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Communication Deficit and Monetization of Political Contests at the Electoral Commission of Ghana

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Communication Deficit and Monetization of Political Contests at the Electoral Commission of Ghana Available Online at https://journal.unismuh.ac.id/index.php/otoritas Otoritas : Jurnal Ilmu Pemerintahan, 9 (1), April 2019, 73-88 Communication Deficit and Monetization of Political Contests at the Electoral Commission of Ghana Shadrack Bentil1*), Edmund Poku Adu2 1Department Institute for Intercultural and International Studies – InIIS, University of Bremen, Mary-Somerville-Straße 7 D - 28359 Bremen, Germany. Department of Public Administration and Health Management Sciences, University of Ghana, P. O. Box LG 64, Legon-Accra, Ghana. Received: 13 June 2018; Revised: 4 November 2018; Accepted: 25 Desember 2018 Abstract The current state of the office of the Electoral Commission (EC) of Ghana can be couched as a bleed- ing pillar in Ghana’s electoral democracy pending crisis. In spite of the numerous reform measures undertaken by the EC to improve the quality delivery of its constitutional mandate, communication deficit and the increasing monetization of parliamentary and presidential contestation poses a seri- ous threat to broader participation and competition in Ghana's future electoral fortune. Thus, the objective of the paper was to interrogate the issues of communication inefficiencies and monetiza- tion of political contestations by the Electoral Commission of Ghana and proffer pragmatic solutions that can be taken into consideration in years ahead due to the past and recent experiences of neigh- bouring countries within the sub-region. The study employed the qualitative research methodology to elicit responses from 12 experts in the field of elections. Apart from the primary data generated from the field, secondary sources were consulted to situate the discussion in the existing debate in the literature. The findings of the study revealed that monetization of the political contest has negative implications for a competitive political contest--disqualification of citizens with capable minds from contesting in a multi-party democracy) whilst communication deficit was found to be deepening public distrust in the Electoral Commission of Ghana. The study, therefore, recommended among oth- ers the creation of a three-man office solely responsible for managing the commission's website and other electronic outlets, and the immediate activation and implementation of the provision in the 2020 Strategic Plan of the Electoral Commission which has remained dormant after 2016 elections. Keywords: Electoral Commission; Public Trust; Communication Deficit; Monetization of Political Contest; Democratic Consolidation How to Cite: Bentil, S., & Adu, E. P. (2019). Communication Deficit and Monetization of Political Contests at the Electoral Commission of Ghana . Otoritas : Jurnal Ilmu Pemerinta- han, 9(1), 73-88. Permalink/DOI: https://doi.org/10.26618/ojip.v9i1.1344 *)Corresponding Author. E-Mail : [email protected] Copyright © 2019, Otoritas : Jurnal Ilmu Pemerintahan, ISSN: 2088-3706 (Print), ISSN: 2502-9320 (Online) Available Online at https://journal.unismuh.ac.id/index.php/otoritas Otoritas : Jurnal Ilmu Pemerintahan, 9 (1), April 2019, 74 INTRODUCTION sents a momentary recession is no more Globally, Election Management Body than “a pleasing assumption, based in (EMBs) have proven to be the institutions part on a reluctance to call into question on which electoral democracy and its con- the vaunted stability of affluent democra- solidation hinge upon. The most valued cies.” (Foa & Mounk, 2017). quality of any EMB however, is its credi- Additionally, a recent publication by bility, which can significantly increase Freedom House in early 2018 shows that there is a serious worldwide democratic election security, increased the legitimacy of electoral outcomes and reduce the risk crisis which cut across the basic princi- of "political turmoil" (Cyllah, 2014). In ples of democracy. In the view of the pres- principle, an EMB must adhere to a value ident of Freedom House, Michael J. of "openness and accountability, trans- Abramowitz, the minimal ideals of de- parency and disclosure" just as required mocracy encompassing the assurance of for political parties and contesting candi- “free and fair elections, the rights of mi- dates (Goodwin-Gill, 1998). Deductively, norities, freedom of the press, and the the failure to observe these sacred tenets rule of law—are under siege around the enjoining professionalism and independ- world” (Freedom in the World Report, ence of the EMBs can cripple democratic 2018). In the same vein, the Report saw gains and destroy democratic norms giv- that about 71 states experience net de- ing way to democratic instability. clines in political rights and civil liberties, A work