Communication Deficit and Monetization of Political Contests at the Electoral Commission of Ghana

Available Online at https://journal.unismuh.ac.id/index.php/otoritas Otoritas : Jurnal Ilmu Pemerintahan, 9 (1), April 2019, 73-88

Shadrack Bentil1*), Edmund Poku Adu2 1Department Institute for Intercultural and International Studies – InIIS, University of Bremen, Mary-Somerville-Straße 7 D - 28359 Bremen, Germany. Department of Public Administration and Health Management Sciences, University of Ghana, P. O. Box LG 64, Legon-Accra, Ghana.

Received: 13 June 2018; Revised: 4 November 2018; Accepted: 25 Desember 2018

Abstract

The current state of the office of the Electoral Commission (EC) of Ghana can be couched as a bleed- ing pillar in Ghana’s electoral democracy pending crisis. In spite of the numerous reform measures undertaken by the EC to improve the quality delivery of its constitutional mandate, communication deficit and the increasing monetization of parliamentary and presidential contestation poses a serious threat to broader participation and competition in Ghana's future electoral fortune. Thus, the objective of the paper was to interrogate the issues of communication inefficiencies and monetization of political contestations by the Electoral Commission of Ghana and proffer pragmatic solutions that can be taken into consideration in years ahead due to the past and recent experiences of neigh- bouring countries within the sub-region. The study employed the qualitative research methodology to elicit responses from 12 experts in the field of elections. Apart from the primary data generated from the field, secondary sources were consulted to situate the discussion in the existing debate in the literature. The findings of the study revealed that monetization of the political contest has negative implications for a competitive political contest--disqualification of citizens with capable minds from contesting in a multi-party democracy) whilst communication deficit was found to be deepening public distrust in the Electoral Commission of Ghana. The study, therefore, recommended among others the creation of a three-man office solely responsible for managing the commission's website and other electronic outlets, and the immediate activation and implementation of the provision in the 2020 Strategic Plan of the Electoral Commission which has remained dormant after 2016 elections.

Keywords: Electoral Commission; Public Trust; Communication Deficit; Monetization of Political Contest; Democratic Consolidation

How to Cite: Bentil, S., & Adu, E. P. (2019). Communication Deficit and Monetization of Political Contests at the Electoral Commission of Ghana . Otoritas : Jurnal Ilmu Pemerinta- han, 9(1), 73-88.

Permalink/DOI: https://doi.org/10.26618/ojip.v9i1.1344

*)Corresponding Author. E-Mail : [email protected]

INTRODUCTION sents a momentary recession is no more Globally, Election Management Body than “a pleasing assumption, based in (EMBs) have proven to be the institutions part on a reluctance to call into question on which electoral democracy and its con- the vaunted stability of affluent democra- solidation hinge upon. The most valued cies.” (Foa & Mounk, 2017). quality of any EMB however, is its credi- Additionally, a recent publication by bility, which can significantly increase Freedom House in early 2018 shows that there is a serious worldwide democratic election security, increased the legitimacy of electoral outcomes and reduce the risk crisis which cut across the basic princi- of "political turmoil" (Cyllah, 2014). In ples of democracy. In the view of the pres- principle, an EMB must adhere to a value ident of Freedom House, Michael J. of "openness and accountability, trans- Abramowitz, the minimal ideals of de- parency and disclosure" just as required mocracy encompassing the assurance of for political parties and contesting candi- “free and fair elections, the rights of mi- dates (Goodwin-Gill, 1998). Deductively, norities, freedom of the press, and the the failure to observe these sacred tenets rule of law—are under siege around the enjoining professionalism and independ- world” (Freedom in the World Report, ence of the EMBs can cripple democratic 2018). In the same vein, the Report saw gains and destroy democratic norms giv- that about 71 states experience net de- ing way to democratic instability. clines in political rights and civil liberties, A work of Larry Diamond projects a whilst only 35 countries registered gains, global democratic recession, which im- of the 195 countries which were exam- plied a potential tip-over into a much ined (Freedom in the World Report, worse scenario that could see the failure 2018) of democracy, not only in poor countries Significantly, electoral regimes are (Africa) but also in the big wigs such as argued to be indispensable fundamentals in democratic regimes (Dahl, 2005; Mer- Indonesia and Ukraine (Diamond, 2015). Additionally, he noted that the unprece- kel, 2004; Bogaards, 2009). Available lit- dented cost of election campaigns, the erature also shows that ‘Democracy’ is heaving role of “non-transparent money” incomplete without elections (Sandbrook in politics, and increasing levels of voter 2000; Diamond, Linz & Lipset, 1989; apathy are other signs of democratic mis- Sorensen, 1993) and thus, the office of the fortunes (Diamond, 2015). Electoral Commission as an independent Relatedly Foa & Mounk (2017) fore- and autonomous body to manage elec- sees a likelihood of democratic deconsoli- tions in Ghana is necessary for the surviv- al of democracy. Hence, for Ghana’s elec- dation where growing democracies and highly democratic countries alike could toral democracy to deepen, the EC must give way to authoritarian regimes, though be independent, impartial, professional the level of consolidation will determine and transparent such that ‘the rules of the the pace of deconsolidation. They further game’ is applied fairly, particularly where observed, although democracy has come there are very important positions in the to be the solitary kind of government country that must be contested for. Con- widely seen as legitimate, it has lost the versely, the failure of an EMB (EC) to or- confidence of many citizens who no long- ganize free and fair elections may lead to er consider that democracy can deliver on the destruction of “public’s faith” in the their most pressing demands and inter- idea of multi-party democracy and the ests. That is, the enthusiastic assessment consolidation processes (Ayee, 1998) and that this decline in trust simply repre- a democratic reversal may be inevitable (Smith, 1960; Gyekye-Jandoh, 2013).

