Modern Mexico A Look at Media-Government Relations

Tanius Karam* o t o h P E V A / a v a N

o i n o t n A

elations between the media and the government MEXICO ’S HISTORY have a history of tension, knowing silences and also OF FREEDOM OF THE PRESS Rviolations. Review ing them can help us understand why the media has certain sociopolitical characteristics The bases for modern journalism began to be established and its messages are structured the way they are. during the Mexican Revolution, which in its first phase guaranteed freedom of the press. Newspapers with revolu - tionary ideology emerged and those that opposed Madero * International coordinator of the In tern ational Catholic Press were tolerated. During this period, official mouthpieces for 1 Union’s Network of Young Journalists ( UCIP ). the different revolutionary leaders were created. As of

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1913, a tendency began for the press President Lázaro Cárdenas, for his School of Journalism, was founded. to align itself with particular political part, broadened out the instruments for “Special” and regular payments to jour - par ties. El Universal , founded in 1916, controlling the press: he established nalists were also instituted at the same and Excélsior , first published in 1917, the Autonomous Press and Publicity time that critical journalists were the both still in circulation today, were the Department to centralize state informa - victims of open repression and “acci - first great national newspapers pro- tion to the press. His successors would dents.” 5 Paradoxically, in 1952, Alemán du ced along industrial lines; journal - reinforce this control: Manuel Ávila felt it was his destiny to des ignate ists be came full-time employees and Camacho, through the General Infor - June 7 as “Freedom of the Press Day,” a di vi sion of labor was introduced that mation Office, controlled by the Mi n - which continues to be celebrated until in cluded editors, directors, information is try of the Interior, and Miguel Ale - today. chiefs, editorialists, columnists and re - mán, through the ministries’ press Repeated incidents of repression porters. of fices. Through government control of against journalists and publications oc - During the administrations of Álva - production and distribution of news - curred under the administration of ro Obregón and Plutarco Elías Calles, print, Cárdenas and later presidents Pre sident Gustavo Díaz Ordaz (1964- some newspapers were censored or discovered a decisive form of influence. 1970). After Excélsior criticized the closed down. In 1926, a serious rift in The mo nopoly on paper produc tion in 1968 massacre of Tlatelolco, in 1969 government-press relations occurred Mexico has precedents that illustrate its building was the target for a dyna - when Excélsior and El Uni versal began the competition among the great news - mite bomb. The government accused to espouse an editorial line different from the government’s about the con - flict between church and state: they The bases for modern journalism began supported the Cristero movement, to be established during the Mexican Revolution, which expressed the Catholic Church’s social influence, as opposed to that of which in its first phase guaranteed freedom of the press. the secularist state. In 1927, during the conflict, news paper articles were sub - jected to strict censorship. 2 papers of that period. With the cre - the left of the attack, even though most As of 1929, government press policy ation of the company Paper Pro ducer accounts lay the responsibility at its changed. With the foundation of the and Importer ( PIPSA ) and the Auto no - own door. In this same context, employ - National Revolutionary Party ( PNR ), mous Press and Publicity Depart ment, ees of the Communist newspaper La the forerunner of today’s Institutional Cárdenas created two new channels Voz de México (The Voice of Mexico) Revolutionary Party ( PRI ), the press was through which he could exercise in - were arrested on July 26, 1968, when used for the system’s corporatist pro - fluence over the media. state security forces occupied and des - cess. According to Fátima Fernández During the Ávila Camacho admin - troyed its printing presses. Prior to that, Chris tlieb, 1929 was the crucial year istration (1940-1946), then-Minister in 1966, the magazine Izquierda polí ti ca not only because of the foundation of of the Interior Miguel Alemán engi - (Political Left) and its editor, Manuel El Nacional , the fledgling PNR ’s offi - neered a coup at the daily Novedades , Marcué Pardiñas, had already been cial voice, 3 but also because newspa - founded in 1936 by Ignacio P. Herre - the victims of repression. pers that belonged to the established rías, to use it for his political ambitions During the first phase of the Eche - press were brusquely forced into line as a presidential candidate. Just as Ca - verría administration (1970-1976), by the government. This was the case lles had with Excélsior , when he was established newspapers enjoyed almost of Excélsior in 1929, during the Calles president, Alemán took over No veda - unrestricted freedom of press. The administration, and in 1976 under Luis des , which at that point be came his alternative press, specifically the weekly Echeverría, and that of Nove dades in official mouthpiece. 4 ¿Por qué? (Why?), and Excélsior , how - 1944 when Miguel Alemán was the In 1949 under Alemán, the first ever, were treated very differently, as Minister of the Interior. journalism school, the Carlos Septién we shall see.

