local/education/lameedublacklatinoparentsurvey20160408snaphtmlstory.html 3/4 4/11/2016 Black and Latino parents want better teachers and harder classes for their kids LA Times Parents constantly seem to fret about whether their children have too much homework. It's a topic that arises in research focused on white communities, Hogan said. But almost all black and Latino parents surveyed believe their students need more challenging classes, the poll found.

Staff reporter Joy Resmovits contributed to this story.

Reach Sonali Kohli at [email protected] or on Twitter @Sonali_Kohli.

http://www.latimes.com/local/education/lameedublacklatinoparentsurvey20160408snaphtmlstory.html 4/4 4/11/2016 DeRay Mckesson Won’t Be Elected Mayor of Baltimore. So Why Is He Running? The New York Times

http://nyti.ms/1qiFPP0

Magazine DeRay Mckesson Won’t Be Elected Mayor of Baltimore. So Why Is He Running?

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Baltimore’s Democratic primaries — which, in a city with as many as 10 Democrats for every Republican, might as well be the general election — take place on April 26. But for a few reasons Mckesson is willing to admit (he took time to ask scores of people for advice, he couldn’t find an available lawyer versed in Maryland election law) and a few he’s not, he didn’t officially file his papers until Feb. 3, leaving him the last of 13 Democratic candidates to throw a hat in the ring.

For an ordinary mayoral candidate in a major American city, filing minutes before the deadline — months or even years after competitors started eyeing the office — would be a waste of time bordering on farce. But Mckesson isn’t an ordinary candidate: He’s famous. He has more than 325,000 followers on Twitter. He has made appearances on “The Late Show With Stephen Colbert” and “The Daily Show With Trevor Noah,” and has been to the White House so many times that he says he doesn’t get nervous anymore. He was on Fortune’s World’s Greatest Leaders list last year. He collects celebrity “friends” (Azealia Banks, Jesse Williams, Susans Wojcicki and Sarandon, Rashida Jones, Tracee Ellis Ross), refers to them solely by their first names and often follows by asking if you’ve ever met them. All because, over the last year and a half, he has been the bestknown face of the Black Lives Matter movement, traveling the country to protest police violence.

Now he’s asking voters to put him in charge of everything from Baltimore’s police force to its potholes. His campaign is by far the highest profile example of a Black Lives Matter protester running for public office, and it was initially greeted with nationwide excitement. Mckesson has already inspired thousands around the country to protest police brutality, but the viability of any civil rights movement lies in its ability to move from the street to the places where governance happens. The question was whether Mckesson could parlay his national following into local action. “I get it,” he says now. “I get that that doesn’t translate.”

The first poll to include his candidacy, conducted by The Baltimore Sun

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and the University of Baltimore and released in March, barely registered his presence. Catherine Pugh, a Maryland state senator, led with 26 percent. Sheila Dixon, Baltimore’s mayor from 2007 to 2010, was two points behind. Smaller chunks of respondents favored David Warnock (a businessman and charterschool founder), Nick Mosby (of the City Council; his wife, Marilyn, is state’s attorney for Baltimore), Elizabeth Embry (of the Maryland Attorney General’s Office) and Carl Stokes (another city councilman). Mckesson and the six remaining candidates all came in at less than 1 percent. He says that the polls don’t tell the whole story, that he was a late entry, that pollsters overrepresent voters with landlines — in other words, old people. But the typical profile of a voter in a Baltimore election is a black woman over age 50 (a category that happens to include both Pugh and Dixon).

Mckesson still speaks as if he’s in the thick of the race, but he’s also apt to move the goal posts. “The visibility forced all of them to speak on the issues, right?” he asks — though it’s hard to imagine a Baltimore mayoral election that wouldn’t already revolve around issues like policing, education and poverty. His run has drummed up national interest but has made little impact locally. Since the poll, there have been two televised debates; each invited only the top six candidates, excluding Mckesson. The Sun and the University of Baltimore were magnanimous enough to hold another debate for the remainder: It was streamed online in the middle of a workday, and two candidates didn’t bother to participate, so Mckesson ended up valiantly debating three others in front of moderators in an empty room. (It makes for bleak viewing.) The poll numbers effectively locked him out of the political process, turning the race’s most famous candidate into someone resembling a black Jim Gilmore.

