EASTM 47 (2018): 93-119

Research Note

A Missing Link in the History of Chinese Medicine: Research Note on the Medical Contents of the Taishō Tripiṭaka

C. Pierce Salguero

[Pierce Salguero is an interdisciplinary humanities scholar fascinated by the intersections between , medicine, and crosscultural exchange. He has a Ph.D. in History of Medicine from the Johns Hopkins School of Medicine, and teaches Asian history, religion, and culture at Penn State University’s Abington College in Philadelphia. The major theme in his scholarship is the interplay between the global transmission and local reception of Buddhist knowledge about health, disease, and the body. He is the author of Translating Buddhist Medicine in Medieval China (University of Pennsylvania Press, 2014), Buddhism & Medicine: An Anthology (vol. 1, Columbia University Press, 2017), and many articles in scholarly journals. Contact: [email protected]] * * * Abstract: Numerous texts were produced roughly between 150 and 1100 CE that introduced Indian medicine to East Asia. These have historically represented a relatively discrete corpus of health-related knowledge, relatively unintegrated into Chinese medicine and often ignored in mainstream Chinese medical historiography. do not provide straightforward evidence of a unitary tradition of healing that was transplanted from India to China. However, these sources are critical to understanding the history of medicine in medieval China. In addition, it is not an exaggeration to say that this corpus offers one of the most voluminous sources of textual evidence for the transregional communication and reception of medical ideas in first millennium CE Asia that is available anywhere. Despite the fact that over the long term they were not nearly as significant in Chinese medical history as classical medical models, Buddhist ideas and practices deserve more attention than they have received thus far from our field. This brief research note is meant to introduce historians of Chinese medicine to one easily accessible collection of texts that can be used to begin to fill in this ‘missing link.’

93

Downloaded from Brill.com09/24/2021 09:12:44AM via free access 94 EASTM 47 (2018)

Today, East Asian scholars and devotees alike routinely use the term ‘Buddhist medicine’ (Ch. foyi 佛醫, fojiao yiyao 佛教醫藥, Jp. bukkyō igaku 仏教医学, and similar constructions) to refer to the foreign medical knowledge that came hand in hand with the transmission of Buddhism to that region. While the term itself is modern, the texts that introduced East Asia to Indian medicine were produced roughly between 150 and 1100 CE, and have historically represented a relatively discrete corpus of health- related knowledge.1 Including both Chinese translations from and other Buddhist languages as well as indigenous compositions, this corpus has been only partially integrated into mainstream Chinese medical thought. The same might be said of its integration into the historiography of Chinese medicine—at least as far as scholarship in English is concerned. Chinese Buddhist sources have been studied extensively by scholars of Religious Studies for what they reveal about local and transregional histories of religion, social organization, and cultural production. However, with only a few exceptions, historians of science and medicine have tended to overlook Buddhism, sometimes even going out of their way to dismiss the religion as having had little relevance for their topic.2 This blind-spot is understandable, given that the analysis of Buddhist texts necessitates vastly different background knowledge and linguistic skills than those typically possessed by classically-trained Sinologists.3 The difficulties of the sources notwithstanding, the Chinese Buddhist corpus presents both exciting opportunities for research in the history of Chinese healing traditions, and of how those relate to the global history of medicine in the pre-modern period. To take up the second of these first: Buddhist texts do not provide straightforward evidence of a unitary tradition of healing that was transplanted from India to China. Rather, because of their diverse provenance and authorship, these sources offer us a cacophony of overlapping and sometimes contradictory voices from various times and

1 On the origins of this term and the category of knowledge it points to, see Salguero (2015a). A more complete state of the field of Buddhist medicine in China and Japan is available in Salguero (forthcoming). An annotated bibliography on Buddhist medicine outside of the East Asian context is available in Salguero (2015b). 2 Such viewpoints were influentially expressed in Joseph Needham (1956), on which see discussion in Salguero (2018a). Exceptions to the general paucity of studies in English by historians of science and medicine include works by Vijaya Deshpande cited in the references; Chen Ming (2005a); Köhle (2016); Sivin (2016), pp. 136-146; and my own published work on this topic. 3 An introduction to understanding Chinese Buddhist language in relation to medicine is provided in Salguero (2014a), pp. 51-60.

Downloaded from Brill.com09/24/2021 09:12:44AM via free access SALGUERO: A MISSING LINK IN THE HISTORY OF CHINESE MEDICINE 95 places—often layered on top of one another within the same text.4 Upon investigation, however, these writings often exhibit intriguing parallels with medical treatises from China, India, Central Asia, Tibet, and Southeast Asia. They sometimes bridge the gaps between ancient Indian texts and living traditions elsewhere in Asia. They also often present us with peculiar formulations of Indian medical knowledge unattested in other sources. Keeping in mind that Chinese Buddhist texts often (though by no means always) contain reliable meta-data about their provenance and authorship, they also can begin to fill in significant lacunae in our understanding of the spread and development of medical thought and practice across the region in the first millennium. Indeed, it is not an exaggeration to say that this corpus offers one of the most voluminous sources of textual evidence for the transregional communication and reception of medical ideas in first millennium CE Asia that is available anywhere. Aside from their importance for crosscultural or global history, these sources are also critical to understanding the history of medicine in medieval China. Scholars who have explored Buddhism’s place in the history of Chinese religions have shown these sources to contain important evidence of the pluralistic and socially-complex nature of healing in the medieval period.5 It is clear that Buddhist-inspired healing played a major role in the healthcare landscape in medieval China—in certain contexts integrating with, or even eclipsing altogether, the classical medical tradition. Wielded by Buddhist healer-monks, who were often foreigners from India or other parts of Asia, or else their students, Indian ideas and practices were represented as exotic and novel solutions for the familiar problems of preventing and curing illness. By the sixth and seventh centuries, Buddhist medicine in one form or another came to be patronized by the imperial families, to be fashionable among the elite, and to be popularized across all levels of medieval society. Predictably given its foreign origin, however, Buddhist medicine eventually became the target of increased opprobrium when the intellectual climate became more xenophobic and classicist in the late Tang dynasty. Many of Buddhism’s more overtly foreign contributions were overlooked when medical education was standardized by the Song government. Nevertheless, certain

4 Some of the issues mentioned in this paragraph have been discussed in work by Johannes Nobel, Endo Jiro, Chen Ming, and Catherine Despeux, cited in the references. 5 See, e.g., Birnbaum (1989b); Davis (2001); Strickmann (2002); Mollier (2008); Chen Yunü (2008); and, in French, Despeux (2010). For discussion of the relationship between religion and medicine, or more properly between salvation and healing, in , see Salguero (2018b). On the overall historical trajectory described in this paragraph, see Salguero 2014a.

Downloaded from Brill.com09/24/2021 09:12:44AM via free access 96 EASTM 47 (2018) features that had by that time been domesticated through processes of cultural translation and synthesis continued to remain part of the fabric of Chinese healthcare culture. All of the above suggests that, despite the fact that over the long term it was not nearly as significant in Chinese medical history as classical medical models, Buddhist ideas and practices deserve more attention than they have received thus far from our field. This brief research note is meant to introduce historians of Chinese medicine to one easily accessible collection of texts that can be used to begin to fill in this ‘missing link.’ It offers a survey of texts related to multiple aspects of medicine and healing that are found in the medieval Chinese portions of the Taishō Tripiṭaka (Jp. Taishō shinshū daizōkyō 大正新修大藏經; below abbreviated T).6 Compiled in early twentieth century Japan, this 100-volume collection contains a diverse and comprehensive sampling of historical texts from across East Asia. It is the most well-known and often-cited of the major Buddhist collections among scholars of East Asian , and now has the additional advantage of being fully digitized and keyword searchable.7 My review below of the relevant materials in this collection concentrates on whole texts or chapters thereof that were composed or translated in medieval China, and includes only those writings that are dedicated primarily to ideas and practices concerning disease, curing, healers, nursing, and the overall health of the physical body. The sample is broad but by no means exhaustive, as there are countless places where such topics are mentioned briefly or alluded to in passing that I have not included below. Nor have I mentioned other collections of received sources aside from the Taishō Tripiṭaka—of which there exist multiple.8 In addition,

6 The Taishō Tripiṭaka, compiled in the early twentieth century, is found in print in Takakusu & Wanabe (1924-1935). My citations to this collection use the abbreviation ‘T.,’ followed by the text number with optional chapter number demarcated by a decimal point, and a page and register range following the colon. 7 Separate digitization efforts are represented by the SAT Daizōkyō Text Database and the Chinese Buddhist Electronic Texts Association. The latter has an English online interface with robust search capabilities (at http://cbetaonline.dila. edu.tw/en). I also wish to point out the extremely useful Digital Dictionary of Buddhism, an ongoing collaborative effort among Buddhist Studies scholars that is edited by A. C. Muller (main website at http://www.buddhism-dict.net/ddb), as well as their convenient index of Taishō Tripiṭaka titles (at http://www.buddhism- dict.net/ddb/indexes/taisho-ddb.html). 8 Texts concerning Buddhism and medicine from Dunhuang are briefly described in Wang (2005a, 2005b). A more complete collection of relevant primary sources is compiled in the 101-volume Shi & Li (2011)—although, see review and critique of this compilation in Burton-Rose (2017).