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The administrations of Luis Eche- Nov ember of that year. A year later, tic system and that it would be main - verría and José López Portillo (1976- another group of former Excélsior con - tained unfettered, free of pressures 1982) witnessed significant movements tributors and staff headed up by Ma - and restrictions. In his speeches, De and changes in the Mexican media. nuel Becerra Acosta founded the daily la Madrid repeated that without a free, State participation in the media grew Unomásuno (One-Plus-One) in No - responsible press, there was no true and the supposed “mixed” model of v ember 1977, a newspaper that was a democracy and that freedom of opin - communications was formalized. At valuable, critical source of in for ma- ion was not something to be bargained the same time, the practical monop - tion during the López Portillo admin - over or bought. Actually, many facts oly of private television was consoli - istration. 6 reveal the very deficient conditions in dated and its influence extended to The López Portillo administration which journalists had to work. Suffice the broadest variety of cultural ex pres - was very tolerant at first, but govern - it to mention the number of journal - sions and entertainment. On the other ment offices’ bribing journalists rep - ists murdered: 6 were killed during hand, attempts at political reform and resented a significant attack on an Echeverría’s presidency; 12, under Ló - a broader political participation of alter - unrestricted freedom of press. When pez Portillo; 24, under De la Madrid; native forces questioned as never be - the economic crisis broke out openly and 50 under Carlos Salinas de Gor- fore the structure and function of com - in 1982 and reports surfaced about bad ta ri. In 1986 the offices of Publica cio - munications me chanisms in a coun try management and corruption in the nes Llergo, publisher of the ma ga zine where, at the same time, the right to Mex ican oil company Pemex, Proceso Im pacto (Impact), which in February information was formally established, attacked the president directly. This of that year had put out a supplement entitled 1985: un año trágico para Mé - x ico (1985: A Tragic Year for Mexico) During the Salinas administration, 645 attacks against were raided. The company was later the press were detected; under Ernesto Zedillo , by 1999, attached by the government and editor 764 attacks had been perpetrated against the media and Mario Sojo and assistant editor Ja vier journalists to inhibit freedom of ex pression and information. Ibarrola forced to resign; the operation finished with the confiscation of the company and its “sale” to a dummy a right whose practical meaning is yet time the government sanctioned the purchaser from the Ministry of the to be determined. magazine by withdrawing all its adver - Interior. It was not until 1975 that the first tising. That same year, the opposition The 1988 elections were important bill about the right to information was magazine Política (Politics), the radio for the media. From the begin ning of introduced into Congress; it was an program Opinión Pública (Public Opi n - the campaign, it was clear that they attempt to regulate repression against ion) and the communi cations non gov - would be unique in Mexican political the press and to modernize the com - ernmental organization Cencos were all history not only because of social un- munications law which was so ambi - the object of government reprisals. It rest, but because of the gradual awak - guous that it lent itself to different was at the end of the López Portillo ening of broad political sectors. In interpretations. administration that the Mexican Con - January 1988, the National Action It is fundamental to mention here s titution was amended to include an Party’s presidential candidate, Manuel the conflict inside Excélsior in 1976 eight-word reference to the commu - J. Clouthier, organized a campaign when the paper stepped up its criti - nications media: “The State shall gua r - against 24 Horas (24 Hours), the pro- cism of corruption among union lead - antee the right to information.” government news program broadcast ers and governors. After being expelled From the beginning of his adminis - by the private corporation Televisa. from the paper, Editor-in-chief Julio tration, Miguel de la Madrid (1982- The political role of the written press Scherer and some of his staff, as well as 1988) publicly proclaimed that free - had declined because of a lack of staff from the CISA press agency found - dom of expression was one of the most dynamism and quality in the political ed the weekly Proceso (Process) in dearly held freedoms of our democra - material it published with the excep -