The notion that Mckesson ever had a shot gets a chuckle out of Anthony McCarthy, Pugh’s communications director. “I can say with a great deal of confidence that DeRay Mckesson is not going to be the next mayor of Baltimore,” he says. “As far as Mckesson contributing to the conversation, I think she appreciates him” — but that’s about the limit of his role. “Baltimore’s

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a city you don’t have much of a connection to, other than you were born here,” he adds, referring to Mckesson. “A lot of people were.”

Mckesson has a plan. Somewhere between 70,000 and 95,000 voters are expected to vote in the primary. So today, he was starting “30 Days for 30,000,” a Hail Mary effort wherein he aimed to contact 30,000 voters, over the phone or in person, before early voting began, and another 30,000 after. Ten thousand of those people would be given fliers highlighting Mckesson’s platform; his tiny team would handdeliver them to doors around the city; and Mckesson would maybe try to deputize his Twitter followers to help. Even if everything goes well, this will be difficult to pull off, and things are not going perfectly: The fliers contain a typo. The word “education,” of all words, is misspelled.

Quixotic as his campaign might seem, Mckesson still possesses the same seemingly bottomless well of selfconfidence that moved him to wake up one morning and drive 550 miles from Minneapolis to Ferguson, Mo., to protest after Michael Brown was shot to death in August 2014. He’s a man who doesn’t much know failure. So all day, in the Ubers he took around the city, between tweets and through interviews, he was personalizing fliers, signing his name in black marker right over the word “education,” covering up the mistake. Then, the plan went, he would pass out these fliers, and then something else would supposedly happen, and then DeRay Mckesson would be the next mayor of Baltimore.

DeRay Mckesson will not be the next mayor of Baltimore.

Baltimore — as anyone who has spent any time there (or just binge watched “The Wire”) will tell you — is a city with problems. There were 344 murders last year, the most per capita in the city’s history. Its Police Department is being investigated by the Department of Justice over its use of force and possible discriminatory policing. Almost a quarter of its citizens live below the poverty line — many of them in West Baltimore, where

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hypersegregation pins blacks without the education, or even the public transportation, they would need to escape.

Mckesson, the child of two drug addicts, was raised here by his father and his greatgrandmother. His dad eventually got clean and started working 16 hour days at a local seafood distributor, and when Mckesson was in sixth grade, the family moved out of the city to nearby Catonsville. Mckesson was elected to student government from sixth grade all the way through Catonsville High; at Bowdoin College, in Maine, he spent each year as class president, student government president or, in his senior year, both. He majored in government and legal studies but went into education, and soon moved back to Baltimore to work in the city’s publicschool system.

By then, he says, he already had mayoral ambitions. “I thought about it a long time ago,” he says. “Then I was No. 2 in human capital in the school system. And it was actually, like, that was the perfect role to get things done.” In 2013, he was recruited to be the senior director of human capital for Minneapolis public schools, and his career path seemed all but mapped out.

Then came Ferguson. Mckesson watched the protests on television and was moved to drive to a town he had never visited, just to bear witness. It was a stark departure from who he was — a selfdescribed “system guy,” a technocrat who believed at his core that the system was good, or at least not inherently bad. “You’re not born woke,” he says. “Something wakes you up.” He was anonymous when he pulled into Ferguson, but in the midst of the tear gas and rubber bullets, he made a small group of friends, including a local woman named Johnetta Elzie. They reported what they saw on social media and eventually started publishing a newsletter. They weren’t organizers, operating more like a communications team. Mckesson was a patient, passionate speaker and an incessant Twitter user. He also understood the power of branding and soon settled on wearing his bright blue vest to every protest.