Downloaded from Brill.com09/24/2021 09:12:44AM via free access SALGUERO: A MISSING LINK IN THE HISTORY OF CHINESE MEDICINE 97 this overview does not include many other relevant texts that survive in manuscript form (found at Dunhuang, Turfan, and Japanese temple libraries, for example), which belong to different cultural and institutional contexts than the authoritative scriptural compilations, and thus offer divergent vantage points onto the circulation of medical knowledge in local Buddhist communities. (A small portion of such manuscript finds have been incorporated into the Taishō Tripiṭaka, and these will be mentioned below). The medical contents of such texts have not been analyzed in depth by English-speaking scholars, although they have been systematically studied in Chinese, and to a lesser extent in French.9 Despite these and other limitations, the brief topical outline below is intended to reveal the heterogeneity and pervasiveness of Chinese Buddhist discourses on medicine, as well as some of the major themes of the source materials. I hope it will be useful as a guide or launching-off point for historians of East Asian medicine who may be interested in discovering what these sources have to offer.

1. Basic doctrine

The most influential presentation of the Mahāyāna Buddhist philosophical perspective on health and disease in the East Asian corpus is probably the chapter entitled ‘Mañjuśrī Inquires About Illness’ in the Vimalakīrti- nirdeśa Sūtra (Weimo jing 維摩經; T. 474.5; T. 475.5; T. 476.5).10 This chapter features a dialogue between the Mañjuśrī and Vimalakīrti on the empty and illusory nature of the physical body and its diseases. These passages are widely cited in historical and contemporary Chinese Buddhist writings on the illusory nature of sickness, and the power of the enlightened mind to see through corporeal suffering. 11 A similar perspective is found in a chapter in the Mahāparinirvāṇa-sūtra (Da banniepan jing 大般涅槃經; T. 374.6; T. 375.18), here concerning the illness of the Buddha himself, which he, like Vimalakīrti, has purposefully ‘manifested’ for the benefit of teaching others the Mahāyāna doctrine.

9 Chen Ming’s work, some of which is cited in the references, has been especially illustrative in this regard; see also Li & Shi (2006); Yuan & Pan (2015); Wang & Duan (2016). In French, see Despeux (2010). See also numerous chapters discussing and translating Dunhuang texts in Salguero (2017), as well as Stephen F. Teiser’s forthcoming book, currently in preparation. 10 Translation in Watson (1997), pp. 64-74; McRae (2004), pp. 107-115. 11 The broad impact of this scripture on Chinese poetry is discussed by Antje Richter in Salguero (forthcoming).

Downloaded from Brill.com09/24/2021 09:12:44AM via free access 98 EASTM 47 (2018)

While the Vimalakīrti and Mahāparinirvāṇa sūtras concentrate on connecting health and illness with larger themes in rather than on explaining medical doctrine per se, the latter is the main subject of an often-cited chapter in the Sūtra of Golden Light (Jin guangming jing 金光明經; T. 663.15; T. 664.20; T. 665.24).12 This chapter, which is extant in two different Chinese translations completed in the early fifth and early eighth centuries, relates an aspiring doctor’s conversation with his wise father in which the basic principles of Indian medical thought—such as the Four Elements (mahābhūta), the so-called humors (tridoṣa), the therapeutic flavor categories (rasa), and connections between the seasons and illness— are all explained. More practical health advice aimed toward the individual practitioner is given in the third century Sūtra on the Buddha as Physician (Foshuo foyi jing 佛說佛醫經; T. 793).13 This text, ostensibly a segment of a longer sūtra that is now lost, presents guidelines for a healthful diet and regimen that emphasize moderation, restraint, and seasonal modification. Personal hygiene is the subject of the third to early fourth century Sūtra on Bathing the in the Bathhouse (Foshuo wenshi xiyu zongseng jing 佛說溫 室洗浴眾僧經; T. 701; commentaries at T. 1793; T. 2780), which explains the procedures as well as the healthful benefits of bathing, and lists specific diseases that thereby can be alleviated.14 A series of texts that might collectively be called ‘embryological narratives’ discuss conception, fetal development, and the birth process (T. 310.13; T. 310.14; T. 317; T. 1451: 251a-262a).15 Dating from the third or fourth to the eighth century, these texts are most concerned with inspiring revulsion for the processes that accompany , but they contain a great deal of anatomical and physiological information. They describe the steps

12 Note that T. 664 is a composite text that reproduces the medicine chapter from T. 663, and is not a separate translation effort. English translations of the medicine chapter from T. 663 and 665 are available by the current author in Salguero (2017), pp. 30-40; German translation and comparison with Āyurvedic texts in Nobel (1951); English translation of the Sanskrit recension in Emmerick (2004); of the Khotanese (with reference to parallels in other languages) in Skjaervø (2004), pp. 286-301; see also Hino (2015a, 2015b). 13 Translated in Sen (1945); Unschuld (2010), pp. 309-314. 14 See translation by the current author in Salguero (2017), pp. 84-91; discussion in Heirman & Torck (2012), pp. 33-35. 15 See discussion of these texts in Kritzer (2004, 2009, 2014a); Chen Ming (2005a). English comparative translation in Kritzer (2014b); German translation of T. 317 in Huebotter (1932); discussion of Tibetan in Langenberg (2017); Garrett (2008, 2009). See also shorter embryological sequences in T. 606: 183b-189b; T. 607: 232a-235b; T. 1648.8, translated in Ehara et al. (1961), p. 173.

Downloaded from Brill.com09/24/2021 09:12:44AM via free access SALGUERO: A MISSING LINK IN THE HISTORY OF CHINESE MEDICINE 99 in the embryo’s development week by week, and emphasize the effects of karma on the formation of the fetal body.16 A number of other texts of varying length and significance mention a wide range of medical doctrines, but do not necessarily solely focus on medicine. For example, the Yogācāra-bhūmi (Yuqie shidi lun 瑜伽師地論; T. 1579; T. 606; T. 607) incorporates a great deal of medical knowledge when explaining the connections between the body and consciousness.17 A long passage in one translation of the Flower Adornment Sūtra (Dafangguangfo huayan jing 大方廣佛華嚴經; T. 293: 710-712), completed ca. 800, details the doctrines of the Elements, the classification of illnesses, and other basic medical principles. 18 Many other texts also contain discussions of physiological theory (e.g., T. 26.30; T. 310.16.25; T. 1508), and meditations on body parts and processes (e.g., T. 26.98; T. 1648.8).19

2. Healing deities

The Master of Medicines Buddha (Ch. Yaoshi fo 藥師佛; Skt. Bhaiṣajyaguru) is certainly the most highly-positioned Buddhist deity associated with healing. The text known popularly as the Sūtra on the Master of Medicines Buddha (Yaoshi jing 藥師經), extant in Chinese in four translations and widely venerated in East Asian Buddhism, thus surely ranks among the most relevant scriptures for the study of Buddhist medicine.20 Three early versions of the sūtra (T. 1331.12; T. 449; T. 450) translated between the fourth and seventh centuries introduce the previous lives of the Master

16 Discussion of other facets of the relationship between karma and health are discussed in Strickmann (2002), pp. 39-50; Salguero (2013). 17 See translation of relevant excerpts by Dan Lusthaus in Salguero (2017), pp. 49- 60; discussion in Lusthaus (2013); Demiéville (1954). 18 See full translation of this chapter by William J. Giddings in Salguero (2017), pp. 92-102. The comparable section of T. 279, an earlier version of the same text translated in Cleary (1993), pp. 1240-1242, contains an abbreviated version of this section that lacks much of the medical detail. 19 English translation of T. 1648 is found in Ehara et al. (1961); see numerous additional citations in Demiéville (1985). Some of the texts on body parts are discussed in detail in Salguero (2018a). 20 See discussion of the Master of Medicines Buddha scriptures in Birnbaum (1989a, 1989b); Strickmann (1990); Kuo (1994), pp. 149-167. On veneration of Master of Medicines Buddha in medieval China, see also Ning (2004). The Sanskrit text, which seems not to have played as large a role in healing rites, is translated by Gregory Schopen in Salguero (2017), pp. 235-251; see discussion of the Indian context in Schopen (1978).