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tion of a few times (1968, 1985, 1988) note its limitations. For Alma Rosa de sisted in instituting a healthy prac - when its orientation and content had la Selva, the media was overwhelmed tice: monthly press con ferences for been questioned. The last of those by circumstance during the presiden - the reporters covering the presidency. moments were the elections that tial elections; the mechanisms of the On June 7, 1995, Ernesto Zedillo said brought Carlos Salinas into the presi - relationship between the state and he would hold regular press confer - dency. The Salinas administration the media, while they ended up being ences with the aim of the government (1988-1994) was one of the most re- efficient, were slightly blurred, just as being more open to the scrutiny of the pressive. He took office amidst one of journalistic practices were shaken by public. However, after three (in June, the greatest political and informational expectations. 8 July and August) in which he was controversies in the history of Mex ico As with any stage of change, the questioned exhaustively about differ - since the Revolution and a profound 1994 elections were a good time to ent issues, he held no more, and he credibility crisis, which ex tended to see how the media acted, particularly also closed an important institution for the mass media. From the beginning with regard to election day, August presidential com munication, the Presi - of his administration, he exercised cen - 21. For Blanca Aguilar, “ La Jornada and dential Chronicle Unit, in charge of sorship (against Radio Educación and Proceso were definitely the trenches writing the history of the chief execu - television’s Channel 11). There were from which [journalism] resisted with tive’s activities. This unit had had 45 also pressures and intimidation against dignity before validating the results of employees, all of whom were laid off. reporters from the Excélsior and La the elections. Others ( Excélsior and On June 20, 1996, a decree was Jornada dailies. With regard to the right El Universal ) accepted [them] without issued creating the federal govern - to information, this government not only did not move forward, it actually In May 1993, Héctor Aguilar Camín sum marized retreated. government-press relations as a kind of arranged During the Salinas administration, freedom because the government acts occasionally 645 attacks against the press were detected; under Ernesto Zedillo (1994- as the sole client, main source of information 2000), by 1999, 764 attacks had been and sometimes the most generous “reader. ” perpetrated against the media and journalists to inhibit freedom of ex - question and without offering alternate ment’s Press Office, whose aim would pression and information. 7 The figures information to make comparisons.” 9 be formulating, regulating and orient - are of concern because of their mag - The nongovernmental organization ing government communications policy nitude, which shows a framework of Civic Alliance’s reports pointed out and establishing relations with do mestic aggression and non-compliance of the the marked influence of the official and foreign media. This office would minimal guarantees universally recog - Institutional Rev olu tio nary Party in foster the liaison between the differ - nized as necessary for the exercise of much of the capital’s press; however, ent federal and state press of fices and freedom of the press and information. during the ups and downs of the elec - other public institutions in order to unify In May 1993, the editor of Nexos toral campaign, attacks on the presi - strategies and actions. Mex ico’s polit - magazine, Héctor Aguilar Camín, sum - dent and the single-party system ical parties called the new institution marized government-press relations as stopped being taboo for the press. a dark, dangerous and suspicious in - a kind of arranged freedom because The Mexican economic crisis of De - s trument of control. the government acts as occasionally the cember 1994, which set off the “Tequi - Today a transition to a new state of sole client, main source of information la Effect,” had sharp repercussions in affairs in communications is unfold - and sometimes the most attentive, in - the media: a drop in investment, lay- ing. However, just as in social and cul - terested and generous “reader.” offs and, in general, severe adjustments tural matters, protectionist, monopo - Despite the deep-rooted nature of that also affected relations with the listic practices continue to exist in the the interventionist state model, the government. The period of tension context of a more participatory soci - 1994 elections offered a chance to demanded a new strategy, which con - ety and increasingly consistent, better

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articulated collective bodies demand the media criticizing superficial aspects 4 Ibid., pp. 104 on. a new communications set-up. This of his presidency and disre garding the 5 Karin Bohmann, Medios de comunicación y sis - would include changing the pro-gov - important issues, although there is also temas informativos en México (Mexico City: ernmental nature of the public media a clear tendency to freedom of criti - Conaculta-Alianza Editorial Mexicana, 1989), p. 77. so that it can truly respond to the in - cism in the media. terests of society, defining precise 6 Ibid., p. 85. norms for access to public information, NOTES 7 Verónica Martínez, Angélica Pineda and Omar giving state support to specialized or Martínez, “Recuento de daños a las libertades 1 Nueva Era supported Francisco I. Madero; El de expresión y de información en 1999,” community publications, creating space Imparcial , Victoriano Huerta; El Consti tucio- Revista Mexicana de Comunicación 64, in the electronic com mercial media fo r nalista and El Demócrata , Venustiano Carran - Fundación Manuel Buendía (July-August organized social groups and legal re cog - za; and El Radical and Tierra y Justicia , Fran - 2000), p. 22. cisco Villa. nition for community radio and other 8 Alma Rosa de la Selva “Transitar hacia el cam - media. 2 For example, President Calles accused jour - bio,” Revista Mexicana de Comunicación 38, nalists Félix F. Palavicini, founder of El Uni- Fundación Manuel Buendía (Mexico City), The communications policy of Pre s- versal , and Excélsior contributors José Elguero 1995, pp. 33-35. ident Vicente Fox’s first year in office and Victoriano Salado Álvarez of in surrec - tion and ordered their deportation to the United 9 Blanca Aguilar, “Renacimiento del papel políti - will be a matter for another article. A States. co en la prensa de la coyuntura electoral de short look, however, tells us that the 1994,” Florence Toussaint, comp., De mo cracia 3 relationship is tense and complex, judg - Fátima Fernández Christlieb, Los medios de y medios de comunicación: un binomio inexplo - difusión masiva en México (Mexico City: Juan rado (Mexico City: La Jornada Edi cio nes- UNAM , ing by Fox’s November complaints about Pablos Editor, 1982), p. 30. 1996), p. 56.

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