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He had spent much of his life in Baltimore and his entire career in the system, but he was reborn, publicly, in Ferguson. He and Elzie emerged as powerful symbols, new faces of a leaderless movement. By March 2015, he had resigned from his job and become a fulltime activist, the biggest star within a movement that had grown, since the 2012 killing of Trayvon Martin, to hold the nation’s attention. Then, in April, Freddie Gray died of a spinal injury suffered in the custody of the Baltimore police, and the protests that followed brought Mckesson home. And in September, Mayor Stephanie RawlingsBlake announced that she wouldn’t seek reelection in 2016.

Mckesson had experienced power before, but Black Lives Matter was surely different. He was being invited to appear on network television, rubbing shoulders with Beyoncé and President Obama. The movement gave him purpose and community but also influence and access. And if the goal of Black Lives Matter was, in part, to convince more Americans that police brutality existed at all, it was successful. With that success, the momentum began to shift and transform into something else. Mckesson was a protester, but there were fewer protests than before. And he couldn’t protest indefinitely; he needed an income.

In February, he announced his run. In the two months since, he has raised more than $265,000 from more than 5,400 supporters spanning all 50 states, with more local donors than all but two candidates. Money has rolled in from celebrities he counts as friends and others he doesn’t. It has rolled in from tech executives like Reed Hastings of Netflix and Omid Kordestani of Twitter, which has embraced Mckesson as a kind of poweruser brand ambassador. Jack’d, the gay dating app, endorsed him via a push notification to its users. (Mckesson is gay.) The legendary Baltimorean John Waters endorsed him, too.

But other candidates have been building their campaigns for years. They have TV ads, yard signs, bumper stickers. Warnock has spent almost $2 million on his campaign. Mckesson doesn’t have these things; he has made an ad and other video clips but shares them only online. Instead, he is swimming

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in small contributions from an army of supporters, and maximum donations from influential people who don’t much represent Baltimore. All that good will only further cements the narrative that the candidate, who was born and raised here, is a product of somewhere else.

By the time of Freddie Gray’s death, Mckesson’s fame could prove a distraction at protests. “I stopped going,” he says. “People line up to take photos.” Other activists would accuse him of grandstanding, hogging the spotlight or stealing the mantle of Black Lives Matter from the women who coined the name. Even after he moved back to Baltimore, Mckesson stayed largely separate from local activists. It put him at odds with organizations like Leaders of a Beautiful Struggle, a group whose members would, in theory, be Mckesson’s natural constituency.

“DeRay hasn’t been in Baltimore doing stuff for the last several years,” explains Dayvon Love, 28, the organization’s director of public policy. “In terms of grassroots organizing work, he has no history.” Different versions of this critique — that many people, mayoral candidates included, were trying to better Baltimore long before Gray died — cling to Mckesson wherever he goes. Much of Mckesson’s time campaigning is spent arguing that Baltimore has shaped him; his skeptics argue he hasn’t done anything to shape it.

The frontrunners in the race are experienced insiders; Dixon is so well connected that her stint as mayor ended with corruption charges. Mckesson doesn’t know the various players in Baltimore, or even have many staff members who are locals. His campaign managers, Sharhonda Bossier and her deputy, Maria Griffin, are young Californians. The latter met Mckesson in February at an education meeting — “But I know him how you know him,” she told me. “From Twitter.”

Love admits that none of the other candidates inspire him. “Most of them are different iterations of the same arrangements,” he says. But local activists still bristle at Mckesson. Even Kwame Rose, a 21yearold Baltimorean who

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protested alongside Mckesson, says he is voting for Pugh. “We don’t need Superman,” he tells me. Activists heckle Mckesson at mayoral forums around the city, and when Leaders of a Beautiful Struggle organized a forum of its own, it deferred to the poll results and didn’t invite him.

There are other difficulties. Education is Mckesson’s career strength, and the first issue addressed on his platform, but Baltimore’s mayor has no direct control over the schools — the city relinquished it to the state in 1997, after years of dysfunction. And if New York City police officers turned their backs on a mayor as relatively mainstream as Bill de Blasio, how could a man famous for protesting police violence work productively with the force in Baltimore?