In the scholarly works of Dahl, little or no attention to the issue of gov- (2005), Merkel, (2004), & Bogaards, ernance. Unarguably, the basic but crucial (2009), electoral regimes are indispensa- role of an Election Management Body is to ble fundamentals in democratic regimes. lay a platform that allows for citizens to But, can there be an electoral regime exercise their franchise within an institu- without existing Election Management tionalized framework. These bodies be- Bodies (EMBs)? Arguably no, EMBs are come relevant when elections become a central and important elements of elec- critical measure of democratic strides toral regimes even though they are not worldwide. the only variables that matter in the con- The literature shows that, most duct of elections in democratic regimes countries in the African Continent are (Merkel 2004; Schmitter 1995). Further- caught within the sphere of electoralism more, Frempong (2015) observed that (Botchway & Kwarteng, 2018) such that “election administration is the thin line democratic governing is perceived in lim- that separates the success and failure of ited scope to mean who occupies the seat transitional elections and that the charac- of government or who is selected through ter, competence, and composition of the electioneering structure within a space of electoral management body can deter- time to allocate state resources and steer mine whether an election becomes a the processes of major decision in the source of peaceful change or cause of seri- country that applies to them. But the ar- ous instability.” gument and emphasis of periodic or regu- Significantly, democracy once on it lar elections over the years have shifted wheels should progress rather than retro- to the question of quality and how free gress. Thus, situating earlier paragraphs and fair, inclusive and legitimate electoral in the context of Electoral Democratic outcomes are likely to be (Malunga, Consolidation is not just desirable but 2016). Thus, inasmuch as Ghana conducts necessary. This minimalist conception periodic elections, it is not enough routed in the works of Adam Przeworski grounds to write-off the likelihood of its (1991) and Samuel Huntington (1991) outcome being illegitimate, and so con- places more emphasis on elections, an en- stant reforms and reviews are needed to terprise for which EMBs are the central improve the efficiency and effectiveness figure. The adoption of this criterion for of the electoral process. democratic consolidation is due to the Indeed, Civil Conflict that has elec- fact that in most African countries toral and political underpinnings are com- (including Ghana) elections are very im- mon in sub-Saharan Africa (Dupas & Rob- portant to the peace, stability and to the inson, 2012; Blattman & Miguel, 2010). continuation of democratic process. That Though, Ghana has not experienced these is to say, most African countries have crises yet, the Kenyan and Ivorian experi- fragile institutions: it is either they have ence (the controversial declaration of witnessed democratic reversal by over- Mwai Kibaki and Laurent Gbagbo by the throwing constitutionally elected govern- Electoral Commission of Kenya and Ivory ments or engaged in acts of secessionist Coast as the winners of keenly contested movements or, the entrenchment of elect- elections.) in 2007 and 2011 respectively, ed rulers to the seat of government with shows that Ghana is not immune to possi- the intentions of manipulating political ble democratic reversal if the Ghanaian rules to consolidate their selfish parochial EC does not work assiduously in unfilled interest. By dint of this, countries seen to gaps (communication and Monetization) be practising democracy are mostly to avert any uneventful situations that caught in the web of Electoralism with could thwart Ghana’s democratic feat. Es-

Copyright © 2019, Otoritas : Jurnal Ilmu Pemerintahan, ISSN: 2088-3706 (Print), ISSN: 2502-9320 (Online) Available Online at https://journal.unismuh.ac.id/index.php/otoritas Otoritas : Jurnal Ilmu Pemerintahan, 9 (1), April 2019, 76 pecially, when the evidence from neigh- achievements in building the foundations bouring countries and the region by ex- for democratic governance which has re- tension have revealed that failures elec- sulted in six successive general elections. tioneering processes decline public trust As noted by Gyimah-Boadi (2009), the ob- in the institutions responsible for over- jectivity, independence and administra- seeing elections (Election Management tive capability of the Ghanaian (EC) has Body). gradually improved election by election, For this reason, irrespective of the whilst levels of public interest in the gen- enviable successes attained by Ghana eral elections remain high. electorally, the EC remains a sensitive and Fobih (2011) espoused that the limi- critical actor in the failure and/or success tations to the drive of Ghana's democratic of electoral outcomes. Of course, the role deepening hinge greatly on the institu- of the Security agencies, Judicial Service, tional arrangements and the failure or the Media, CSOs and citizens are key but they inability of emerging political parties or do not declare elections. This explains smaller political parties to wrestle for why the paper put the Electoral Commis- power boot-for-boot with the two domi- sion of Ghana in the centre of the discus- nant political parties to create a vibrant sion this paper in spite of the fact some multiparty Democracy. From this argu- African countries like Mali, Kenya, Tanza- ment, one would expect that aside the nia, Burkina Faso, Burundi, among others smaller political parties; effort could be have experienced shocks in their demo- made to a state fund for political parties cratic foundations. to enable smaller parties to contest effec- The coming into force of the 1992 tively, but that has not been the case. Constitution of Ghana necessitated the Fobih by way of recommendation argued provisions for the establishment of the for equal and level playing ground for po- office of the Electoral Commission (EC) by litical parties to allow for competitive an Act of Parliament in 1993, as the man- contestations since that could gradually dated independent and autonomous body deepen electoral democracy (Fobih, with the exclusive powers of overseeing 2011). elections in the Republic of Ghana. The Notably, Amedeker (2013), ob- mandate of the EC was to ensure that served that Ghana's democratic strides there is a fair play in the competition for stem from the recognition and reverence people's votes. Perhaps, its inception sig- for both political and civil right, and the nalled the hope that some reform commitment of Electoral Commission to measures would be undertaken to pre- constantly undertake credible steps to- vent the features of fraudulent elections wards the democratic consolidation busi- under the office of INEC-Ghana from re- ness by instituting and laying out mecha- peating itself, in the process of consolidat- nisms to ensure political participation ing elections and democracy in Ghana. and reforms since its inception. Relatedly, Since its inception, the literature Okra (2015) in his published thesis con- makes it clear that the EC has made confirmed the works of (The World Govern- siderable efforts to progressively accentu- ance Index, 2014 and Gyimah-Boadi, ate the need for consolidating democracy 2009) that EC has contributed positively by organizing periodic free and fair elec- to ensuring free and fair elections in Gha- tions, carrying out public education, ex- na. However, sustaining this feat requires panding voters register, creating new putting in place the right communication constituencies among others. For in- mechanism to relay accurate and timely stance, the Electoral Commission (EC) has information to the political stakeholders contributed to Ghana's impressive and the citizens who are a major stake-