Downloaded from Brill.com09/24/2021 09:12:44AM via free access 100 EASTM 47 (2018) of Medicines Buddha and outline the rituals one may perform to invoke him. These healing rituals include incantations, worship of images of the Buddha, and veneration of the sūtra text itself. The last of the Chinese translations of the text (Yaoshi liuliguang qifo benyuan gongde jing 藥師琉璃光七佛本願功德經; T. 451), completed in 707 by Yijing 義淨 (635- 713), is similar but introduces Bhaiṣajyaguru as the leader of seven Buddhas of medicine, each one responsible for a different aspect of healing. Other texts devoted to the Master of Medicines Buddha (T. 922-928) outline further ritual practices associated with him. Elaborating upon passages in the abovementioned sūtras, these ritual texts include various additional incantations, as well as instructions for setting up ritual spaces, constructing , installing devotional lamps, performing offerings, reciting texts, using ritualized gestures (i.e., mudrā), and setting up ceremonial rope or thread as a conduit for the Buddha’s healing powers.21 A variety of additional deities associated with healing are presented in other texts. Medicine King (Ch. Yaowang pusa 藥王菩薩; Skt. Bhaiṣajyarāja) has his own chapter in the Lotus Sūtra (Fahua jing 法華經; T. 262.23; T. 263.10; T. 264.22), which ranks among the most influential Buddhist scriptures in East Asia.22 This chapter does not dwell on the bodhisattva’s healing powers, but rather extolls his self-immolating acts of devotion and self-sacrifice in previous lives. The same bodhisattva, alongside his younger brother, Bodhisattva Supreme Healer (Ch. Yaoshang pusa 藥上菩薩; Skt. Bhaiṣajyasamudgata), is the focus of the Sūtra on the Contemplation of the Two Bodhisattvas, King of Medicine and Supreme Medicine (Foshuo guan yaowang yaoshang erpusa jing 佛說觀藥王藥上二菩薩經; T. 1161), which teaches a number of dharan̄ ̣ī and visualization meditations that can be used for healing disease and eradicating other misfortunes.23 Other bodhisattvas widely celebrated for their ability to intervene in cases of illness are 觀音 (also Guanshiyin 觀世音; Skt. Avalokiteśvara) and Puxian 普賢 (Skt. ). The rites appealing to the latter for extending the lifespan and to the former for curing disease are detailed in a number of texts in the esoteric scriptures section of the Taishō Tripiṭaka (see especially T. 1043; T. 1059; T. 1060;

21 See discussion and translation of excerpts from T. 922 and 924A in Birnbaum (1989a), pp. 87-90. A full translation of T. 924A by the current author is available in Salguero (2017), pp. 299-301. The material culture of these rites is discussed by Zhiru Ng in Salguero (forthcoming). 22 Translation in Watson (1993), pp. 280-289; Hurvitz (2009), pp. 269-276. The importance of the Lotus in East Asia is discussed in Stevenson (2009). 23 Discussion and translation in Birnbaum (1989a); see also Fujita (1990).

Downloaded from Brill.com09/24/2021 09:12:44AM via free access SALGUERO: A MISSING LINK IN THE HISTORY OF CHINESE MEDICINE 101

T. 1136).24 A number of esoteric rituals discussed in the next section call upon assorted minor deities for their healing powers.

3. Esoteric healing

Though there is some overlap with the previous section, this one focuses on esoteric or tantric ritual healing texts, which became extremely prevalent by the seventh century. Healing is frequently presented as one of the chief benefits of the practice of esoteric ritual more generally, and from a certain perspective a list of rituals that were good for one’s health might legitimately include virtually the entire esoteric repertoire. 25 Here, I concentrate only on those that overtly announce their health-bestowing benefits in their titles, or that have significant and obvious relevance to such topics. These are extant both as independent compositions and as parts of larger anthologies compiled in the medieval period. One major feature of esoteric Buddhist healing is the use of dharan̄ ̣ī (zhou 咒 or shenzhou 神咒), incantations that concentrate the power of Buddhist deities and scriptures into short strings of words or syllables. Alongside dharan̄ ̣ī for all manners of practical concerns, medieval Chinese Buddhist texts include a great number for use in healing (see sections of T. 901; T. 945; T. 1028A-B; T. 1323-1332; T. 1336.5-6; T. 1691; T. 2122.60).26 These spells are

24 T. 1059 is translated in Sen (1945); Unschuld (2010), pp. 314-321. T. 1060 is translated into English by William J. Giddings in Salguero (2017), pp. 252-285; German in Reis-Habito (1993). 25 This is not the place to repeat the many arguments among scholars over the meaning and applicability of the term ‘esoteric.’ I am using the category here as a blunt but convenient tool, and refer the reader to the discussion in Orzech et al. (2011), pp. 3-18 for a more nuanced treatment of the subject. For discussions of the esoteric scriptures listed in this section, see Strickmann (1990, 2002); Mollier (2003, 2008); Chen Ming (2006a, 2015, 2016); Robson (2008); Copp (2008a, 2008b, 2011, 2012, 2014); Despeux (2010); Orzech et al. (2011), especially pp. 208-214, but also elsewhere in the volume; Salguero (2014a), pp. 86-92. 26 Many of these texts are discussed in Strickmann (2002), pp. 89-122. See English translation of a portion of T. 901 by Joshua Capitanio in Salguero (2017), pp. 314-321; of T. 1323-1329 by the current author in Salguero (2017), pp. 292-299; of T. 1330 in Bagchi (1941); of T. 1691 in Bagchi (2011). Translation and discussion of Sanskrit, Tibetan, Arabic, and Chinese texts related to T. 1330 is in Filliozat (1935, 1937); Wujastyk (1998a, 1998b). Translation of the Sanskrit recension of T. 1691 is available in Wujastyk (2003), pp. 161-189; of the Sanskrit parallel to T. 665 in Emmerick (2004), pp. 44-49; and of the Khotanese version of the same in Skjaervø (2004), pp. 172-181.

Downloaded from Brill.com09/24/2021 09:12:44AM via free access 102 EASTM 47 (2018) taught by Buddhas, bodhisattvas, devas (minor gods) such as Brahmā, or more marginal figures such as demons and sorcerers, and frequently include instructions for how many times to repeat the incantation as well as for ritual actions to accompany it. Healing dharan̄ ̣ī can be panaceas that cure ‘all diseases’ (or, more colloquially, ‘the 404 diseases’), or they can be intended for the alleviation of specific named conditions. The latter range from malaria to ghost-attack, childhood diseases, seasonal ailments, malodorous armpits, and a litany of other common medieval health concerns. A major subset of esoteric Buddhist healing involves the use of talismanic objects (T. 1229; T. 1238; T. 1265; T. 1307; T. 1420).27 Chinese-style charms known as ‘spell-seals’ (zhouyin 咒印) were made to ward off illnesses and other evil influences. Written dharan̄ ̣ī, the names of deities, passages of sūtra texts, or other magically potent words often were consumed or placed on the body for purification or protection. Other talismanic objects with apotropaic effects included icons or other images (in two or three dimensions), as well as ritually consecrated materials such as water, oil, whisks, and string. Ritualized gestures with the hands or other parts of the body were prescribed for healing and protection (e.g., T. 924A, T. 1264B, T. 1331: 516c29-517b27, T. 1265: 295b).28 Some texts seem to advocate fumigation or bathing with medicinal plants and other substances principally on the basis of their magical powers or associations with deities, rather than their effects on the physiology (see, e.g., T. 665.15; T. 1070).29 A final area of esoteric healing practice involves the use of spirit-possession for diagnostic and therapeutic purposes (e.g., T. 867; T. 895; T. 1097; T. 1199; T. 1201; T. 1248; T. 1277), a practice that became widespread in the late medieval period.30

Additionally, T. 905, a related esoteric text suspected to be a Japanese apocryphon but attributed to medieval China, is translated in Rambelli (2000). 27 See Strickmann (2002), pp. 123-193. Lengthy excerpts from T. 1420 are translated by Dominic Steavu in Salguero (2017), pp. 441-453. Other healing seals and spells are translated by Paul Copp in Salguero (2017), pp. 304-313. 28 Translation of T. 924A is available by the current author in Salguero (2017), pp. 299-301; see discussion in Birnbaum (1989a), pp. 87-90. On other types of healing knowledge associated with the hands, see Marta E. Hanson’s contribution to Salguero (2017), pp. 478-485. 29 See translation of the Sanskrit version of this section of T. 665 in Emmerick (2004), pp. 44-49. 30 Discussion and partial translations in Davis (2001); Strickmann (2002), pp. 204- 238; Orzech (2011); Orzech et al. (2011), pp. 213-214, 251-254.