“The hardest thing about all this is that there are — it’s the same thing as the movement,” Mckesson says. “People are not as imaginative as they think they are.” He calls this lack of imagination the “belief gap” — an inability to believe someone like him could become mayor. “The belief gap is just the hard thing. People are like, ‘I want it to be different, but the election is just. ...’ ” He trails off. “And you’re like, ‘No, it’s not.’ It’s not a sealed deal. The only poll that matters is on April 26.”

All day, between signing fliers, Mckesson practiced talking points to sum up his campaign. He tried “I believe in the promise and possibility of Baltimore” with foreign media but thought it made him sound like a politician. Tonight, while canvassing on the city’s whiter, more middleclass north side, he planned to lean on “I believe Baltimore is a city in recovery.” It was more natural, and more closely dovetailed with his personal narrative, beating the odds as the son of two addicts. “They like the ‘recovery’ line,” he said, riding in an S.U.V. to the Charles Village neighborhood. “They?” Griffin asked. “White people?” Mckesson nodded. “They like hearing about black people in pain,” he said.

Charles Village is just around the corner from Johns Hopkins University. The S.U.V. pulled up to a block of brightly colored rowhouses. Priuses and

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Volkswagens dotted the curbs. This could be Mckesson’s constituency, too: people who might have attended elite colleges, or who might gather news from Twitter or watch “The Daily Show.” Mckesson knocked on one door and spoke to a woman briefly, but came back emptyhanded. “She’s a Pugh person.”

A man walking his dog turned the corner and was yanked down the sidewalk. “Hello!” Mckesson said. “My name’s DeRay, and I’m running for mayor.”

The man recognized the candidate. He was a Baltimore public defender, in jeans and a dark jacket to stave off the chill. He immediately wanted to know the last time Mckesson stayed in the city for a long period, and was surprised when Mckesson said he was raised and spent much of his adulthood here.

“We have a close community,” the public defender said. He told Mckesson about residents teaming up to shovel their way out after a blizzard, when city snow removal never arrived. For the rest of the evening, from Charles Village to an evening event at a bar in Canton, Mckesson would be asked about things like this. What could he do about trash pickup? What did he have to say about high water bills? Did he know the head of Under Armour, one of the city’s largest employers? When he said he wanted to get more money for Baltimore’s Red Line transit proposal, he was pressed: Did he have an in with the governor?

There were questions about utilities and waste management, not so many about sweeping education reform or police brutality. These voters’ ambitions are more modest. Maybe they don’t believe Mckesson can save Baltimore, or that Baltimore can be saved at all. Either way, they’ll need their streets plowed.

Mckesson kept smiling. All told, he had spent the day greeting approximately 30 of the 30,000 people he hopes to win over in the coming month. On the other hand, his campaign event that night would be live streamed to an international audience via Twitter’s Periscope app. A Vice

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Media producer was following him around, shooting video, pitching a documentary series on his campaign. The next week, a new poll was released, with Mckesson still under 1 percent. When I contacted him with additional questions, I learned he wasn’t in Baltimore at all: After a quick trip to the White House, he was headed out to San Francisco to raise funds from his network there.

DeRay Mckesson will not be the next mayor of Baltimore. He will, most likely, have to get a job — a professorship, an administrative seat, a spot at Twitter. Regardless, he seems finished as a fulltime protester.

That doesn’t mean that he and the Black Lives Matter movement haven’t made this country a bit better for everyone, or won’t continue to do so. Every presidential hopeful has been asked whether black lives matter; Hillary Clinton and Bernie Sanders met with Mckesson and other activists, and have included policereform proposals as part of their platforms. Ferguson’s police department is currently undergoing significant reform. Last month, prosecutors in Chicago and Cleveland lost reelection bids over their handling of police shootings — the deaths of Laquan McDonald and 12yearold Tamir Rice. But the biggest difference may be less obvious. On the Charles Village block where Mckesson was canvassing, red, white and blue Sanders and Clinton signs punctuated the front yards. And there were other signs here, too, black with white lettering: “Black Lives Matter.”

Greg Howard is a David Carr Fellow at The New York Times.

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