Perceptions of Traffic Congestion in Boston in the 1890S and 1920S
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The Congestion Evil: Perceptions of Traffic Congestion in Boston in the 1890s and 1920s by Asha Elizabeth Weinstein A.B. (Harvard University) 1993 M.S. (University of London) 1994 A dissertation submitted in partial satisfaction of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in City and Regional Planning in the GRADUATE DIVISION of the UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA, BERKELEY Committee in charge: Professor Elizabeth Deakin, Chair Professor Martin Wachs Professor Melvin Webber Professor Christine Rosen Fall 2002 The Congestion Evil: Perceptions of Traffic Congestion in Boston in the 1890s and 1920s Copyright 2002 by Asha Elizabeth Weinstein Abstract The Congestion Evil: Perceptions of Traffic Congestion in Boston in the 1890s and 1920s by Asha Elizabeth Weinstein Doctor of Philosophy in City and Regional Planning University of California, Berkeley Professor Elizabeth Deakin, Chair This dissertation examines how people understood the phenomenon of traffic congestion in Boston in the 1890s and 1920s, tracking the evolution of their ideas between the two periods. Then, as today, public discussions of policies to relieve congestion were based upon ideas about such issues as what causes congestion and why it matters. To understand how congestion was perceived in these eras, I used a case study approach, looking at discussions of it during two sets of planning debates. The first case is a debate from 1891 to 1894 that led to the building of a subway in downtown Boston. The second case is a debate in the mid-1920s over plans for the so-called “loop highway,” a boulevard running through the downtown. I posed three research questions to limit and define the meaning of the term “perceptions” for this analysis: why did Bostonians think traffic congestion was a problem, what did they think caused congestion, and what policies did they think might 1 reduce it? To answer these questions, I analyzed the words of the people involved in the debates, using materials such as newspapers, government publications, and magazines. Three themes stand out among the conclusions I drew about perceptions of congestion during the two periods. First, the factors people perceived as causing congestion were closely linked to the policies they favored. Second, most people didn’t actually talk much about how they perceived congestion, even though they believed it was a problem. This relative silence reflects the fact that ideas about congestion were not particularly controversial. Third, many perceptions that Bostonians held about congestion were not only accepted as conventional wisdom within each time period, but they changed very little across the two periods—people understood congestion in the 1890s in many of the same ways that they did in the 1920s, even though traffic conditions had changed radically in the intervening years. For example, the favored policies were major capital projects; while regulatory approaches were proposed, opposition from interest groups or the public blocked the implementation of all but the most limited new rules. 2 This dissertation is dedicated to Alan and Margo Weinstein i TABLE OF CONTENTS List of Figures………………………………………………………………………. List of Tables……………………………………………………………………….. Part I: Introduction and research approach……………………………………….. 1 Chapter 1: Congestion here, there, and everywhere…………………………….….. 2 1.1 Introduction…………………………………………………………………… 2 1.2 Congestion throughout history………………………………………………... 3 1.3 Congestion in Boston – the 1890s and 1920s………………………………… 6 1.4 “Perceptions” of congestion: Congestion as a social construction…………… 8 1.5 Dissertation outline…………………………………………………………… 12 Chapter 2: Methodology……………………………………………………………. 15 2.1 Introduction………………………………………………………………… 15 2.2 Research approach: Cultural and intellectual history……………………… 15 2.3 The importance of perceptions…………………………………………….. 22 2.4 Case study selection……………………………………………………….. 25 2.5 Sources…………………………………………………………………….. 30 2.5.1 Public records……………………………………………………………… 31 2.5.2 Newspapers………………………………………………………………… 33 2.5.3 Other periodicals…………………………………………………………… 42 ii Part II: The cases: Two eras of debate over congestion……………………………….44 Chapter 3: Downtown geography and traffic conditions……………………………… 45 3.1 Introduction………………………………………………………………... 45 3.2 Boston and its metropolitan region………………………………………... 46 3.3 Traffic……………………………………………………………………... 54 3.3.1 Downtown traffic in the 1890s……………………………………………. 55 3.3.1.1 Passenger transportation and pedestrians…………………………………. 56 3.3.1.2 Freight……………………………………………………………………... 61 3.3.2 Downtown traffic in the 1920s……………………………………………. 65 3.3.2.1 Growth in autos……………………………………………………………. 69 3.3.2.2 Freight movement…………………………………………………………. 