Downloaded from Brill.com09/24/2021 09:12:44AM via free access SALGUERO: A MISSING LINK IN THE HISTORY OF CHINESE MEDICINE 103

4. Healing meditations

Section 2 above included several meditation texts describing visualizations that evoked the healing powers of buddhas and bodhisattvas. In addition, the Taishō Tripiṭaka also includes a handful of texts that detail specific meditations for the cure of particular diseases—especially for ailments acquired through the practice of meditation itself. One such text is the Secret Essential Methods for Curing Meditation Illnesses (Zhi chanbing miyao fa 治禪病祕要法; T. 620), which presents a series of visualizations to cure maladies resulting from improper meditation technique.31 These include imbalances of the Four Elements and a variety of other physical conditions, in addition to mental disturbances and distractions. Another set of practices is presented in ’s 智顗 (538-597) three treatises on meditation (T. 1911.7.3; T. 1915.9; T. 1916.6.4). All three include significant sections on healing that introduce Indian and Chinese meditations and breathing practices for the eradication of specific symptoms.32 A number of texts additionally advocate the contemplation of Buddhist virtues such as the Factors of Awakening (sapta-bodhyaṅga) for their healing powers (see, e.g., T. 99.2: 195b29-196a11).33

5. Hagiographies of healers

In addition to the sūtras introducing major buddhas and bodhisattvas of healing already mentioned above, Buddhists writings also offer idealized representations of a range of human and semi-human healers. One such person is Jalavahanā (actually Śākyamuni Buddha in a previous life), who learned the art of medicine from his father and became a celebrated doctor in the abovementioned chapter on illness in the Sūtra of Golden Light. Perhaps the most significant lay physician in the Buddhist tradition, however, is Jīvaka Kumārabhṛta (Qiyu 耆域, Qipo 耆婆, etc.). Routinely called the ‘King of Physicians’ (yiwang 醫王) in Chinese sources, Jīvaka is said to have been a devotee of Śākyamuni Buddha who was destined from birth to attain extraordinary diagnostic and therapeutic abilities. His

31 See discussion and full translation in Greene (2012); excerpted and revised in his contribution to Salguero (2017), pp. 373-381. See also Birnbaum (1989b); Strickmann (2002), pp. 119-122. 32 See translation and introduction to these interrelated texts in Swanson (2017). Translation of a text closely related to T. 1915 can be found in Salguero (2017), pp. 382-389. Some of Zhiyi’s medical thought is discussed in Demiéville (1985); Birnbaum (1989b). 33 Translated by Anālayo in Salguero (2017), pp. 16-17.

Downloaded from Brill.com09/24/2021 09:12:44AM via free access 104 EASTM 47 (2018) biography is extant in several Chinese recensions, some of which underwent significant modification in order to fit with Chinese literary tropes and cultural expectations (T. 553; T. 554; T. 1428: 851-854; T. 2121: 166-170).34 The Taishō Tripiṭaka also contains several medieval Chinese compilations of biographies of eminent members of the sangha (i.e., the monastic order) who were famed for their healing powers (T. 2059; T. 2060; T. 2063).35 By presenting monks as conduits for powerful transformative forces, such stories sought to illustrate the sangha’s superiority to Daoist priests, folk healers, and physicians. Narratives involving intervention by monks or by Buddhist deities to cure the illnesses of the faithful are also a mainstay of collections of ‘anomaly tales’ (zhiguai 志怪) and other miscellanea, suggesting that Buddhism’s healing powers played a large role in the popularization of the religion in China among all layers of society.36 Such narratives might also involve any number of Buddhist heroes, including the Master of Medicines Buddha, Amitābha/Amitāyus, and other bodhisattvas, as well as a range of deities, devas, spirits, and members of the sangha; however, the most pervasive presence is Guanyin.37

6. Care-taking within the monastery

The Taishō Tripiṭaka preserves a great deal of historical information relevant for historians who wish to reconstruct the medical, nursing, and hygienic practices of the sangha. The most significant sources on these topics are monastic disciplinary texts. There are five Indian extant in Chinese translation: those of the Mahis̄ á sakā (T. 1421.3.7), Mahasā m̄ ghikạ (T. 1425: 455a-457b), Dharmaguptaka (T. 1428.3.4), Sarvastivā dā (T. 1435.4.9.6), and Mūlasarvāstivāda (T. 1448) schools, each including a section on the ‘rules about medicine’ that detail the procedures for the collection, storage, and

34 Discussion in Chen Ming (2005b); Salguero (2009). French translation of T. 553 in Chavannes (1962). On the Pāli and Sanskrit versions, see Zysk (1998); translated in Horner (2000), pp. 379-397 and by Gregory Schopen in Salguero (2017), pp. 184- 204. 35 See discussion and translations in Wright (1948); Salguero (2010), (2014a), pp. 133-139, (2017), pp. 205-218; discussion of the genre in Kieschnick (1997). 36 Robert Campany (2012) has reconstructed a long-lost collection of miracle tales from extensive quotations found throughout the Taishō Tripiṭaka—many pertaining to the topic of healing. Anomaly tales are also discussed in works by Salguero cited in the previous note. 37 Some discussion of Guanyin healing narratives is found in Yü (2001); Campany (1993, 1996); Salguero (2014a), pp. 128-133.

Downloaded from Brill.com09/24/2021 09:12:44AM via free access SALGUERO: A MISSING LINK IN THE HISTORY OF CHINESE MEDICINE 105 use of medicinal substances, and list the allowable and prohibited medical procedures for the different monastic communities in India.38 All of these Vinayas contain additional materials on nursing, hospice, and miscellaneous rules concerning sick monks distributed throughout the rest of the text. Although the Pāli is not extant in Chinese, a commentary upon it contains some medical material dispersed throughout the text as well (T. 1462).39 Crediting his knowledge to both study of the Vinayas and divine revelation, the monastic reformer Daoxuan 道宣 (596-667) presented an idealized image of the health practices of an Indian monastery in the Sūtra of the Map of the Jetavana Monastery in Srá vastī ,̄ Central India (Zhong tianzhu sheweiguo qihuansi tujing 中天竺舍衛國祇洹寺圖經; T. 1899: 893-894; accompanying image at T. 1892: 812-813). One section of this text outlines the imaginary monastery’s medical, hygienic, and hospice facilities in fantastical terms.40 A more reliable report on Indian monastic medical and hygienic practices was written by the Chinese pilgrim Yijing, who spent considerable amount of time abroad and studied at the Indian monastic center of Nālandā (T. 2125, especially chapters 4-8, 18, 20, 23, and 27-29).41 Translations of Indian monastic disciplinary texts and accounts of Indian monasteries (whether visionary or otherwise) are unlikely to be reliable evidence of the actual practices of the sangha in China. For a more accurate picture of domestic monastic customs, it is more useful to consult the disciplinary tracts produced by the Chinese sangha. The earliest relevant example of these is the Emended Commentary on Monastic Practices from the Dharmaguptaka Vinaya (Sifen lü shanfan buque xingshi chao 四分律刪 繁補闕行事鈔; T. 1804.18, .26), also compiled by Daoxuan in 626-630. This text contains a chapter that presents guidelines for nursing practice among the sangha, which despite the text’s title synthesizes a number of quotations from across the Indian Vinayas as well as other related

38 Such rules are discussed in Tso (1980); Chen Ming (2008). The Mahis̄ á sakā Vinaya is translated into French in Jaworski (1927); English in Salguero (2017), pp. 125-129. 39 Translated in Bapat & Hirakawa (1970); see discussion of medical knowledge in the Pāli Vinaya in Zysk (1998); Ṭhānissaro (2007), vol. 2: 54-68; translation in Horner (2000), pp. 269-350. 40 Discussed and translated in Ho (1995); Tan (2002); McRae (2005). See modern rendering of map in Heirman & Torck (2012), pp. 38-39. 41 Translation in Takakusu (1966); Li Rongxi (2000); chapters 27-29 retranslated by Christoph Kleine in Salguero (2017), pp. 145-160.