of Larry Diamond projects a whilst only 35 countries registered gains, global democratic recession, which im- of the 195 countries which were exam- plied a potential tip-over into a much ined (Freedom in the World Report, worse scenario that could see the failure 2018) of democracy, not only in poor countries Significantly, electoral regimes are (Africa) but also in the big wigs such as argued to be indispensable fundamentals in democratic regimes (Dahl, 2005; Mer- Indonesia and Ukraine (Diamond, 2015). Additionally, he noted that the unprece- kel, 2004; Bogaards, 2009). Available lit- dented cost of election campaigns, the erature also shows that ‘Democracy’ is heaving role of “non-transparent money” incomplete without elections (Sandbrook in politics, and increasing levels of voter 2000; Diamond, Linz & Lipset, 1989; apathy are other signs of democratic mis- Sorensen, 1993) and thus, the office of the fortunes (Diamond, 2015). Electoral Commission as an independent Relatedly Foa & Mounk (2017) fore- and autonomous body to manage elec- sees a likelihood of democratic deconsoli- tions in Ghana is necessary for the surviv- al of democracy. Hence, for Ghana’s elec- dation where growing democracies and highly democratic countries alike could toral democracy to deepen, the EC must give way to authoritarian regimes, though be independent, impartial, professional the level of consolidation will determine and transparent such that ‘the rules of the the pace of deconsolidation. They further game’ is applied fairly, particularly where observed, although democracy has come there are very important positions in the to be the solitary kind of government country that must be contested for. Con- widely seen as legitimate, it has lost the versely, the failure of an EMB (EC) to or- confidence of many citizens who no long- ganize free and fair elections may lead to er consider that democracy can deliver on the destruction of “public’s faith” in the their most pressing demands and inter- idea of multi-party democracy and the ests. That is, the enthusiastic assessment consolidation processes (Ayee, 1998) and that this decline in trust simply repre- a democratic reversal may be inevitable (Smith, 1960; Gyekye-Jandoh, 2013). Copyright © 2019, Otoritas : Jurnal Ilmu Pemerintahan, ISSN: 2088-3706 (Print), ISSN: 2502-9320 (Online) Available Online at https://journal.unismuh.ac.id/index.php/otoritas Otoritas : Jurnal Ilmu Pemerintahan, 9 (1), April 2019, 75 In the scholarly works of Dahl, little or no attention to the issue of gov- (2005), Merkel, (2004), & Bogaards, ernance. Unarguably, the basic but crucial (2009), electoral regimes are indispensa- role of an Election Management Body is to ble fundamentals in democratic regimes. lay a platform that allows for citizens to But, can there be an electoral regime exercise their franchise within an institu- without existing Election Management tionalized framework. These bodies be- Bodies (EMBs)? Arguably no, EMBs are come relevant when elections become a central and important elements of elec- critical measure of democratic strides toral regimes even though they are not worldwide. the only variables that matter in the con- The literature shows that, most duct of elections in democratic regimes countries in the African Continent are (Merkel 2004; Schmitter 1995). Further- caught within the sphere of electoralism more, Frempong (2015) observed that (Botchway & Kwarteng, 2018) such that “election administration is the thin line democratic governing is perceived in lim- that separates the success and failure of ited scope to mean who occupies the seat transitional elections and that the charac- of government or who is selected through ter, competence, and composition of the electioneering structure within a space of electoral management body can deter- time to allocate state resources and steer mine whether an election becomes a the processes of major decision in the source of peaceful change or cause of seri- country that applies to them. But the ar- ous instability.” gument and emphasis of periodic or regu- Significantly, democracy once on it lar elections over the years have shifted wheels should progress rather than retro- to the question of quality and how free gress. Thus, situating earlier paragraphs and fair, inclusive and legitimate electoral in the context of Electoral Democratic outcomes are likely to be (Malunga, Consolidation is not just desirable but 2016). Thus, inasmuch as Ghana conducts necessary. This minimalist conception periodic elections, it is not enough routed in the works of Adam Przeworski grounds to write-off the likelihood of its (1991) and Samuel Huntington (1991) outcome being illegitimate, and so con- places more emphasis on elections, an en- stant reforms and reviews are needed to terprise for which EMBs are the central improve the efficiency and effectiveness figure. The adoption
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