73 3.4 Traffic regulations………………………………………………………… 78 Chapter 4: Curing congestion in the 1890s: The subway story……………………….. 89 4.1 Introduction………………………………………………………………... 89 4.2 Planning in the 1890s……………………………………………………… 90 4.3 Key players………………………………………………………………... 95 4.3.1 The city government………………………………………………………. 96 4.3.2 The state government……………………………………………………… 99 4.3.3 The Rapid Transit Commission……………………………………………. 102 4.3.4 Business and civic associations……………………………………………. 105 4.4 The subway story………………………………………………………….. 108 4.4.1 1880s: Consolidation, electrification, and a subway proposal…………….. 110 iii 4.4.2 The Rapid Transit Commission……………………………………………. 115 4.4.3 Hearings of the Rapid Transit Committee…………………………………. 124 4.4.4 The Board of Subway Commissioners and the Joint Special Committee on Transit……………………………………………………………….……... 136 Chapter 5: Curing congestion in the 1920s: The loop highway story ………………….148 5.1 Introduction………………………………………………………………... 149 5.2 City planning in the 1920s………………………………………………… 151 5.3 Key players……………………………………………………………….... 156 5.3.1 The city and the state………………………………………………………. 156 5.3.2 The Boston Chamber of Commerce and the Retail Trade Board…………. 159 5.3.3 The Boston City Planning Board………………………………………….. 167 5.3.4 The Special Commission………………………………………………….. 170 5.4 Predecessor plans to the loop highway……………………………………. 173 5.5 The loop highway debate………………………………………………….. 180 Part III: Interpreting the perceptions…………………………………………………..205 Chapter 6: Congestion as a problem…………………………………………………… 206 6.1 Introduction………………………………………………………………... 206 6.2 The lonely skeptics………………………………………………………... 208 6.3 A worsening condition……………………………………………………. 212 6.4 Congestion and streetcar travel…………………………………………… 217 iv 6.4.1 How slow was slow?……………………………………………………… 220 6.4.2 Why slow streetcars mattered……………………………………………... 225 6.4.2.1 Wasted time…………………………………………….…………………. 225 6.4.2.2 Unpredictable travel times…………………………………………….…... 228 6.4.2.3 Poor service between the downtown and suburbs………………………… 229 6.4.2.4 Economic impacts…………………………………………….…………… 232 6.5 Congestion and safety…………………………………………….……….. 233 6.5.1 Congestion and the fire department……………………………………….. 233 6.5.2 Congestion and traffic accidents…………………………………………... 235 6.6 Congestion and the economy…………………………………………….... 245 6.6.1 Congestion and economic growth………………………………………… 248 6.6.2 Congestion and Boston’s competitiveness………………………………... 250 6.6.3 Congestion and the retail and freight delivery industries…………………. 253 6.6.3.1 Retailing.…………………………………………….…………………….. 253 6.6.3.2 Freight delivery…………………………………………….……………… 255 6.7 Congestion and the cost of living…………………………………………. 262 6.8 Congestion costs money…………………………………………….…….. 265 6.9 Conclusion…………………………………………….…………………... 270 Chapter 7: Causes of congestion…………………………………………………… 277 7.1 Introduction…………………………………………….…………………. 277 7.2 “Concentration” and congestion………………………………………….. 279 7.2.1 Regional population growth…………………………………………….… 287 v 7.2.2 Downtown geography and congestion……………………………………. 290 7.2.3 Tall buildings…………………………………………….……………….. 294 7.3 Streets and congestion…………………………………………….………. 299 7.3.1 Inadequate streets throughout the downtown……………………………... 300 7.3.2 Lack of through streets…………………………………………….……… 304 7.3.3 Past citizens to blame…………………………………………….……….. 307 7.4 Vehicles (and drivers) and congestion……………………………………. 312 7.4.1 1890s: Streetcars…………………………………………….…………….. 312 7.4.2 1890s: Inconsiderate drivers…………………………………………….… 318 7.4.3 1920s: Automobiles…………………………………………….…………. 324 7.4.3.1 Parked cars…………………………………………….…………………... 326 7.5 Conclusions…………………………………………….…………………. 338 Chapter 8: Building away congestion……………………………………………… 342 8.1 Introduction …………………………………………….…………………. 342 8.2 Transit in the 1890s: Up and over or down under?………………………... 343 8.2.1 Elevated trains……………………………………………………………... 345 8.2.2 Subways…………………………………………….……………………… 349 8.3 Proposed street improvements in the 1890s……………………………… 354 8.4 The loop highway – street widening in the 1920s ………………………… 362 8.4.1 The theory behind the loop…………………………………………….…... 363 8.4.2 Loop highway supporters…………………………………………….……. 366 8.4.3 Opposition to the loop …………………………………………….………. 369 vi 8.5 Conclusion: “Widening” streets …………………………………………... 374 Chapter 9: Taming vehicles to relieve congestion………………………………….. 378 9.1 Introduction………………………………………………………………... 378 9.2 Restricting streetcars downtown (1890s)………………………………….. 379 9.3 Regulating teams (1890s)………………………………………………….. 389 9.4 Regulating automobile parking (1920s)…………………………………… 398 9.4.1 Modifying regulations……………………………………………………... 401 9.4.2 A complete ban………..…………………………………………………... 404 9.4.3 A fee.………………………………………………………………………. 411 9.4.4 Better enforcement.………………………………………………………... 415 9.4.5 Requests for cooperation…………………………………………………..