Downloaded from Brill.com09/24/2021 09:12:44AM via free access 106 EASTM 47 (2018) materials. 42 Other domestic texts contain additional rules concerning hygiene, nursing, and medicine (T. 1470; T. 1484; T. 1897).43

7. Metaphors and parables

When Buddhist texts state that the Buddha is the ‘Great Physician’ or that the is the ‘Great Medicine,’ such metaphorical statements were often meant to be taken literally. As mentioned above, deities of all kinds are routinely invoked for their healing powers, and Buddhist texts (in the form of incantations or worship of the actual book itself) are routinely employed as agents of healing. However, the use of similes and parables connecting Buddhist ideas with medicine is also a common Buddhist pedagogical method. There are too many examples of the use of medical metaphors and parables to adequately cite here. Perhaps the most well- known example from Buddhist scripture is a passage of the Mahāparinirvāṇa-sūtra (T. 374: 378-379; T. 375.3) that compares the Buddha to an all-knowing physician, and his use of expedient means in teaching the Dharma to the physician’s acumen in the administration of medicines.44 Notable, too, is the late tenth century Sūtra on the Medical Simile (Foshuo yiyu jing 佛說醫喻經; T. 219), a short composition that is entirely devoted to making the connection between the logic of the and a good physician’s understanding of particular illnesses, their causes, their treatments, and their eradication. 45 Another comparison that appears frequently is the equation between the physician’s ability to eradicate the tridoṣa (i.e., ‘three defects’ of Wind, Bile, and Phlegm) and the Buddha’s ability to eradicate the three worldly sufferings of greed, hatred, and delusion (see, e.g., T. 150A).46

42 Discussed in Shinohara (2005); Salguero (2014), pp. 105-109. Partially translated by J. E. E. Pettit in Salguero (2017), pp. 130-136. 43 See discussion and translations of specific monastic guidelines in Heirman & Torck (2012); also their contribution to Salguero (2017), pp. 137-144. 44 Cited and translated in Demiéville (1985), p. 17. See also a passage from the Lotus Sūtra translated in Birnbaum (1989a), pp. 18-19. Other examples of medical similes are given in Demiéville (1985), pp. 9-20. 45 Translated by Marcus Bingenheimer in Salguero (2017), pp. 166-167. 46 For discussion of tridoṣa and partial translation of T. 150A, see Salguero (2010- 2011). On tridoṣa, see also Demiéville (1985), pp. 69-71; Endo (1993a); Endo (1993b); Chen Ming (2006b); Köhle (2016).

Downloaded from Brill.com09/24/2021 09:12:44AM via free access SALGUERO: A MISSING LINK IN THE HISTORY OF CHINESE MEDICINE 107

8. Reference works

In addition to compilations or collections already mentioned above, at least three reference works are extant from the medieval period that gather together quotations of scriptural passages concerning healing from across the canonical Buddhist literature. These works are by no means comprehensive, but they do give us an indication of what their authors thought were relevant Buddhist writings on health, illness, and therapy. Two encyclopedias (leishu 類書) by Daoshi 道世 (?-683) (T. 2122.95; T. 2123.29) contain very similar chapters called “On the suffering of sickness” (bingku pian 病苦篇) that introduce a range of materials from basic medical doctrines to disciplinary rules, sections of major and minor sūtras, and miracle tales. 47 Aside from these encyclopedias, an early eleventh century glossary (T. 2127) contains a short section on nursing (zhanbing 贍病) that seems to be based on Daoshi’s works, though it introduces a few additional sources.48 In addition to covering most of the medical topics mentioned throughout this paper, these sources also emphasize the importance of hospice care among the monastic community.

9. Recovered manuscripts

As mentioned above, some of the most interesting windows into Chinese Buddhist healing practice are manuscripts recovered from places such as the Mogao grottoes at Dunhuang. While certainly not all Dunhuang manuscripts related to healing have been incorporated into the Taishō Tripiṭaka, many have (T. 2766; T. 2767; T. 2780; T. 2865; T. 2866; T. 2878; T. 2881; T. 2904; T. 2906; T. 2916).49 Although I might have integrated these texts into the various subheadings above instead of saving them for the end, they give us an unprecedented look at Buddhist healing ‘on the ground’ in a specific time and location, and thus are useful to consider as a discrete cluster or subset. Some of these texts are distillations or commentaries on the medical content in well-known scriptures. Others present a range of highly syncretic healing practices that combine elements from classical medicine, Daoism, popular religious and medical traditions, and other local knowledge. The Dunhuang manuscripts related to medicine have

47 See Salguero (2014a), pp. 109-112, (2015a); Hsu (2018); discussion and partial translation by Hsu in Salguero (2017), pp. 20-29. For a comparison of the structure of both texts, see Teiser (1985). 48 Discussed in relation to T. 2122.95 in Salguero (2015a), pp. 44-45. 49 A full translation of T. 2865 is available in Lowe (2014); of T. 2878 and T. 2917 in Goble (2017).

Downloaded from Brill.com09/24/2021 09:12:44AM via free access 108 EASTM 47 (2018) recently begun to receive attention from scholars, though they—like most of the texts introduced throughout this paper—remain a rich collection of sources for scholarly research.50

50 See Lo and Cullen (2005); Despeux (2010); works by Chen Ming.

Downloaded from Brill.com09/24/2021 09:12:44AM via free access SALGUERO: A MISSING LINK IN THE HISTORY OF CHINESE MEDICINE 109

References

Bagchi, Prabodh Chandra (1941), “New materials for the study of the Kumāratantra,” Indian Culture 7.3: 269-286. ——— (2011 [repr. 1942-1943]), “A Fragment of the Kāśyapa-saṁhitā in Chinese,” in Bangwei Wang and Tansen Sen (eds.), India and China: A Collection of Essays by Professor Prabodh Chandra Bagchi, London, New York, Delhi: Anthem Press. Bapat, P. V., and A. Hirakawa (1970), Shan-chien-p’i-p’o-sha: A Chinese Version by Sanghabhadra of Samantapāsādikā, Commentary on Vinaya, Poona: Bhandarkar Oriental Research Institute. Birnbaum, Raoul (1989a), The Healing Buddha, Boulder: Shambhala. ——— (1989b), “Chinese Buddhist Traditions of Healing and the Life Cycle,” in Lawrence E. Sullivan (ed.), Healing and Restoring: Health and Medicine in the World’s Religious Traditions, New York and London: Macmillan. Burton-Rose, Daniel (2017), “Desiderata for the Principles of Compilation of a Canon of Buddhism and Medicine: A Consumer’s Guide to the Zhongguo Fojiao yiyao quanshu 中國佛教醫藥全書 (Complete Works of Chinese Buddhist Medicine and Pharmacopeia, 2011),” Asian Medicine: Journal of the International Association for the Study of Traditional Asian Medicine 12.1-2: 203-232. Campany, Robert Ford (1993), “The Real Presence,” History of Religions 32.3: 233-272. ——— (1996), “The Earliest Tales of the Bodhisattva Guanshiyin,” in Donald S. Lopez (ed.), Religions of China in Practice, Princeton: Princeton University Press, pp. 82-96. ——— (2012), Signs from the Unseen Realm: Buddhist Miracle Tales from Early Medieval China, Honolulu: University of Hawai‘i Press. Chavannes, Edouard (1962), Cinq cents contes et apologues: Extraits du Tripiṭaka chinois et traduits en français, Paris: Libraire d’Amerique et d’Orient. Chen Ming 陈明 (2003a), “‘Bashu’ yu ‘sanju’: Dunhuang Tulufan Wenshu zhong de Yindu ‘Shengming feituo’ yixue lilun” ‘八術’ 與 ‘三俱’：敦煌