Copyright © 2019, Otoritas : Jurnal Ilmu Pemerintahan, ISSN: 2088-3706 (Print), ISSN: 2502-9320 (Online) Available Online at https://journal.unismuh.ac.id/index.php/otoritas Otoritas : Jurnal Ilmu Pemerintahan, 9 (1), April 2019, 77 holder in democratic deepening and sus- other 25% said ”Somewhat”, 23% said “A tenance. It is within this scope and light little”, a significant 22% said ”Not at all” that the paper focuses on communication whilst 6% said ”Don’t Know”. Interesting- deficit that characterizes the office of the ly and unfortunately, Ghana the hailed Electoral Commission. and admired West African country so far A conference paper of Gyampo as electoral democracy is concerned rec- (2018) titled "Managing the Possibility of orded a lower trust level of 37% in the Election Overload In Ghana, 2018 -2021" Electoral Commission (Penar, Aiko, Bent- focussed on the likely challenge overloads ley & Han, 2016). on Electoral Commission of Ghana ahead Obviously, considering the state of of several elections that are outstanding disbelief in the office of the Electoral between the period of 2018 and 2021. Commission, one would expect effective Concluding that the EC is overburden communication from the EC to offset and with so much responsibility and thus the dispel misconceptions within the political president's directive to conduct elections environment. Failure to do so can lead to for Metropolitan, Municipal and District undesirable outcomes that can impede Chief Executives (MMDCEs) has greater and subsequently erode Ghana's efforts potentials of deepening the “unending towards the consolidation of electoral de- electoral cycle” of Ghana (Gyampo, 2018) mocracy. It is for this reason that the which is likely to reduce the quality of choice of country and topic is justified. elections in the country. This notwithstanding is important to Even though literature on the Elec- point out that no institution is perfect and toral Commission of Ghana abound rang- would, therefore, need "constant re- ing from the political conflict, democratic engineering" to make function at the most consolidation, electoral reforms, voter ed- desirable level (Gyampo & Asare, 2015). ucations, political parties and internal Therefore, the paper aims at examining conflicts, democratic governance pro- the current state of the Electoral Commis- spects and challenges, to Political Vigilan- sion of Ghana, primarily focusing on EC's tism, little attention have been given to communication deficits; monetization of the space of monetization of political con- parliamentary and presidential contests test (the only work that sought to exten- (MPPCs) and likely implications for Gha- sively explore this aspect is the 2018 Feb- na's democratic future. ruary report by the Westminster Founda- tion in conjunction with the Center for RESEARCH METHODS Democratic Development (CDD)—the The study was purely qualitative and Cost of Politics in Ghana) and communica- merited a response from 12 experts, se- tion deficit which could be a recipe for lected through purposive sampling due to democratic reversal, if uncheck. For in- the sensitive nature of the paper. Of the stance, the Afrobarometer 2016 report 12 respondents, 3 were highly-rated elec- under the caption “Election quality, public toral officials, 4 representatives of the trust are central issues for Africa’s up- four dominant political parties in Ghana coming contests” revealed a very minimal (1 each), 3 were representatives from trust in the Election Management Body in three Civil Society Organizations, and 2 their respective countries. According to were Political Scientists. Notably, Cre- Penar, Aiko, Bentley & Han (2016), of the swell (2013) explained that the core of 36 countries which were survey, an aver- qualitative study lies in its analytical as- age of 50% was seen to have trust in the sessment of phenomena to enable the re- Election Management Body of their researcher to create an all-inclusive and a spective countries: 25% said “A lot”, an- vivid picture of that phenomenon such Copyright © 2019, Otoritas : Jurnal Ilmu Pemerintahan, ISSN: 2088-3706 (Print), ISSN: 2502-9320 (Online) Available Online at https://journal.unismuh.ac.id/index.php/otoritas Otoritas : Jurnal Ilmu Pemerintahan, 9 (1), April 2019, 78 that the processes and outcomes provide No empire is built in a day and so for the deeper insight into that phenomena and commission to achieve its target, 17 how it reflects the “outside world”. In this months is fair to assess the journey so far. vein, a qualitative approach was more As part of the strategic plan, effec- suited for this study since it allowed the tive communication was highlighted as a researcher more room to operate. Fur- very important component to address ru- ther, it helped the researcher to distil ob- mours and conjectures which more often jectivity from subjectivity through logical than not replaces fact. A journey in a mile- inferences rather than to follow narrow stone is often said to start with a step, but measurements and rigid impositions of from all indications, nothing impressive quantitative methods (Engel & Schutt, can be said about the Commission as far 2009). Moreover, data derived from the as communication both internally and ex- use of the qualitative approach gave life to ternally are concerned. The IDEG official the research question and objectives of revealed that the EC has not done enough the study. to show that the communications aspect of the World Class Strategic Plan will be RESULTS AND DISCUSSION achieved in the next 26 or 27 months The Electoral Commission and Commu- ahead of 2020 elections in spite of the fact nication deficit that the head of communications was changed prior to 2016 for reasons of not For the first time in the history of being proactive and ineffective communi- Ghana, the Electoral Commission institut- cation. ed a strategic plan to become a "World On the contrary, the change did not Class, Trusted and Independent Electoral bring a drastic shift to an improved com- Commission” (Electoral Commission Gha- munication since levels of inconsistencies na Strategic Plan 2016 – 2020) within the in the communications of the EC persist- period of 2016 and 2020. This was ed. This came to a head in during the launched in the heat of several allegations 2016 general election press briefing; surrounding the appointment of its chair- where the Head of the EC Communica- person, Mrs Charlotte Osei. Indeed, a tions, Mr Eric Dzakpasu clarified the si- clearly defined goal is ideal since the vari- lence of the EC in a press conference, stat- ous variables and element could join to- ing that electoral results that made it way gether to reach a destination of excel- to the National Coalition Center has sever- lence. The strategic plan, therefore, al allegations of over voting across the aimed to deliver the Commission's man- country and the issues are been investi- date, equipping the staff, effective utiliza- gated—this inaccurate information tion of the available resources the Com- heightened the tension in the country par- mission have, the various processes, espe- ticularly when no such allegations were cially, technology and finally the brand of made at the polling stations. The issue the Commission. This section, therefore, was compounded by the Commission’s assesses the state of the EC against the Chair Person, Mrs Charlotte Osei that an five-year Strategic Plan after seventeen Electronic Results Transmission System (17) months of launching and implemen- (ERTS) for the 2016 elections has been tation. Though this exercise may be con- compromised. The information came as sidered premature, it is a prudent endeav- surprised since the EC did not communi- our to track the progress or dormancy of cate to stakeholders that there were re- the strategic plan to enable the Commis- engagement with some IT firms to per- sion to up their game in working fervently form this task. The data revealed that the towards the achievement of their target. EC was not satisfied with presentations of