Downloaded from Brill.com09/24/2021 09:12:44AM via free access 110 EASTM 47 (2018)

吐魯番文書中的印度‘生命吠陀’醫學理論, Ziran kexueshi yanjiu 自然科學 史研究 22.1: 26-41. ——— (2003b), “Tulufan hanwen yixue wenshu zhong de wailai yinsu” 吐魯番漢文醫學文書中的外來因素, Xin shixue 新史学 14.4: 1-63. ——— (2005a), “Zhuan nü wei nan: Turning Female to Male, an Indian Influence on Chinese Gynaecology?” Asian Medicine: Tradition and Modernity 1.2: 315-334. ——— (2005b), Dunhuang chutu huyu yidian ‘Qipo shu’ yanjiu 敦煌出土胡語 醫典《耆婆書》研究, Hong Kong: Xinwenfeng chuban 新文豊出版. ——— (2005c), Shufang yiyao: chutu wenshu yu xiyu yixue 殊方異藥：出土文 書與西域醫學, Beijing: Peking University Press. ——— (2006a), “Hanyi mijiao wenxian zhong de shengming feituo chengfen bianxi—yi tongzi fang he yanyaofang weili” 漢譯密教文獻中 的生命吠陀成分辨析—以童子方和眼藥方為例, Gujin lunheng 古今論衡 14: 27-46. ——— (2006b), “The Transmission of Indian Ayurvedic Doctrines in Medieval China: A Case Study of Asṭ ạ ngā and Tridosạ Fragments from the Silk Road,” Annual Report of the International Research Institute for Advanced Buddhology at Soka University 9: 201-230. ——— (2007), “The Transmission of Foreign Medicine Via the Silk Roads in Medieval China: A Case Study of the Haiyao Bencao 海药本草,” Asian Medicine: Tradition and Modernity 3.2: 241-264. ——— (2008), “‘Genben shuoyiqie youbu pinaiye yaoshi’ cihui xuanshi” 《根本說一切有部毗奈耶藥事》詞彙選釋, Dunhuang Tulufan yanjiu 敦煌吐魯番研究 11: 391-405. ——— (2009), “Sichou zhi lu yu zhong gu wailai jiedu xue zhishi de chuan bo” 絲綢之路與中古外來解毒學知識的傳播, Wenshi 文史 87.2: 73-94. ——— (2013), Zhonggu yiliao yu wailai wenhua 中古醫療與外來文化, Beijing: Peking University Press. ——— (2014), Yindu fanwen yidian “Yili jinghua” yanjiu 印度梵文醫典《醫理 精華》研究, revised edition, Beijing: Commercial Press. ——— (2015), “Silu chutu mijiao yixue wenxian chuyi” 丝路出土密教医学 文献刍议, Dunhuang Tulufan yanjiu 敦煌吐鲁番研究 15: 473-496. ——— (2016), “Yishi yu chuanchao: silu hanwen mijiao wenxian zhong de wailai yaowu shuxie” 译释与传抄：丝路汉文密教文献中的外来药物 书写, Shijie zongjiao yanjiu 世界宗教研究 2016.1: 28-49.

Downloaded from Brill.com09/24/2021 09:12:44AM via free access SALGUERO: A MISSING LINK IN THE HISTORY OF CHINESE MEDICINE 111

Chen Yunü (2008), “Buddhism and the Medical Treatment of Women in the Ming Dynasty: A Research Note,” Nan Nü 10: 279-303. Chinese Buddhist Electronic Texts Association (2018), CBETA Online Reader, URL: http://cbetaonline.dila.edu.tw/en. Cleary, Thomas F. (1993), The Flower Ornament Scripture, Boston: Shambhala. Copp, Paul (2008a), “Notes on the Term ‘Dhāraṇī’ in Medieval Chinese Buddhist Thought,” Bulletin of the School of Oriental and African Studies 71.3: 493-508. ——— (2008b), “Altar, Amulet, Icon: Transformations in Dhāraṇī Amulet Culture, 740-980,” Cahiers d’Extrême-Asie 17: 239-264. ——— (2011), “Manuscript Culture as Ritual Culture in Late Medieval Dunhuang: Buddhist Seals and their Manuals,” Cahiers d’Extrême-Asie 20: 193-226. ——— (2012), “Anointing Phrases and Narrative Power: A Tang Buddhist Poetics of Incantation,” History of Religions 52.2: 142-172. ——— (2014), The Body Incantatory: Spells and the Ritual Imagination in Medieval Chinese Buddhism, New York: Columbia University Press. Davis, Edward L. (2001), Society and the Supernatural in Song China, Honolulu: University of Hawai’i Press. Demiéville, Paul (1954), “La Yogācārabhūmi de Sangharakṣa,” Bulletin de l’École française d’Extrême-Orient 44.2: 339-436. ——— (1985), Buddhism and Healing: Demiéville’s Article ‘Byō’ from Hōbōgirin, Mark Tatz (trans.), Lanham, Md., and London: University Press of America. Deshpande, Vijaya (1999), “Indian Influences on Early Chinese Ophthalmology: Glaucoma as a Case Study,” Bulletin of the School of Oriental and African Studies 62.2: 306-322. ——— (2000), “Ophthalmic Surgery: A Chapter in the History of Sino- Indian Medical Contacts,” Bulletin of the School of Oriental and African Studies 63.3: 370-388. ——— (2003-2004), “Nāgārjuna and Chinese Medicine,” Stvdia Asiatica 4-5: 241-257. ——— (2008), “Glimpses of Āyurveda in Medieval Chinese Medicine,” Indian Journal of History of Science 43.2: 137-61.

Downloaded from Brill.com09/24/2021 09:12:44AM via free access 112 EASTM 47 (2018)

Deshpande, Vijaya, and Fan Ka-wai (2012), Restoring the Dragon’s Vision: and Medieval Chinese Ophthalmology, Hong Kong: City University of Hong Kong. Despeux, Catherine (ed.) (2010), Médecine, religion, et société dans la Chine médiévale: Étude de manuscrits chinois de Dunhuang et de Turfan, Paris: Collège de France, Institut des Hautes Études Chinoises. Ehara, N. R. M., Soma Thera, and Kheminda Thera (1961), The Path of Freedom, by the Arahant Upatissa, Translated Into Chinese (Gedatsu do ron) by Tipitaka Sanghapala of Funan, Colombo, Ceylon: D. Roland D. Weerasuria. Emmerick, R. E (2004), The Sūtra of Golden Light (Suvarṇabhāsottamasūtra), third edition, Oxford: Pali Text Society. Endo Jiro, Nakamura Teruko, Yamaki Hidehiko, Miyamoto Hirokazu (1993a), “Tan no kigen I 痰の起源 I,” Nihon ishigaku zasshi 日本医史学 雜誌 39.3: 333-344. ——— (1993b), “Tan no kigen II 痰の起源 II,” Nihon ishigaku zasshi 日本医 史学雜誌 39.4: 543-553. Filliozat, Jean (1935), “Le Kumāratantra de Rāvaṇa,” Journal Asiatique 226: 1- 66. ——— (1937), Étude de démonologie indienne: Le Kumaratantrā de Ravanā et les textes parallèles indiens, tibétains, chinois, cambodgien et arabe, Paris: Imprimerie Nationale. Fujita Kōtatsu (1990), “The Textual Origins of the Kuan Wu-liang-shou Ching: A Canonical Scripture of ,” in Robert E. Buswell (ed.), Chinese Buddhist Apocrypha, Honolulu: University of Hawai’i Press. Garrett, Frances (2008), Religion, Medicine and the Human Embryo in Tibet, London and New York: Routledge. ——— (2009), “Tibetan Buddhist Narratives of the Forces of Creation,” in Vanessa R. Sasson and Jane Marie Law (eds.), Imagining the Fetus: The Unborn in Myth, Religion, and Culture, Oxford and New York: Oxford University Press. Goble, Geoffrey C. (2017), “Three Buddhist Texts from Dunhuang: The Scripture on Healing Diseases, the Scripture Urging Goodness, and the New Bodhisattva Scripture,” in Asian Medicine: Journal of the International Association for the Study of Traditional Asian Medicine, 12: 265–78.

Downloaded from Brill.com09/24/2021 09:12:44AM via free access SALGUERO: A MISSING LINK IN THE HISTORY OF CHINESE MEDICINE 113

Greene, Eric Matthew (2012), “Meditation, Repentance, and Visionary Experience in Early Medieval Chinese Buddhism,” Ph.D. diss., University of California, Berkeley. Heirman, Ann, and Mathieu Torck (2012), A Pure Mind in a Clean Body: Bodily Care in the Buddhist Monasteries of Ancient India and China, Gent: Academia Press. Hino Eun 日野 慧運 (2015a), “The Suvarṇaprabhāsottamasūtra’s ‘Vyadhiprasamana- parivarta’ and Ayurveda: Similar in Form but Different in Theory,” Journal of Indian and Buddhist Studies 印度学仏教学研究 63.3: 1271-75. ——— (2015b), “Gijō-yaku “Konkōmyōsaishōōgyō” ni tsuite: dai 24-shō ‘jobyō-hin’ fuka bubun o chūshin to shite” 義浄訳『金光明最勝王経』 について: 第 24 章「除病品」付加部分を中心として (A Study on the Enlarged Part in Yijing’s Chinese Translation of Suvarṇaprabhāsottamasūtra), Studies in Indian Philosophy and Buddhism インド哲学仏教学研究 23: 39-56. Ho Puay-peng (1995), “The Ideal Monastery: Daoxuan’s Description of the Central Indian Jetavana Vihāra,” East Asian History 10: 1-18. Horner, I. B. (2000), The Book of the Discipline (Vinaya Piṭaka), vol. IV: Mahavagga, Oxford: Pali Text Society. Hsu, Alexander O. (2018), “Practices of Scriptural Economy: Compiling and Copying a Seventh-Century Chinese Buddhist Anthology,” Ph.D. diss., University of Chicago, Chicago. Huebotter, Franz (1932), Die Sūtra Über Empfängnis und Embryologie, Tokyo: Mitteilungen der Deutschen Gesellschaft für Natur- und Völkerkunde Ostasiens. Hurvitz, Leon (2009), Scripture of the Lotus Blossom of the Fine Dharma (The Lotus Sūtra), New York: Columbia University Press. Jaworski, Jan (1927), “La section des remèdes dans le Vinaya des Malūśāsaka et dans le Vinaya pali,” Rocznik Orjentalistyczny 5: 92-101. Kieschnick, John (1997), The Eminent Monk: Buddhist Ideals in Medieval Chinese Hagiography, Honolulu: University of Hawai’i Press. Köhle, Natalie (2016), “A Confluence of Humors: Ayurvedic̄ Conceptions of Digestion and the History of Chinese ‘Phlegm’ (tan 痰),” Journal of the American Oriental Society 136.3: 465-493. Kritzer, Robert (2004), “Childbirth and the Mother’s Body in the Abhidharmakośabhāsya and Related Texts,” in Indo tetsugaku bukkyō

Downloaded from Brill.com09/24/2021 09:12:44AM via free access 114 EASTM 47 (2018)

shisō ron shū: Mikogami Eshō kyōju shōju kinen ronshū インド哲学佛教思 想論集：神子上恵生教授頌寿記念論集, Kyoto: Nagatabunshodō, pp. 1085-1109. ——— (2009), “Life in the Womb: Conception and Gestation in Buddhist Scripture and Classical Indian Medical Literature,” in Vanessa R. Sasson and Jane Marie Law (eds.), Imagining the Fetus: The Unborn in Myth, Religion, and Culture, Oxford and New York: Oxford University Press. ——— (2014a), “Affliction and Infestation in an Indian Buddhist Embryological Sūtra,” in Richard K. Payne (ed.), Scripture:Canon:: Text:Context, Essays Honoring Lewis Lancaster, Berkeley: Institute of Buddhist Studies and BDK America, pp. 181-202. ——— (2014b), Garbhāvakrāntisūtra: The Sūtra on Entry into the Womb, Tokyo: International Institute for Buddhist Studies. Kuo Li-ying (1994), Confession et contrition dans le bouddhisme chinois du Ve au Xe siècle, Paris: École française d’Extrême-Orient. Langenberg, Amy Paris (2017), Birth in Buddhism: The Suffering Fetus and Female Freedom, New York: Routledge. Li Rongxi (2000), Buddhist Monastic Traditions of Southern Asia: A Record of the Inner Law Sent Home from the South Seas, Berkeley: Numata Center for Buddhist Translation and Research. Li Yingcun 李應存 and Shi Zhenggang 史正刚 (2006), Dunhuang fo-ru-dao xiangguan yishu shiyao 敦煌佛儒道相关医书释要, Beijing: Minzhu chubanshe. Lo, Vivienne, and Christopher Cullen (eds.) (2005), Medieval Chinese Medicine: The Dunhuang Medical Manuscripts, London and New York: RoutledgeCurzon. Lowe, Bryan D. (2014), “The Scripture on Saving and Protecting Body and Life: An Introduction and Translation,” Journal of Chinese Buddhist Studies 27: 1-34. Lusthaus, Dan (2013), “A Note on Medicine and Psychosomatic Relations in the First Two Bhūmis of the Yogācārabhūmi,” in Ulrich Timme Kragh (ed.), The Foundation for Yoga Practitioners: The Buddhist Yogacarabhumi Treatise and Its Adaptation in India, East Asia, and Tibet, Cambridge, Mass.: Department of South Asian Studies, Harvard University.

Downloaded from Brill.com09/24/2021 09:12:44AM via free access SALGUERO: A MISSING LINK IN THE HISTORY OF CHINESE MEDICINE 115

McRae, John (2004), “The Vimalakīrti Sūtra,” in John McRae and Diana Paul (eds.), The Sūtra of Queen Śrīmālā of the Lion’s Roar and the Vimalakīrti Sūtra, Berkeley: Numata Center for Buddhist Translation and Research, pp. 57-180. ——— (2005), “Daoxuan’s Vision of Jetavana: The Ordination Platform Movement in Medieval Chinese Buddhism,” in Stanley Weinstein and William M Bodiford (eds.), Going Forth: Visions of Buddhist Vinaya: Essays Presented in Honor of Professor Stanley Weinstein, Honolulu: University of Hawai’i Press. Mollier, Christine (2003), “Talismans,” in Marc Kalinowski (ed.), Divination et société dans la Chine médiévale: Étude des manuscrits de Dunhuang de la Bibliothèque Nationale de France et de la British Library, Paris: Bibliothèque Nationale de France, pp. 405-429. ——— (2008), Buddhism and Taoism Face to Face: Scripture, Ritual, and Iconographic Exchange in Medieval China, Honolulu: University of Hawai’i Press. Muller, A. Charles (ed.) (2018), Digital Dictionary of Buddhism, URL: http:// www.buddhism-dict.net/ddb/. Needham, Joseph (1956), Science and Civilisation in China, Vol. 2: History of Scientific Thought, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Ning Qiang (2004), Art, Religion and Politics in Medieval China: The Dunhuang Cave of the Zhai Family, Honolulu: University of Hawai’i Press. Nobel, Johannes (1951), “Ein alter medizinischer Sanskrit-Text und seine Deutung,” Journal of the American Oriental Society, Supplement 11. Orzech, Charles D. (2011), “On the Subject of Abhiseka,”̣ Pacific World: Journal of the Institute of Buddhist Studies 13: 113-128. Orzech, Charles D., Henrik H. Sorensen, and Richard K. Payne (eds.) (2011), Esoteric Buddhism and the in East Asia, Leiden and Boston: Brill. Rambelli, Fabio (2000), “Tantric Buddhism and Chinese Thought in East Asia,” in David Gordon White (ed.), in Practice, Princeton and Oxford: Princeton University Press. Reis-Habito, Maria (1993), Das Dhāraṇī des grossen Erbarmens des Bodhisattva Avalokiteśvara mit tausend Hānden und Augen: Übersetzung und Untersuchung ihrer textlichen Grundlage sowie Erforschung ihres Kultes in China, Nettetal: Steyler Verlag.