Copyright © 2019, Otoritas : Jurnal Ilmu Pemerintahan, ISSN: 2088-3706 (Print), ISSN: 2502-9320 (Online) Available Online at https://journal.unismuh.ac.id/index.php/otoritas Otoritas : Jurnal Ilmu Pemerintahan, 9 (1), April 2019, 79 all the IT firms that responded to the bid the people. of handing the Electronic Results Trans- The PPP official, expressed that the mission System (ERTS) proposed by the failure of the commission to engage politi- Electoral Reform Committee. Thus, for the cal parties in IPAC meeting for close to EC to take a unilateral decision was sur- five months after elections very strange prising and unethical. because before and during the 2016 elec- The largest platform the Commis- tions, the EC Chair was very vociferous in sion engages with external actors or responding to claims and allegations but stakeholders in through the Interparty the EC seems to have suddenly gone to Advisory Committee (IPAC). However, for sleep. This view questions the integrity of effective dissemination of information the EC Chair which supports the dwin- commission has instituted the Regional dling stakeholder trust in the Commission Interparty Advisory Committee (RIPAC) and how it operates. The finding confirms and the Interparty Advisory Committee Penar, Aiko, Bentley & Han (2016) in the (DIPAC). The RIPAC and the DIPAC espe- analysis of the worsening decline in EMB cially have been dormant and ineffective trust in West Africa. due to the lack of offices in some districts Similarly, the data revealed that or malfunctioning district offices of the there is no formal way in which the Civil Electoral Commission across the country Society Organizations (CSOs) are engaged (Ghana). by the EC like the way the EC engages the The IDEG and CODEO officials in- political parties (the EC engages political cluding the Political Scientist who were parties in a monthly IPAC meetings and interviewed expressed that, the decisions also in the fortnights before elections at the national level (IPAC) does not trick- dates, however, no such formal platform le down to the RIPAC and DIPAC because exist for election-related CSOs in Ghana). most of the parties are not so organized But elections are not organized solely for into these sections to constitute a formi- political but most importantly for the peo- dable front for the dissemination of infor- ple. mation. Additionally, it was revealed that The Election-related CSOs who vol- the meetings are not done properly due to unteered their responses argued that the the lack of district offices of political par- engagement of CSOs on a formal platform ties across the country. Thus, one would can enrich debates and decisions of the expect that the EC would have started EC since they have representatives and working in this regard but no significant officials in the across the grassroots in the efforts have been made to this effect. country who constantly engage the peo- To illustrate, for instance, at least ples and the information they present are from January to May 2017, there had not more likely to be credible and authentic. been any proper IPAC meetings, the EC According to the IDEG official, it is had not published the official election re- expected that the EC interact with the sults for 2016 and there no communica- CSOs who represent the people who vote tions coming from the Commission, a de- on a regular basis, but this expectation velopment which was in sharp contrast to seems to have either eluded the EC or is the traditions of the EC before the con- on the blind spot of the Commission, and duct of the 2016 elections. Moreover, the as a result, no effort has been made to pe- absence of communication and dormancy riodically interact with CSOs who will, in in dealing with the stakeholders leads to turn, disseminate the information to the suspicion which is not good for the Com- general populace, even if the interactions mission’s effort to instil trust and trans- of the Commission with the CSOs may not parency in the discharge of its mandate be as regular that of the political parties.

That is to say, there should be a bal- down and this gives room for the circula- ance interaction between the EC and the tion of information that is not credible. Political Parties on one hand and the in- For more than six months after the EC had teractions on the EC with the people rep- declared the 2016 election results, the of- resented by the CSOs on the other so that ficial election result was not available on the CSOs would not be called upon only the EC's Website. Here again, the EC when their services become relevant to seems to be failing to make significant the Commission. Though the Political Sci- progress that shows a path to the achieve- entists considered this move as brilliant, ment of the Strategic Plan by 2020. The they were concerned were concerned Former EC Chairman admitted the chal- about space, cost and wondering what lenge and explained that communication difference joining the IPAC meetings on a is a serious challenge the commission has single platform will make. One of the Po- been working from time to time to im- litical Scientists argued that the EC some- prove but the challenge is most often the times have discretionary powers delays and timely release of the infor- (unilateral decision) in spite of the pro- mation. The fear of figures generating ceeding at the IPAC meeting and so if civil contradictions within the polarized politi- societies groups have a concern, they can cal sphere calls for double-check and data equally put it in writing as has been the verification data, which unfortunately de- norm but not necessarily being present at lays the process. the meetings. The deductions from this argument Of course, cutting cost is equally im- point to the fact that the EC has not de- portant as effective communication. From vised effective means of generating and a neutral standpoint, the political parties aggregating data. This slows communica- are salespersons and will most often than tion leaving room for disseminating false not sell what they want citizens to hear. interpretations. Moreover, not everyone However, the EC as the referee has most could drive to the headquarters of the EC often delayed communicating to the citi- to access authentic information in the zens directly on fallouts of IPAC meetings. name of ‘what the people will say.’ The The Media and CSOs on the hand have the citizens deserve quick access to accurate fastest means of disseminating infor- information in order to build total trust in mation and thus being a part of IPAC the Commission, the reverse is always meetings to pick ‘first-hand information' detrimental to the trust and integrity the and disseminate them accurately is far people accord to the Electoral Commis- better than waiting on press release from sion. the Commission when the inaccurate in- It is worth noting that before the ap- formation has already been spread by po- pointments of new EC Chairpersons, the litical parties to their supporters and citi- Commission's head and two deputies zens have formed their opinions. The call were divided against themselves and for could be a crucial way of improving com- that matter, no effective communication munication and refining the dissemina- could exist. The evidence points to fact tion of information as well as reducing that there was a clash of personality and stakeholder’s distrust. this created friction between the three Additionally, the EC sought to im- (the Chairperson and the two deputies) in prove communications through the use of terms of building consensus on critical technology. However, the necessary infor- electoral issues including procurement. mation that ought to be at the Commis- This was because the two deputies were sion's Websites are not readily available. familiar with the organizational culture The Website is noted for constant shut- whilst the then Chair, Mrs Charlotte Osei