Downloaded from Brill.com09/24/2021 09:12:44AM via free access 116 EASTM 47 (2018)

Robson, James (2008), “Signs of Power: Talismanic Writing in Chinese Buddhism,” History of Religions 48.2: 130-169. Salguero, C. Pierce (2009), “The Buddhist Medicine King in Literary Context: Reconsidering an Early Example of Indian Influence on Chinese Medicine and Surgery,” History of Religions 48.3: 183-210. ——— (2010), “‘A Flock of Ghosts Bursting Forth and Scattering’: Healing Narratives in a Sixth-Century Chinese Buddhist Hagiography,” East Asian Science, Technology, & Medicine 32: 89-120. ——— (2010-2011), “Mixing Metaphors: Translating the Indian Medical Doctrine Tridoṣa in Chinese Buddhist Sources,” Asian Medicine: Tradition and Modernity 6.1: 55-74. ——— (2013), “Fields of , Harvests of Health: Some Notes on the Role of Medical Karma in the Popularization of Buddhism in Early Medieval China,” Asian Philosophy 23.4: 341-349. ——— (2014a), Translating Buddhist Medicine in Medieval China, Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press. ——— (2014b), “Buddhism & Medicine in East Asian History,” Religion Compass 8.8: 239-250. ——— (2015a), “Reexamining the Categories and Canons of Chinese Buddhist Healing,” Journal of Chinese Buddhist Studies 27. ——— (2015b), “Medicine,” in Richard Payne (ed.), Oxford Bibliographies Online: Buddhism, Oxford University Press, doi: 10.1093/obo/ 9780195393521-0140 (last updated 2017). ——— (ed.) (2017), Buddhism and Medicine: An Anthology of Premodern Sources, New York: Columbia University Press. ——— (2018a), “‘This Fathom-Long Body’: Bodily Materiality and Ascetic Ideology in Medieval Chinese Buddhist Scriptures,” Bulletin of the History of Medicine 92: 237-260. ——— (2018b), “Healing and/or Salvation?: The Relationship Between Religion and Medicine in Medieval Chinese Buddhism,” Working Paper Series of the HCAS: Multiple Secularities—Beyond the West, Beyond Modernities 4, http://www.multiple-secularities.de/media/working paper_4_salguero_final.pdf. ——— (ed.) (forthcoming), Buddhist Healing in Medieval China and Japan, Honolulu: University of Hawaii Press.

Downloaded from Brill.com09/24/2021 09:12:44AM via free access SALGUERO: A MISSING LINK IN THE HISTORY OF CHINESE MEDICINE 117

SAT Daizōkyō Text Database Committee (2018), SAT Daizōkyō Text Database, URL: http://21dzk.l.u-tokyo.ac.jp/SAT/. Schopen, Gregory (1978), “The Bhaisajyagurụ -Sutrā and the Buddhism of Gilgit,” Ph.D. diss., Australian National University, Canberra. Sen, Satiranjan (1945), “Two Medical Texts in Chinese Translation,” Visva- Bharati Annals 1: 70-95. Shi Yongxin 釋永信 and Li Liangsong 李良松 (eds.) (2011), Zhongguo fojiao yiyao quanshu 中國佛教醫藥全書, 101 vols., Beijing: Zhongguo shudian. Shinohara, Koichi (2005), “The Moment of Death in Daoxuan’s Vinaya Commentary,” in Stanley Weinstein and William M Bodiford (eds.), Going Forth: Visions of Buddhist Vinaya: Essays Presented in Honor of Professor Stanley Weinstein, Honolulu: University of Hawai’i Press. Sivin, Nathan (2015), Health Care in Eleventh Century China, Cham: Springer. Skjaervø, Prods Oktor (2004), This Most Excellent Shine of Gold, King of Kings of :̄ The Khotanese Suvarnabhạ sottamasū trā , Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Department of Near Eastern Languages and Civilizations. Stevenson, Daniel (2009), “Buddhist Practice and the Lotus Sūtra in China,” in Stephen F. Teiser and Jacqueline I. Stone (eds.), Readings of the Lotus Sūtra, New York: Columbia University Press, pp. 132-150. Strickmann, Michel (1990), “The Consecration Sūtra: A Buddhist Book of Spells,” in Robert E. Buswell, Jr. (ed.), Chinese Buddhist Apocrypha, Honolulu: University of Hawai’i Press. ——— (2002), Chinese Magical Medicine, Stanford: Stanford University Press. Swanson, Paul (2017), Clear Serenity, Quiet Insight: T’ien-t’ai Chih-i’s Mo-ho chih-kuan, 3 vols., Honolulu: University of Hawai’i Press. Takakusu, Junjirō (trans.) (1966), A Record of the Buddhist Religion as Practiced in India and the Malay Archipelago (AD 671-695) by I-Tsing, Delhi: Munshiram Manoharlal Publishers. Takakusu, Junjirō, and Watanabe Kaikyoku (eds.) (1924-1935), Taishō shinshū daizōkyō 大正新修大藏經, 85 vols., Tokyo: Issaikyō kankōkai. Tan Zhihui (2002), “Daoxuan’s Vision of Jetavana: Imagining a Utopian Monastery in Early Tang,” Ph.D. diss., University of Arizona, Tucson.

Downloaded from Brill.com09/24/2021 09:12:44AM via free access 118 EASTM 47 (2018)

Teiser, Stephen F. (1985), “T’ang Buddhist Encyclopedias: An Introduction to Fa-yüan chu-lin and Chu-ching yao-chi,” T’ang Studies 3: 109-128. ——— (forthcoming), Curing with Karma: Healing Liturgies in Early Chinese Buddhism. Ṭhānissaro (Geoffrey DeGraff) (2007), The Buddhist Monastic Code II: The Khandhaka Training Rules Translated and Explained, Second ed., Valley Center, Calif.: Metta Forest Monastery. Tso Sze-bong 曹仕邦 (1980), “Sifen lü zhong youguan yiliao de ziliao” 四分律中有關醫療的資料, Nanyang fojiao 南洋佛教 139: 11-14. Unschuld, Paul U. (2010), Medicine in China: A History of Ideas, Berkeley and Los Angeles: University of California Press. Wang Shumin (2005a), “A General Survey of Medical Works Contained in the Dunhuang Medical Manuscripts,” in Vivienne Lo and Christopher Cullen (eds.), Medieval Chinese Medicine: The Dunhuang Medical Manuscripts, London and New York: RoutledgeCurzon. ——— (2005b), “Abstracts of the Medical Manuscripts from Dunhuang,” in Vivienne Lo and Christopher Cullen (eds.), Medieval Chinese Medicine: The Dunhuang Medical Manuscripts, London and New York: RoutledgeCurzon. Wang Xingyi 王興伊 and Duan Yishan 段逸山 (eds.) (2016), Xinjiang chutu sheyi wenshu jixiao 新疆出土涉醫文書輯校, Shanghai: Shanghai Scientific and Technical Publishers. Watson, Burton (trans.) (1993), The Lotus Sūtra, New York: Columbia University Press. ——— (trans.) (1997), The Vimalakirti Sūtra, New York: Columbia University Press. Wright, Arthur F. (1948), “Fo-Tu-Têng: A Biography,” Harvard Journal of Asiatic Studies 11 (3/4): 312-371. Wujastyk, Dominik (1998a), “Miscarriages of Justice: Demonic Vengance in Classical Indian Medicine,” in John R. Hinnells and Roy Porter (eds.), Religion, Health and Suffering, London and New York: Kegan Paul International. ——— (1998b), “Medical Demonology in the Kasyapasamhita,” in T. S. Murali, C. Ramankutty, K. V. Ramachandran, and P. K. Warrier (eds.), Holistic Life and Medicine, Kottakal: Arya Vaidya Sala. ——— (2003), The Roots of Ayurveda, London: Penguin Books.

Downloaded from Brill.com09/24/2021 09:12:44AM via free access SALGUERO: A MISSING LINK IN THE HISTORY OF CHINESE MEDICINE 119

Yü, Chün-fang (2001), Kuan-yin: The Chinese Transformation of Avalokitesvara, New York: Columbia University Press. Yuan Renzhi 袁仁智 and Pan Wen 潘文 (eds.) (2015), Dunhuang yiyao wenxian zhenji shilu 敦煌醫藥文獻真跡釋錄, Beijing: Zhongyi guji chubanshe. Zysk, Kenneth G. (1998), Asceticism and Healing in Ancient India: Medicine in the Buddhist Monastery, Delhi: Motilal Banarsidass.

Downloaded from Brill.com09/24/2021 09:12:44AM via free access