Copyright © 2019, Otoritas : Jurnal Ilmu Pemerintahan, ISSN: 2088-3706 (Print), ISSN: 2502-9320 (Online) Available Online at https://journal.unismuh.ac.id/index.php/otoritas Otoritas : Jurnal Ilmu Pemerintahan, 9 (1), April 2019, 81 was more or less a novice to the electoral Addo as the winner of the 2016 election game (elections). Unfortunately, the com- contest. Another question that has still munication deficit between them is be- not been answered is to what extent did lieved to have deepened the rivalry be- the compromised electronic transmission tween them. noted by the Commission’s Chair during a Thus, the new Commissioners would press briefing in 2016 affected the results have to develop innovative ways of en- that were transmitted through that chan- forcing the communication plans and nel. strategies outlined in the 2020 Strategic Again, from the responses of the Plan or devise an effective means of inter- CSOs, Political Scientists, One of former acting among themselves as well as inter- deputy EC and the political parties’ inter- acting with political parties, CSO, the Me- view with the exception of the NDC offi- dia and the Citizens at large to restore the cial, there were several infractions in the image of the EC which has being smeared 2016 elections, but the landslide victory in fraudulent transactions and misappro- for the New Patriotic Party (NPP) created priations—partly as a result of ineffective a low tempo in the political environment. communication among the immediate To illustrate, the PPP official expressed past heads of the Electoral Commission of disappointment in the electoral; the elec- Ghana. The move will further improve toral system is such that some persons communication, enhance credibility and were able to trigger electoral thievery ensure sanctity and accuracy of the dis- which has been deepening and it came to seminated information between now and its peak during the 2012 and 2016 could the next elections in the year 2020. have been worse since the election rig- The failure of the EC to Gazette Election ging has progressed. This observation 2016 Results new developments can sink into the deterioration of stakeholder trust in the Electoral system. This The Electoral Commission against its tends to confirm the observation of Penar, normal tradition did not gazette the 2016 Aiko, Bentley & Han (2016) on the decline election results for more than 6 months of trust in EMBs in Africa. from the day declaration of election re- However, the perspective of the for- sults. The situation was alarming because mer EC Chair disagrees with the opinion anybody could have challenged the elec- of the PPP official and other political par- tion result. This notwithstanding, polling ties who were not explicit with expres- station results were not published until sions on these grounds, first, Election is a after 6months. The critical question here big deal with multifaceted happening and is, how were the 2016 elections declared this necessitated the introduction of the and with what data was the final compu- “counting at the polling stations” to re- tations done? The Commission is indeed solve problems with the results at the in crises and a lot has to be done to sal- polling station. The system makes it easy vage it from crumbling. It is daunting for to trace particular mistakes by following an EMB like the Ghanaian EC to conduct the records at the polling station and this elections and publish national and region- system was being built systematically al results without polling station results. over the and now it has really come to The failure of the EC to gazette leads stay. to another question as to what mecha- Second, unless there is an obvious nism the EC employed to gather and ag- mistake with the results, all other unclear gregate polling station, constituency, and mistakes or disputes over results have to regional election results to arrive at the be proven with empirical evidence and final results that declared President Akufo facts either with the commission or in

Copyright © 2019, Otoritas : Jurnal Ilmu Pemerintahan, ISSN: 2088-3706 (Print), ISSN: 2502-9320 (Online) Available Online at https://journal.unismuh.ac.id/index.php/otoritas Otoritas : Jurnal Ilmu Pemerintahan, 9 (1), April 2019, 82 court because the commission is the least and their fanatic supporters on the re- party to rig elections in Ghana. Most im- constituted Electoral Commission in a portantly, he noted that “elections are highly politicized country like Ghana won or lost at the polling station" is not ahead of the 2020 general elections? The new to the political parties since it is challenge, therefore, remains with how mostly stressed— the power is in the this new commissioner within limited hands of the so when the polling station time will synergize the World Class Stra- agents: what they endorse is the real fact tegic Plan, which is the focus and target and cannot be disputed. for the outgone administration with their The above, notwithstanding, the new strategy ahead of the 2020 general Commission currently has a new phase elections. Given that, the new Commission following the dismissal of Mrs Charlotte will stick to the World Class Strategic Osei and her two deputies as recommend- plan, implementation will be difficult ed by the chief justice's committee after since a lot of time will need to learn and the completion of an investigation into a familiarize themselves with the stipulated fraudulent and corruption allegation procedures that have been instituted by brought against the EC chair by the mem- the current Electoral Commission. bers of the commission and the two depu- A deduction from the legitimate ty Chairpersons of the Electoral Commis- questions and the analysis above, danger sion were found to be credible and factu- looms ahead of Ghana's election 2020 if al. The implication of this development the right measures are not taken to arrest has greater chances of deteriorating pub- any eventualities. The Institution of the lic trust further. The point is that, since Electoral Commission is very critical to the inception of the Commission, it is the the stability of Ghana and must not be po- first time the Electoral Commission's liticized. This is because a politicized EC is Chair and her deputies have been sacked. a recipe for conflict and mistrust and The question now is, will a change in per- when mistrust compounds in the midst of sonnel positively salvage the declining a highly politicized country, tensions are faith in the office or a new era for more heightened and the legitimacy and the va- disaster? Interestingly, the newly ap- lidity of an electoral outcome will be chal- pointed leaders of the commission have lenged—The outcome of the Chief Jus- signed two years bond and forge ahead tice's report concerning the commission towards the 2020 general elections of certainly will have an impact on how the Ghana whilst a referendum lingers on the political environment of election 2020 neck of the in December 2018. will look. The state of the office of the Aside this, about two (2) of the Electoral Commission of Ghana, therefore, members of the EC are due for retirement is a frog in gradually boiling water: Its before 2020, what this means is that the outcome will be undesirable if the neces- NPP government again will have to ap- sary steps are not taken to salvage the sit- point three people to fill up the space cre- uation. ated by the compulsory retirement of the The Electoral Commission of Ghana three members of the commission. The and Monetization of Parliamentary most obvious will be that the NPP would and Presidential Contestations have appointed six (6) members out of seven-member Commission (One Com- In Africa and beyond, money politics mission chair, her two deputies and three is not a recent phenomenon. This occur- shall be the replacement to the three re- rence is most often than not associated tirees). What will the posturing and level with vote buying and electoral fraud. It is of trust of the opposition political parties a well-known fact that democracy is an

Copyright © 2019, Otoritas : Jurnal Ilmu Pemerintahan, ISSN: 2088-3706 (Print), ISSN: 2502-9320 (Online) Available Online at https://journal.unismuh.ac.id/index.php/otoritas Otoritas : Jurnal Ilmu Pemerintahan, 9 (1), April 2019, 83 expensive system to operate in any coun- practice, democracy is not a system for try in terms of time and resources. But, the rich. In this regard, poor persons with should the expensive nature of the system capable minds should be able to partici- (democracy) set money as the locus and pate in the democratic process— centre of electoral competitions, where excessive monetization kills the potentials potential citizen are excluded from politi- of affable leaders who are financially inca- cal contestations? Undoubtedly, money is pacitated. For example, few weeks to the essential for the sustenance of the elec- 2016 election, the EC increased the filing toral system but in instances where it is fees from GHS1, 000 to GHS10, 000 for given the chance to occupy so much space parliamentary candidates and from GHS5, the Ghanaian electoral politics, democra- 000 to GHS50, 000 for presidential candi- cy becomes moneycracy—a development dates. The capricious decision by the that can cripple Ghana’s electoral success- Commission to increase the filing fee can es and dent the credibility the Electoral inhibit the poor but capable of contesting Commission has built over the years. The parliamentary or presidential elections. answer to the earlier question is ideally a Monetization, therefore, kills Politi- simple No if electoral democracy is in- cal Mobilizations. This is expressed in the deed valued by Ghanaians. Moreover, concerns of the smaller political parties monetization breeds presidential and par- since their number does favour a sudden liamentary corruption. Having used huge hike in filing fees to file their nominations. sums of money to get elected into public The PNC official was very passionate and offices, the next move is to amass wealth vociferous on this, he argued that the EC to pay either their debtors, financiers, and GHC hike in parliamentary filing fees from also settle individuals who may have con- GHC 1, 000 to GHC 10, 000 political par- tributed to their success. This fit into ties both dominant and smaller parties, Stephan Limburg’s “it is our time to within a short period to elections was in- chop” (Lindberg, 2003). sensitive to the smaller political parties MPPCs and Competitive Elections and an indirect way of reducing competition. The justification stems from the fact Monetization of Parliamentary and that since GHC 10, 000 could secure 4 mo- Presidential Contestations (MPPCs) em- torbikes to facilitate the campaign of the ployed by the researcher should be con- smaller parties but the EC requires it as a ceived and understood as a situation deposit. For example, the Northern part of where an Elections Management Body Ghana have villages that are wide apart (EMB) to attach high financial commit- and so a motorbike is crucial to carry out ments to the filing fees for candidates village-to-village and house-to-house (Political Parties or individuals) who are campaigns, one of the best ways to garner seeking to contest for presidential or par- votes. Such decision by the EC is no less liamentary elections within a stipulated reducing the campaign coverage of small- period of time—the failure to meet this er political parties since they are finan- requirement within the allotted time tan- cially stretched, unlike the major political tamount to disqualification of candidates parties. Moreover, it has been argued that involved. This situation is also described the government is a serious business and by William (1997:169 ) as "monetization thus the players must be well to do or of the electoral process". But for the pur- have the means to govern so as to reduce pose of a defined scope, I use the MPPCs political kleptocracy. However, this notion to paint a clear picture of the Ghanaian is misleading as it rather hampers compe- experience. tition and gives too much attention to Though democracy is expensive to money rule.

Another negative impact of a reduc- inducement tactics instead of ideas, poli- tion in the competition which is key to cies and pragmatics agenda that could democracy the monetization had on the transform citizen's lives in order to bribe mobilization is that the announcement of their way through a political contest to the increment came late after the political emerge—money wins power. This is con- parties and independent candidates have firmed by a fairly recent publication by already budgeted for the filing fees al- Westminster Foundation in conjunction ready. The sudden increase necessitated with the Center for Democratic Develop- dropping some the candidates for lack of ment (CDD) in February 2018 (Debrah, et funds: who do you drop and will must the al., 2018). According to Dr Kojo Asante a party support? It brings division into the senior research fellow at the CDD, the parties; this has been one of the main rea- phenomena has been left unattended to, sons why some political parties are una- and for the matter, the data which mone- ble to contest in some constituencies dur- tization is deteriorating Ghanaian Politics. ing general elections (especially, the mi- This he opined, is a recipe for breeding nor political parties). Though no inde- ‘godfathers’ who will “directly or indirect- pendent candidate dropped out of the ly govern the country because they can 2016 race, an Independent candidate who afford to induce voters or sponsor other is unable to meet the financial require- politicians to gain power with money”. ment in future would have to step after a Significantly, the monetization of the lot of resources has been utilized towards political contest by the EC according to their political agenda or ambitions. This the CSOs, Political Scientist, PNC and NDC to a very large extent reduces competition officials could in the future make democ- in the contest for people's vote to manage racy as an auction where the highest bid- the affair of the state. der gains access to political contest but In spite of the fact that the monetiza- those with laudable ideas and experience tion focuses on the EC, it was revealed may be side-lined because of financial in- that monetization and vote buying is in- hibitions. For instance, democratic auc- creasingly becoming a part of the Ghana- tioning could give room to "money laun- ian elections from the grassroots to the derers", "drug barons" and even "terrorist national level. The EC officials and the groups" to sponsor individuals to hijack CSOs argued that the monetization at the democracy due to the weighty money and political party's level is more worrisome. resources at their disposal to cross the The concerns raised confirms media re- finish line. Though this observation is portage on some key political actors who seemingly pessimistic, monetization of perceive the eminence of money politics political contestations if unmanaged destroying the quality of elections and properly will further give tickets to peo- political contests. For example, the revela- ple with radical ideas to parliament or the tion confirms the observation made by executive arm of government, the result is the former Speaker of Parliament, Ed- the laws that are made will be radical, ward Doe Adjaho, who bemoan describing they people may rebel and the country the excessive monetization as contrib- will be destabilized. uting to incessant corruption as well re- Lastly, research literature leads to duction in the quality of members of the the conclusion that “moneycracy” is sink- house and the level of arguments and this ing very deep into the Ghanaian political could have negative implication for Par- contests. The research findings of the liamentary business (Gadugah, 2015). Westminster Foundation in conjunction Relatedly, the data revealed that pol- with the Center for Democratic Develop- iticians resort to monetarist and material ment (CDD) (also cited in Suhuyini, 2018.)

Copyright © 2019, Otoritas : Jurnal Ilmu Pemerintahan, ISSN: 2088-3706 (Print), ISSN: 2502-9320 (Online) Available Online at https://journal.unismuh.ac.id/index.php/otoritas Otoritas : Jurnal Ilmu Pemerintahan, 9 (1), April 2019, 85 shows that ''it will cost a member of par- cratic auctioning where the highest bid- liament USD$86,000 to secure a party's der wins. The greater implication, there- primary nomination to compete in parlia- fore, lies in the level of democratic partici- mentary elections in the country''. This pation (broader participation) and com- notwithstanding, the findings also ad- petition which is a prominent tenet in vanced that, the cost of running for a pub- democratic governance. lic office (political office) in Ghana shot up Ghana is deemed democratically to about 60% in the last four years (2012- consolidation by Samuel Huntington’s 2016). There is, therefore, the need to de- conceptualization through the “Two Turn- vice a proactive mechanism to address over Test” theory. Though Ghana’s elec- this political menace from eating into eve- tion over the years has been generally ry facet of political life—especially when peaceful, less violence, and relatively free the evidence points to two critical institu- and fair though the last two elections tions (political actors) namely the politi- (2012 and 2016) recorded some infrac- cal parties and the Electoral Commission tions which call for more work. Critical of the electoral commission of Ghana. among these are the excessive monetization, ineffective communication and the CONCLUSION dwindling public trust in the role of the The Ghanaian Electoral Commission EC. These challenges if unaddressed could is one of the best if not the best in Sub- hamper the furtherance of Ghana’s de- Saharan Africa. The evidence lies in the mocracy in years to come. Hence, the pa- improved transparency and some level of per recommends the following for consid- credibility the constant and progressive eration, first, the EC should employ two or electoral reforms that have been institut- three IT specialists solely responsible for ed by the Commission in the past 24 the management of the EC’s website to years. However, the fraud allegation allow free flow of information. In the against the Electoral Commission which same vein, the EC needs to introduce an was confirmed by the investigation of the electronic transmission of electoral re- Chief Justices Committee is a dent on the sults which is faster and more efficient office of the EC and a threat to their credi- than the manual process. This will gradu- bility, though new officers are in the pre- ally eliminate the trending declaration of sent in the driving seat of the commission. results by political parties before the cer- Indeed ineffective communication was tified results from the EC. Secondly, IPAC found to be a major challenge the EC fac- should be expanded to include civil socie- es, especially in the management of the ty organizations and the media since Electoral Commission's website. Though there is no compact platform for the EC to the EC tries to put basic information interact with the media and the CSOs that online, it is sometimes difficult to access are related to the work of the EC. This will information because of temporal shut ensure that election-related CSOs are a down of the site. The study revealed the preview of the necessary information to lack of coordination in the information avoid dissemination of inaccurate facts. put out by the Commission through their Aside these, the EC must reenergize Re- communicators and the EC Chairperson gional Interparty Advisory Committee and this creates suspicions and reduction (RIPAC) and District Interparty Advisory of people's trust in the system. More so Committee (DIPAC) to further engage the monetization of parliamentary and presi- political parties and CSOs and the media dential contestations by both the Elec- at both regional and district levels to toral Commission and the Political Parties build a formidable front for the dissemi- was found to be a likely avenue for demo- nation of information at the grassroots. Copyright © 2019, Otoritas : Jurnal Ilmu Pemerintahan, ISSN: 2088-3706 (Print), ISSN: 2502-9320 (Online) Available Online at https://journal.unismuh.ac.id/index.php/otoritas Otoritas : Jurnal Ilmu Pemerintahan, 9 (1), April 2019, 86

Thirdly, there is the need for a com- ed. The 1996 General Elections mittee to be set up to consider how a con- and Democratic Consolidation in stitutional amendment request could be Ghana. Accra: Gold Type Ltd, 35- made to amend Article 71 (2) of the 1992 52 Constitution of the Republic of Ghana, Blattman, C, & Miguel. E. (2010). "Civil which states that “the President shall, act- War." Journal of Economic Litera- ing on the advice of the Council of State, ture, 48 (1): 3-57. DOI: 10.1257/ appoint the Chairman, Deputy Chairmen, jel.48.1.3 and other members of the Electoral Com- mission.” This to a large extent will re- Bogaards, M. (2009), How to Classify Hy- duce if not to eradicate the tension and brid Regimes? Defective Democ- the level of executive interference that racy and Electoral Authoritarian- comes with the appointments to the Sev- ism, in Democratization, 16, 2, en-member Commission. Finally, there is 399–423. the need for permanent staff screening Botchway, T. P., & Kwarteng, A. H. (2018). and effective mechanism for recruiting Electoral Reforms and Democratic new permanent staff at the EC to reduce Consolidation in Ghana: An Analy- the rate of partisan associations which sis of the Role of the Electoral tends to influence the decision of individ- Commission in the Fourth Re- uals to put their party interest at the apex public (1992-2016). Asian against the national interest. To wit, every Research Journal of Arts & Social staff of the commission must be screened Sciences, 5(3): 1-12; ISSN: 2456- by the Bureau tor National Investigations 4761 (BNI) whilst extending this screening to new staffs of the Commission with a ma- Creswell, J. W. (2013). Qualitative inquiry jor focus on backgrounds checks. & research design: Choosing among five approaches (3rd ed.). ACKNOWLEDGEMENT Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage Publica- tions, Inc The authors gratefully acknowledge research support from our supervisors Cyllah, A. (2014). EMBs and Electoral. In and the respondents who volunteered A. Cyllah, & A. Cyllah (Ed.), Elec- their time and energy to provide the pri- tions Worth Dying For? A Selec- mary data for this paper. tion of Case Studies from Africa. International Foundation for Elec- REFERENCES toral Systems, 1-199 Amedeker A. M. (2013) An assessment of Dahl, R. A. (2005), What Political Institu- Ghana's democratic consolidation tions Does Large Scale Democracy since 1992 and the implications Require? In: Political Science for international relations. Accra, Quarterly, 120, 2, 187–197. Ghana. Debrah, E., Attoh, D. A., Norviewu, N., Adu, Atieno, O. P. (2009). An Analysis of the K., Amanfo-Tetteh, R. O., Asiamah, Strengths and Limitation of Quali- G., Tetteh, M. (2018). The Cost of tative and Quantitative Research Politics in Ghana. West Mister for Paradigms. Problems of Education Democracy (WMD) and Center for in the 21st century, 13, 13-18. Democratic Development (CDD, Ayee, J. R. A. (1998) “The 1996 General Ghana). Retrieved from http:// Elections: An Overview” in Ayee www.wfd.org/wp-content/ uploads/2018/04/

Cost_Of_Politics_Ghana.pdf Psychology and Education. pp 3- Diamond, L. (2015). Facing up to the dem- 15. ocratic recession. Journal of De- Gyampo, R.E.V. & Asare, E.B. (2015). The mocracy, 26(1), 141-155. church and Ghana’s drive towards Diamond, L., Linz, J. J., & Lipset, S. M. Democratic Consolidation and (1989). Democracy in Developing Maturity. Journal of Church and Countries. Boulder: Lynne State, doi:10.1093/CSV095. Ox- Rienner. ford University Press. 1-22 Dupas, P. & Robinson, J. (2012, No- Gyekye-Jandoh, M. A. (2013). Electoral vember). The (hidden) costs of Reform and Gradual Democratiza- political instability: Evidence from tion in Africa: The Case of Ghana. Kenya's 2007 election crisis. Jour- African Journal of Social Sciences, nal of Development Economics. 99 3, 74-92. (2), 314-329. Gyimah-Boadi, E. (2009, April). Another Engel, R. J., and Schutt, R. K (2009). The step forward for Ghana. Journal of Democracy, 20(2), 138-152. Practice of Research in Social Work (2nd ed.) Thousand Oaks, Huntington, S. P. (1991). The Third Wave: CA: SAGE, 1-583. Democratization in the late twen- Fobih N. (2011) Challenges to party de- tieth century. Norman: University velopment and democratic con- of Oklahoma Press. solidation: Perspectives on re- Lindberg, S. I. (2003). 'It's Our Time to" forming Ghana’s institutional Chop"': Do Elections in Africa framework. Journal of Asian and Feed Neo-Patrimonialism rather African Studies. 46(6):578-592. than Counter-Act It?. Democrati- Freedom In the World Report (2018) De- zation, 10(2), 121-140. mocracy in Crisis. Freedom Malunga, S. (2016) A review by Open So- House. Retrieved from: https:// ciety Initiative for Southern Africa freedomhouse.org/report/ and ECF-SADC. Retrieved from: freedom-wo rld/freedom-world- http://www.africanminds.org.za 2018 and www.osisa.org Frempong, A. K. D (2015). Elections in Merkel, W. (2004). Embedded and Defec- Ghana (1951-2012), Accra: tive Democracies, in Democratiza- Life@60 Publishers. tion, 11, 5, 33–58. Gadugah, N. (2015, February 25). Moneti- Penar, P., Aiko, R., Bentley, T., & Han, K. zation of Ghana's politics is the (2016, September) ‘Election quali- cause of corruption-Adjaho. Accra, ty, public trust are central issues Ghana. Retrieved from http:// for Africa’s upcoming contests’. www.Myjoyonline.com/ Afrobarometer Policy Paper No. monetizationofGhana'spolitics-is- 35. the-cause-of-corruption-Adjaho Sandbrook, R. (2000). Closing the Circle: Goodwin-Gill, G. S. (1998). “Codes of Con- Democratization and Develop- duct for Elections”. Geneva: Inter- ment in Africa. Toronto: Zed Parliamentary Union. Books. Griffin, C. (N.D). The Advantages and Limi- Schmitter P. C., (1995) Speculations about tations of Qualitative Research in the Prospective Demise of Author- Copyright © 2019, Otoritas : Jurnal Ilmu Pemerintahan, ISSN: 2088-3706 (Print), ISSN: 2502-9320 (Online) Available Online at https://journal.unismuh.ac.id/index.php/otoritas Otoritas : Jurnal Ilmu Pemerintahan, 9 (1), April 2019, 88

itarian Regimes and its Possible threat-to-Ghana-s-democracy- Consequences. 668550 Smith, T. E. (1960) Elections in Develop- The World Governance Index. (2014). Re- ing Countries. London: Macmillan trieved from http:// Sorenson, G. (1993). Democracy and De- www.worldbank.org mocratisation: Process and Pro- William, M. (1997). Money and Power in spects in a Changing the World. Uganda's 1996. Afr.j. polit. sci., 2, Boulder: Westview. 168-179. Suhuyini, S. I. (2018, July 14). The moneti- Willig, C. (2001) Introducing Qualitative sation of politics, a threat to Gha- Research in Psychology: Advances na's democracy. Accra. Retrieved in theory and method. Bucking- from https:// ham, UK: Open University Press. www.ghanaweb.com/ GhanaHomePage/NewsArchive/ The-monetisation-of-politics-a-